tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-61875803171700214582024-03-12T17:38:39.608-07:00Peterloo MassacrePeterloo was a major turning point in British history for the working-classes, Peterloo came to symbolize the power of class in modern British society and the privileged high and mighty tyrannical Tory . This blog was the working copy of the Book The Peterloo Massacre 1819 published by Advance Press, a company that I created for the book that I helped to write, design, publish and market with Philip McKeever after teaching him how to use the computer.Unknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger15125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6187580317170021458.post-62947716500503199752023-10-08T02:38:00.001-07:002023-10-08T02:38:32.748-07:00The Luddite Revolution<div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #404040; font-family: "Open Sans", "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
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Ever been called a “Luddite?” It’s an insult nowadays, but in the 19th Century they were considered heroes by most of the population. The Luddite Rebellion began in 1811, in Nottingham and gradually spread to Yorkshire, Lancashire, Leicestershire and Derbyshire. They opposed the new machinery which had led to the growth of factory production methods. The cause attracted thousands of followers under the banner of “Luddites” though Ned Ludd, was in fact a mythical invention based on the character of Robin Hood.</div>
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The growth of factories using the new textile and power generation technology took away the need for skilled <em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">artisans</em> who worked largely at home. They were rapidly replaced by unskilled workers employed in factories. These textile workers, faced with increasing unemployment, falling wages and hunger, attacked the factories and smashed machines in the vain hope that they could change what was happening, or as history has interpreted it, halt “progress.”</div>
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In questioning why the Luddites opposed progress it’s important to consider how that “progress” was affecting people’s lives. The new machines did not require skilled operators. They were easy enough for a child to operate. In fact children from the age of five upwards made up between two thirds and three quarters of the workers in the average textile factory. This naturally increased adult unemployment and depressed wages. The children worked the same 13 hour day (from 6am to 7pm) as the adults, but they were considerably cheaper to employ. While adults might be paid 7 shillings per week, a child under 11 was more likely to be paid 1 shilling, if they were paid at all.</div>
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With levels of unemployment as they were, many families were dependent on the money their children earned. But factory work was hard, the hours long, the machinery dangerous and the air thick with tiny fibres and pollutants that got into the lungs. Many parents would not allow their children to work in factories even if it meant “<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">going without</em>.”</div>
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Faced with the difficulties of recruiting sufficient cheap child labour the factory owners commonly resorted to buying children from orphanages and workhouses. In some cases they were even paid to take the children who were known as pauper apprentices. The children were made to sign contracts that made them virtually the property of the factory owner. Pauper apprentices were also cheaper to house than adult workers. While it might cost, a £100 to build a cottage for a family, an apprentice house for 100 children could be built for £300.</div>
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As the Luddite Rebellion grew, the attacks on factories and the destruction of machinery increased and grew in ferocity. Thousands of machines were destroyed. The Government responded with the “<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Frame Breaking Act</em>” in February 1812, making the breaking of machines a capital offence which carryied the death penalty. They also deployed twelve thousand troops to the areas where the Luddites were active, to protect the factories and to apprehend offenders.</div>
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To add to the problems of the textile workers, in 1811 the wheat harvests failed, driving up the price of bread, the staple diet of the poor. Unable to feed their families, there were food riots in Manchester, Oldham, Ashton, Rochdale, Stockport and Macclesfield in 1812. These people did not have the vote, but they nevertheless petitioned the Government for help. This was the response of the Parliamentary Committee which considered their petition:-</div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: normal; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“While the Committee fully acknowledge and most deeply lament the great distress of numbers of persons engaged in the cotton manufacture, they are of opinion that no interference of the legislature with the freedom of trade, or with the perfect liberty of every individual to dispose of his time and of his labour in the way and on the terms which he may judge most conducive to his own interest, can take place without violating general principles of the first importance to the prosperity and happiness of the community, without establishing the most pernicious precedent, or without aggravating, after a very short time, the pressure of the general distress, and imposing obstacles against that distress ever being removed.”</span></span></div>
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<div style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #404040; font-family: "Open Sans", "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">In other words the Government refused to intervene, preferring to do nothing, adopting a “<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">laissez-faire”</em> approach, or in modern parlance opting to – <em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“Let the Market decide.”</em></span></div>
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The Luddite Rebellion as an organised movement was largely over by 1813, but in 1816 (again following a bad harvest and increase in bread prices) the Luddites attacked <em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Heathcote and Boden’s</em> mill in Loughborough. They smashed 53 weaving frames which had cost £6,000. Troops eventually quelled the riot and arrested some of the rioters. For their crimes, six men were executed and another three were transported.</div>
<div style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #404040; font-family: "Open Sans", "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Some historians believe that the Luddite Rebellion was the closest Britain had come to a full scale revolution since the Civil War in 1642,</span><span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> yet it achieved very little, if anything, in terms of change. </span><span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">It was not until 1833 that the government passed the “<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Factory Act</em>” prohibiting children under 9 from working. </span><span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The use of child labour became commonplace in the factories of the Industrial Revolution. It took until 1888 for Parliament to pass the “<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Factory and Workshops Act</em>” preventing children under 10 from working.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #404040; font-family: "Open Sans", "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Luddites are now predominantly remembered as “technophobes” and opponents of progress. The word “<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Luddite</em>” is commonly used as a term of abuse. But before judging the Luddites it’s worth</span><span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border: 0px; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">remembering that thousands of men and women were willing to risk their lives for the Luddite cause and that </span>the “progress” they opposed, adversely affected their lives and the lives of their children, and their children’s children. Surely it is the way that technological advancement is implemented that determines whether or not it represents progress?</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #404040; font-family: "Open Sans", "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Perhaps what being a Luddite was really about is best summed up by the journalist, William Cobbett, who wrote at the time:- </span></div>
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<div style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“Society ought not to exist, if not for the benefit of the whole. It is and must be against the law of nature, if it exists for the benefit of the few and for the misery of the many. I say, then, distinctly, that a society, in which the common labourer . . . cannot secure a sufficiency of food and raiment, is a society which ought not to exist; a society contrary to the law of nature; a society whose compact is dissolved.”</span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6187580317170021458.post-76521175573802775382023-10-07T14:01:00.001-07:002023-10-07T14:01:12.072-07:00The Peterloo Index<div id="page-body" itemprop="articleBody" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Noto Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px;">
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Peterloo Massacre Index</h1>
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<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRpeterloo.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Peterloo Massacre</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmap3.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester Observer Map</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRdeaths.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Deaths at Peterloo</a></li>
</ul>
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<div class="menulist" id="m3" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">Eyewitness Accounts: Magistrates & Soldiers</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbirley.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Captain Hugh Birley</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhay.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">William Hay</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhulton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">William Hulton</a></li>
</ul>
<ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRestrange.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lieut-Colonel L'Estrange</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRjolliffe.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lieut W. G. Jolliffe</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRnadin.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Joseph Nadin</a></li>
</ul>
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<div class="menulist" id="m4" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">Eyewitness Accounts: Radical Reformers</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbamford.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Samuel Bamford</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRcarlile.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Carlile</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfields.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Mary Fildes</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhealey.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Healey</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhunt.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry 'Orator' Hunt</a></li>
</ul>
<ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRjohnson.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Joseph Johnson</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRknight.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Knight</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRsaxton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Saxton</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRswift.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">George Swift</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRwroe.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">James Wroe</a></li>
</ul>
</div>
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</div>
<div class="menulist" id="m5" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">Eyewitness Accounts: Moderate Reformers</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbrotherton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Joseph Brotherton</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRjohn.smith.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Smith</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Edward Taylor</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRwatkin.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Absalom Watkin</a></li>
</ul>
<ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRpotterR.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Potter</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRpotter.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Potter</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRprentice.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Archibald Prentice</a></li>
<li class="empty" style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"> </li>
</ul>
</div>
<div class="spacer" style="clear: both; min-height: 2px;">
</div>
<div class="menulist" id="m6" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">Eyewitness Accounts: Newspaper Reporters</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbaines.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Edward Baines</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbarnes.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Barnes</a></li>
</ul>
<ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRcarlile.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Carlile</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRtyas.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Tyas</a></li>
</ul>
</div>
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</div>
<div class="menulist" id="m7" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">Politicians and Peterloo</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbrougham.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry Brougham</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRburdett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Francis Burdett</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRcastlereagh.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Castlereagh</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhobhouse.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Hobhouse</a></li>
</ul>
<ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Liverpool</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRsidmouth.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Sidmouth</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRlordstanley.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Edward Stanley</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRwilbraham.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">George Wilbraham</a></li>
</ul>
</div>
<div class="spacer" style="clear: both; min-height: 2px;">
</div>
<div class="menulist" id="m8" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">Writers and Artists</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbyron.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Byron</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRcruikshank.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">George Cruikshank</a></li>
</ul>
<ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRrowlandson.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Rowlandson</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRshelley.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Percy Bysshe Shelley</a></li>
</ul>
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</div>
<div class="menulist" id="m9" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">Consequences</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRcato.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Cato Street Conspiracy</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRsix.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Six Acts</a></li>
</ul>
<ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Lcorn46.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Repeal of Corn Laws</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PR1832.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">1832 Reform Act</a></li>
</ul>
</div>
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The Spinning Jenny: A Woolen Revolution</h1>
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The Industrial Revolution (1760-1850) began in England and spread throughout Europe and the Americas over the course of the next several decades. The Industrial Revolution did not reach America until the 1820s and began with the textile industries in the northeast. Expanding technology and the invention of new machines forever changed the way manufacturing and industry took place. The textile industry was greatly impacted by a number of new inventions such as the flying shuttle, the spinning frame and the cotton gin. But it was the invention of the Spinning Jenny by James Hargreaves that is credited with moving the textile industry from homes to factories. The move from a domestic cottage based industry to factories allowed the expansion of the Industrial Revolution from England throughout much of the world.</div>
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James Hargreaves was a weaver in Blackburn, Lancaster. Although this area was known as a major textile center, prior to the Industrial Revolution the production of cloth from raw goods took place within cottage industries. All work was done by individuals within the home and entire families were involved. Men were often the weavers while children assisted in cleaning raw materials and women spun the materials into threads or yarns. The process was time consuming and merchants wanting to meet the demand for textile goods were often frustrated by the huge gap between supply and demand. The expense involved in transporting raw materials to numerous locations, waiting for finished textiles to be made by hand and then the finished goods to be picked up and transported back to the merchant was also an incentive to search for alternatives. While the invention of the flying shuttle and later the power loom made it possible to weave materials faster, spinning of raw materials into threads and yarns was still done by hand one thread at a time. Spinners were unable to keep up with the increased demand for threads.</div>
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James Hargreaves may have designed the spinning jenny as an improvement over an earlier machine invented by Thomas High in 1763 or 1764. While never patented, High's machine used six spinning wheels that were bolted together and powered by a single large wheel. James Hargreaves' spinning jenny was said to have been designed after he saw his wife's spinning wheel knocked over and saw the spindle continue to spin. The spinning jenny used eight different spindles that were powered by a single wheel. This allowed one spinster to produce eight threads in the same amount of time it previously took to produce one.</div>
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Later versions of the spinning jenny added even more lines which made the machine too large for home use. This led the way to factories where these larger machines could be run by fewer workers. With machines and workers concentrated in one place, the transportation costs of raw materials and finished goods were greatly reduced. Factory owners also had greater control over workers and began a division of labor that had individuals responsible for different stages of the manufacturing process. This led to increased production and often a demand for workers to keep up with quotas set by the factory owners. The invention of the spinning jenny and other inventions that improved the efficiency and production of textiles was the beginning of the Industrial Revolution that shifted England, Europe, and the United States from an agrarian society to an Industrial economy.</div>
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As with all change, there were advantages and disadvantages to the use of the spinning jenny and other inventions at the time. The spinning jenny allowed more threads and yarns to be produced by fewer spinners. The early spinning jenny also produced a weaker thread than could be produced by hand so there was a decrease in quality until improvements were made to the machines and a dependable power source became available. With the use of water to power later versions of spinning and weaving machinery, quality and strength of the cloth produced was greatly improved. While many factors in England including the availability of workers along with the increased demand for textiles produced ideal conditions for the economic growth of the textile industry, without the invention of the spinning jenny, progress would have continued at a much slower pace.</div>
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A traditional story maintains that the Spinning Jenny was named after one of Hargreaves' daughters or his wife. Yet he had no daughter named Jenny and his wife was named Elizabeth. The word jenny is an old world word used as a reference to an engine. There is some indication that James Hargreaves worked with Thomas High to improve on an earlier invention of a mechanical spinning wheel and improved the design which was then named a spinning Jenny after Thomas High's daughter. Regardless of how the invention came to be named, it changed forever the way textile manufacturing was accomplished and led the way to the Industrial Revolution.</div>
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Check out the following resources for more information concerning the Spinning Jenny and the impact it had on the Industrial Revolution.</div>
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<small style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #808790; font-size: 12px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">© 2018 Faribault Woolen Mill. All Rights Reserved | <a href="https://www.faribaultmill.com/pages/privacy-policy/" style="background-color: transparent; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #4c4b62; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; touch-action: manipulation;">Privacy</a></small></div>
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<iframe aria-hidden="true" scrolling="no" src="https://www.faribaultmill.com/9477524/digital_wallets/dialog" style="border-style: initial; border-width: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #4c4b62; font-family: proxima-nova, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; height: 0px; left: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: fixed; top: 0px; width: 0px; z-index: 99999;" tabindex="-1"></iframe>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6187580317170021458.post-78479449866742387042018-12-03T03:12:00.001-08:002018-12-03T03:18:26.118-08:00The Luddite Revolution<div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #404040; font-family: "Open Sans", "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
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Ever been called a “Luddite?” It’s an insult nowadays, but in the 19th Century they were considered heroes by most of the population. The Luddite Rebellion began in 1811, in Nottingham and gradually spread to Yorkshire, Lancashire, Leicestershire and Derbyshire. They opposed the new machinery which had led to the growth of factory production methods. The cause attracted thousands of followers under the banner of “Luddites” though Ned Ludd, was in fact a mythical invention based on the character of Robin Hood.</div>
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The growth of factories using the new textile and power generation technology took away the need for skilled <em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">artisans</em> who worked largely at home. They were rapidly replaced by unskilled workers employed in factories. These textile workers, faced with increasing unemployment, falling wages and hunger, attacked the factories and smashed machines in the vain hope that they could change what was happening, or as history has interpreted it, halt “progress.”</div>
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In questioning why the Luddites opposed progress it’s important to consider how that “progress” was affecting people’s lives. The new machines did not require skilled operators. They were easy enough for a child to operate. In fact children from the age of five upwards made up between two thirds and three quarters of the workers in the average textile factory. This naturally increased adult unemployment and depressed wages. The children worked the same 13 hour day (from 6am to 7pm) as the adults, but they were considerably cheaper to employ. While adults might be paid 7 shillings per week, a child under 11 was more likely to be paid 1 shilling, if they were paid at all.</div>
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With levels of unemployment as they were, many families were dependent on the money their children earned. But factory work was hard, the hours long, the machinery dangerous and the air thick with tiny fibres and pollutants that got into the lungs. Many parents would not allow their children to work in factories even if it meant “<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">going without</em>.”</div>
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Faced with the difficulties of recruiting sufficient cheap child labour the factory owners commonly resorted to buying children from orphanages and workhouses. In some cases they were even paid to take the children who were known as pauper apprentices. The children were made to sign contracts that made them virtually the property of the factory owner. Pauper apprentices were also cheaper to house than adult workers. While it might cost, a £100 to build a cottage for a family, an apprentice house for 100 children could be built for £300.</div>
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As the Luddite Rebellion grew, the attacks on factories and the destruction of machinery increased and grew in ferocity. Thousands of machines were destroyed. The Government responded with the “<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Frame Breaking Act</em>” in February 1812, making the breaking of machines a capital offence which carryied the death penalty. They also deployed twelve thousand troops to the areas where the Luddites were active, to protect the factories and to apprehend offenders.</div>
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To add to the problems of the textile workers, in 1811 the wheat harvests failed, driving up the price of bread, the staple diet of the poor. Unable to feed their families, there were food riots in Manchester, Oldham, Ashton, Rochdale, Stockport and Macclesfield in 1812. These people did not have the vote, but they nevertheless petitioned the Government for help. This was the response of the Parliamentary Committee which considered their petition:-</div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: normal; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“While the Committee fully acknowledge and most deeply lament the great distress of numbers of persons engaged in the cotton manufacture, they are of opinion that no interference of the legislature with the freedom of trade, or with the perfect liberty of every individual to dispose of his time and of his labour in the way and on the terms which he may judge most conducive to his own interest, can take place without violating general principles of the first importance to the prosperity and happiness of the community, without establishing the most pernicious precedent, or without aggravating, after a very short time, the pressure of the general distress, and imposing obstacles against that distress ever being removed.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">In other words the Government refused to intervene, preferring to do nothing, adopting a “<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">laissez-faire”</em> approach, or in modern parlance opting to – <em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“Let the Market decide.”</em></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #404040; font-family: "Open Sans", "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
The Luddite Rebellion as an organised movement was largely over by 1813, but in 1816 (again following a bad harvest and increase in bread prices) the Luddites attacked <em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Heathcote and Boden’s</em> mill in Loughborough. They smashed 53 weaving frames which had cost £6,000. Troops eventually quelled the riot and arrested some of the rioters. For their crimes, six men were executed and another three were transported.</div>
<div style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #404040; font-family: "Open Sans", "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Some historians believe that the Luddite Rebellion was the closest Britain had come to a full scale revolution since the Civil War in 1642,</span><span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> yet it achieved very little, if anything, in terms of change. </span><span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">It was not until 1833 that the government passed the “<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Factory Act</em>” prohibiting children under 9 from working. </span><span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The use of child labour became commonplace in the factories of the Industrial Revolution. It took until 1888 for Parliament to pass the “<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Factory and Workshops Act</em>” preventing children under 10 from working.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #404040; font-family: "Open Sans", "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Luddites are now predominantly remembered as “technophobes” and opponents of progress. The word “<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Luddite</em>” is commonly used as a term of abuse. But before judging the Luddites it’s worth</span><span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border: 0px; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">remembering that thousands of men and women were willing to risk their lives for the Luddite cause and that </span>the “progress” they opposed, adversely affected their lives and the lives of their children, and their children’s children. Surely it is the way that technological advancement is implemented that determines whether or not it represents progress?</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #404040; font-family: "Open Sans", "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Perhaps what being a Luddite was really about is best summed up by the journalist, William Cobbett, who wrote at the time:- </span></div>
<blockquote style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #404040; font-family: "Open Sans", "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-style: italic; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
<div style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: 0px; font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 29.3333px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“Society ought not to exist, if not for the benefit of the whole. It is and must be against the law of nature, if it exists for the benefit of the few and for the misery of the many. I say, then, distinctly, that a society, in which the common labourer . . . cannot secure a sufficiency of food and raiment, is a society which ought not to exist; a society contrary to the law of nature; a society whose compact is dissolved.”</span></div>
</blockquote>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6187580317170021458.post-39399645620399066592018-11-28T14:32:00.003-08:002018-11-28T14:38:41.968-08:00Primary Sources<center>
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<h3>
RIMARY SOURCES are the bread and butter of any historian. This web site contains many primary sources. Some are part of the narrative of events, others are quotations.Those sources are not included in this list.</h3>
The pages that are devoted entirely to primary material, either text or illustrations, are listed here. This page is divided into topic areas, with the relevant primary sources listed under the appropriate heading. I hope you find the page useful. If you find errors and/or omissions, please let me know.<br />
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<h2>
Complete texts</h2>
<ul>
<li><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/junius/contents.htm">The Letters of Junius</a> 1768-70</h3>
</li>
<li><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/choice.htm">Take Your Choice</a> by Major John Cartwright, 1776</h3>
</li>
<li><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/1-index.htm">The Greville Diaries: </a>Charles Grevile, 1818—1860</h3>
</li>
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<h2>
The Greville Memoirs</h2>
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Volume I</h2>
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<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/1.htm">CHAPTER I.</a></div>
Queen Charlotte -- Duchesses of Cumberland and Cambridge -- Westminster Election -- Contest between Sir Francis Burdett and Sir Murray Maxwell -- London Election -- Oatlands -- The Duke of York -- Duchess of York -- Ampthill -- Tixall -- Mr. Luttrell -- Lady Granville -- Teddesley -- Macao -- Burleigh -- Middleton -- Lady Jersey -- The New Parliament -- Tierney and Pitt -- Princess Lieven -- Madame de Stael on the French Revolution -- Westminster Election --<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/hobhouse.htm">Hobhouse</a> Defeated -- Scarlett's Maiden Speech -- Influence of Party -- Play -- The Persian Ambassador at Court -- Prince Leopold -- Woburn -- Anecdote of the Allies -- Death of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/george3.htm">George III</a>. -- Illness of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/george4.htm">George IV</a>. -- Queen Caroline -- Fleury de Chabaulon -- The Cato Street Conspiracy -- George IV. at Ascot -- Marchioness of Conyngham -- Queen Caroline in London -- Message to Parliament -- Debates -- Insubordination in the Guards -- Wilberforce's Motion -- Proceedings against the Queen -- 'Les Liaisons dangereuses' -- The Queen's Trial -- The Duke of Wellington on the Battle of Waterloo and the Occupation of Paris.<br />
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/2.htm">CHAPTER II.</a><br />
Popularity of George IV. -- The Duke of York's Racing Establishment -- Clerk of the Council -- Lord Liverpool and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/sumnecr.htm">Mr. Sumner</a> -- Lady Conyngham -- Death of Lady Worcester -- Her Character -- Ball at Devonshire House -- The Duke of York's Aversion to the Duke of Wellington -- The Pavilion at Brighton -- Lord Francis Conyngham -- The King and the Duke of Wellington -- Death of the Marquis of Londonderry -- His Policy -- Sir B. Bloomfield sent to Stockholm -- Mr. Canning's Foreign Secretary -- Queen Caroline and Brougham -- Canning and George IV. -- <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/bentin-w.htm">Lord William Bentinck</a> aspires to go to India -- His Disappointment -- The Duke of York's Duel with Colonel Lennox -- George III.'s Will -- George IV. appropriates the late King's Personal Property -- The Duke of Wellington on the Congress of Verona and on the Politics of Europe -- Intervention in Spain -- Ferdinand VII. -- M. de Villele -- The Duke's Opinion of Napoleon -- Sir William Knighton -- The Duke of York's Anecdotes of George IV. -- Death of the Marquis of Titchfield -- His Character<br />
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/3.htm">CHAPTER III.</a><br />
The Panic of 1825 -- Death of the Emperor Alexander -- The Duke of Wellington's Embassy to St. Petersburg -- Robinson Chancellor of the Exchequer -- Small Notes Bill -- Death of Arthur de Ros -- George III. and Lord Bute -- Illness and Death of the Duke of York -- His Funeral -- Lord Liverpool struck with Paralysis -- Rundell's Fortune and Will -- Copley and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/phillpott.htm">Phillpotts</a> -- The Cottage -- Formation of Mr. Canning's Administration -- Secession of the Tories -- The Whigs join him -- Dinner at the Royal Lodge -- Difficulties of Canning's Government -- Duke of Wellington visits the King -- Canning's Death -- Anecdotes of Mr. Canning -- Recognition of South American States -- His Industry -- The Duke of Wellington on Canning -- Lord Goderich's Administration formed -- The Difficulty about <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/herries.htm">Herries</a> -- Position of the Whigs -- The King's Letter to Herries -- Peel and George IV. -- Interview of Lord Lansdowne with the King -- Weakness of the Government -- First Resignation of Lord Goderich -- Lord Harrowby declines the Premiership -- Lord Goderich returns -- Brougham and Rogers -- Conversation and Character of Brougham -- Lord Goderich's Ministry dissolved -- Cause of its Dissolution -- Hostility of Herries -- Position of Huskisson and his Friends -- Herries and Huskisson both join the New Cabinet<br />
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/4.htm">CHAPTER IV.</a><br />
The Duke of Wellington's Administration -- Huskisson's Speech -- Irritation of Mr. Canning's Friends -- Tom Duncombe's Maiden Speech -- Mr. Huskisson resigns and the Canningites quit the Government -- Princess Lieven hostile to the Duke -- The Catholic Question -- Jockey Club Dinner at St. James's -- Lord Lyndhurst -- Sir Robert Adair -- Fox and Burke -- Fox and Pitt -- The Lord High Admiral dismissed by the King -- Dawson's Speech on Catholic Emancipation -- The King's Health -- His Pages -- State of Ireland -- Marquis of Anglesey -- O'Connell -- His Influence in Ireland -- Lord Belmore Governor of Jamaica -- The Duke's Letter to Dr. Curtis -- Recall of Lord Anglesey from Ireland -- Causes of this Event -- Excitement of the King on the Catholic Question -- His Aversion to Sir William Knighton -- Character of George IV. -- Denman's Silk Gown -- Pension to Lady Westmeath -- Duke of Wellington on Russia -- The Reis-Effendi -- Duke of Northumberland goes to Ireland -- Privy Council Register -- State Paper Office -- The Gunpowder Plot -- Catholic Emancipation -- Navarino<br />
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/5.htm">CHAPTER V</a>.<br />
The Catholic Relief Bill -- Inconsistency of the Tories -- The Catholic Association -- Dinner at Charles Grant's -- The Terceira Expedition -- Tory Discontent -- Peel resigns his Seat for Oxford University -- A Blunder in Chancery -- The Oxford Election -- Influence of the Duke of Wellington -- Debate of Royal Dukes -- Peel beaten -- Sir Edward Codrington -- Violence of the King -- Intrigues to defeat the Catholic Bill -- The Duke of Cumberland -- Furious State of Parties -- Matuscewitz -- Peel's Speech on Catholic Emancipation -- Exclusion of O'Connell from his Seat for Clare -- Pitt's View of Catholic Emancipation -- 'Musae Cateatonenses' -- 'Thorough' -- Mr. Lowther not turned out -- Duke of Newcastle's Audience of George IV. -- The King's Personal Habits -- The Debate -- Mr. Sadler -- Hardness of the Duke of Wellington -- His Duel with Lord Winchelsea -- The Bishops and the Bill -- Sir Charles Wetherell -- The King on the Duel -- Lord Winchelsea's Pocket-handkerchief -- Debate on the Catholic Bill -- The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/richmond.htm">Duke of Richmond</a> -- Effects of Dawson's Speech on the King -- The Bill in Jeopardy -- Lady Jersey and Lord Anglesey -- Lord Falmouth and Lord Grey -- O'Connell at Dinner -- The Duke breaks with Lord Eldon -- Hibner the Murderess -- Theatrical Fund -- The Levee -- The Duke's Carriage stopped -- The King's Health -- Lady Conyngham -- O'Connell's Seat -- Child's Ball at Court -- Princess Victoria -- Legal Appointments -- Lord Palmerston on Foreign Affairs -- The King and Lord Sefton -- The King's Speech on the Prorogation -- Madame Du Cayla -- George IV.'s Inaccuracy -- Conversation of the Duke of Wellington on the King and the Duke of Cumberland<br />
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/6.htm">CHAPTER VI.</a><br />
The Recorder's Report -- Manners of George IV -- Intrigues of the Duke of Cumberland -- Insults Lady Lyndhurst -- Deacon Hume at the Board of Trade -- Quarrel between the Duke of Cumberland and the Lord Chancellor -- A Bad Season -- Prostration of Turkey -- France under Polignac -- State of Ireland -- Mr. Windham's Diary -- George IV.'s Eyesight -- Junius -- A Man without Money -- Court-martial on Captain Dickenson -- The Duke and the 'Morning Journal' -- Physical Courage of the King -- A Charade at Chatsworth -- Huskisson and the Duke -- Irish Trials -- Tom Moore -- Scott -- Byron -- <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/kemble.htm">Fanny Kemble</a> -- Sir James Mackintosh -- His Conversation -- Black Irishmen -- Moore's Irish Story -- Moore's Singing -- George IV. and Mr. Denman -- Strawberry Hill -- Moore at Trinity College -- Indian Vengeance at Niagara -- Count Woronzow -- Lord Glengall's Play -- The Recorder's Report<br />
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/7.htm">CHAPTER VII.</a><br />
Chapter of the Bath -- The Duc de Dino arrested -- A Ball to the Divan -- English Policy in Greece -- Sir Thomas Lawrence -- Gallatin -- Court of King's Bench -- Accident to the Grand Duke Constantine -- Osterley -- <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/herbert.htm">Young Sidney Herbert</a> -- Duke of Wellington in Office -- Stapleton's 'Life of Canning' -- Death of Sir Thomas Lawrence -- Leopold and the Throne of Greece -- Canning's Answers to Lord Grey -- Distressed State of the Country -- Canning's Greatness and his Failings -- Death of Tierney -- Sir Martin Shee President -- The Duke of Wellington's Views and Conduct -- The coming Session -- Moore's 'Life of Byron' -- Character of Byron -- Opening of Parliament -- The Fire King -- The Duke of Wellington's Speaking -- The English Opera House burnt down -- <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/thurlow.htm">Lord Thurlow</a> on Kenyon and Buller -- Old Rothschild -- Lansdowne House -- Earl Stanhope -- John Murray -- Departure for Italy<br />
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/8.htm">CHAPTER VIII.</a><br />
Calais -- Beau Brummell -- Paris -- The Polignac Ministry -- Polignac and Charles X. -- The Duke of Orleans -- State of Parties -- Talleyrand -- Lyons -- First Impressions of Mountain Scenery -- Mont Cenis -- Turin -- Marengo -- Genoa -- Road to Florence -- Pisa -- Florence -- Lord and Lady Burghersh -- Thorwaldsen -- Lord Cochrane -- Rome -- St. Peter's -- Frascati -- Grotto Ferrata -- Queen Hortense and Louis Napoleon -- Coliseum -- Death of Lady Northampton -- The Moses -- Gardens -- Palm Sunday -- Sistine Chapel -- The Cardinals -- Popes -- Cardinal Albani -- The Farnese Palace -- A Dead Cardinal -- Pasquin -- Statue of Pompey -- Galleries and Catacombs -- Bunsen -- The Papal Benediction -- Ceremonies of the Holy Week -- The Grand Penitentiary -- A Confession -- Protestant Cemetery -- Illumination of St. Peter's -- Torlonia -- Bunsen on the Forum<br />
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/9.htm">CHAPTER IX.</a><br />
Lake of Albano -- Velletri -- Naples -- Rapid Travelling in 1830 -- A Trial at Naples -- Deciphering Manuscripts -- Ball at the Duchesse d'Eboli's -- Matteis's Plot and Trial -- Pompeii -- Taking the Veil -- Pausilippo -- Baiae -- La Cava -- Salerno -- Paestum -- Lazaroni -- Museum of Naples -- Grotto del Cane -- The Camaldoli -- Herculaneum -- Vesuvius -- Sorrento -- Miracle of St. Januarius -- Astroni -- Farewell to Naples<br />
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/10.htm">CHAPTER X.</a><br />
Moladi Gaeta -- Capua -- Lines on leaving Naples -- Return to Rome -- The Aqueducts -- 'Domine, quo vadis?' -- St. Peter's -- The Scala Santa -- Reasons in Favour of San Gennaro -- Ascent of St. Peter's -- Library of the Vatican -- A racing _ex voto_ -- Illness of George IV. -- Approaching _Coup d'Etat_ in France -- The Villa Mills -- The Malaria -- Duc and Duchesse de Dalberg -- The Emperor Nicholas on his Accession -- Cardinal Albani -- A _Columbarium_ -- Maii -- Sir William Gell -- Tivoli -- Hadrian's Villa -- The Adventures of Miss Kelly and Mr. Swift -- Audience of the Pope -- Gibson's Studio -- End of Miss Kelly's Marriage -- A Great Function -- The Jesuits -- Saint-making -- San Lorenzo in Lucina -- The Flagellants -- Statues by Torchlight -- Bunsen on the State of Rome -- Frascati -- Relations of Protestant States with Rome -- The French Ministry -- M. de Villele -- The Coliseum -- Excommunication of a Thief -- The Passionists -- The Corpus Domini -- A Rash Marriage -- Farewell to Rome -- Falls of Terni -- Statue at Pratolino -- Bologna -- Mezzofanti -- Ferrara -- Venice -- Padua -- Vicenza -- Brescia -- Verona -- Milan -- Lago Maggiore -- The Simplon -- Geneva -- Paris Page<br />
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/10a.htm">NOTE.</a><br />
Mr. Greville's Connexion with the Turf.</div>
<ul>
<li><div>
<br /></div>
</li>
<li><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/carlyle/contents.htm">Past and Present</a>: Thomas Carlyle, 1843</h3>
</li>
<li><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/crimea/gowing/preface.htm">Voice from the Ranks</a>: Sgt. Timothy Gowing, Crimean War</h3>
</li>
<li><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/crimea/paget/pagetov.htm">The Light Cavalry Brigade in the Crimea</a> — Extracts from the Letters and Journal of General Lord George Paget</h3>
</li>
<li><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/crimea/usher/usherov.htm">Diary of Services in the Crimea</a> by Charles W Usherwood</h3>
</li>
</ul>
<center>
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<tr><td width="50%"><h2>
TOPICS</h2>
</td><td width="50%"></td></tr>
<tr><td height="17"><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#american">American affairs</a></h3>
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<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#law">Law and Order</a></h3>
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<tr><td height="19"><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#chartism">Chartism</a></h3>
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<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#misc">Miscellaneous</a></h3>
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<tr><td height="19"><h3>
Contemporary literature: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#literature">readings</a></h3>
</td><td height="19"><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#politics">Political Affairs</a></h3>
</td><td height="19"></td></tr>
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<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#corn">The Corn Laws</a></h3>
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<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#cartoons">Political cartoons</a></h3>
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</h3>
</td></tr>
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<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/crimea/crimeaov.htm">The Crimean War</a></h3>
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<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#poor">Poor Relief</a></h3>
</td></tr>
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<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#factories">Factories and Mines</a></h3>
</td><td height="19"><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#public">Public Health</a></h3>
</td></tr>
<tr><td height="19"><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#france">The French Wars</a></h3>
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<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#railways">Railways</a></h3>
</td></tr>
<tr><td height="19"><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#foreign">Foreign Policy</a></h3>
</td><td height="19"><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#religion">Religion</a></h3>
</td></tr>
<tr><td height="19"><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#irish1">Irish Affairs</a></h3>
</td><td height="19"><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#rural">Rural Life</a></h3>
</td></tr>
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</h3>
</td><td height="19"><h3>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/primary.htm#trade">Trade Unions</a></h3>
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</center>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="american">AMERICAN AFFAIRS</a></h3>
<ul>
<li>The<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/1763proc.htm"> 1763 Proclamation</a></li>
<li>Dickinson's <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/farmer.htm">Farmer's Letters</a></i> - Letter 1</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/stampact.htm">Stamp Act</a></li>
<li>The Declarations of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/sacong.htm">Stamp Act Congress</a> 1765</li>
<li>Jared Ingersoll's account of the parliamentary debates concerning the<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/sadebate.htm">Stamp Act</a></li>
<li>Thomas Hutchinson's account of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/bosriot.htm">Boston riot,</a> 26 August 1765</li>
<li>The Boston Massacre 1770: a<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/bostonm2.htm"> newspaper</a>account</li>
<li>The Boston Massacre 1770: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/bostonm3.htm">Captain Preston's</a> account</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/gaspee.htm">Gaspée Incident</a>: 1772</li>
<li><a href="http://www.gaspee.org/">This link</a> will take you to a very thorough American site about the Gaspée incident</li>
<li>The Boston Tea Party: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/bostp1.htm">a handbill</a></li>
<li>The Boston Tea Party: a <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/bostp2.htm">newspaper account</a></li>
<li>The Battle of Lexington and Concord: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/lex1.htm">colonial open letter</a> to Britain</li>
<li>The Battle of Lexington and Concord: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/lex2.htm">Anne Hulton's account</a></li>
<li>The Battle of Lexington and Concord: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/lex3.htm">General Gages' account</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/paine.htm">Thomas Paine</a>'s<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/c-sense.htm"> <i>Common Sense</i></a> (will take about 2 minutes to download)</li>
<li>The American<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/decind2.htm"> Declaration of Independence</a> (text)</li>
<li><span style="color: black;">A <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/amletter.htm">letter written by a British soldier </a>from Charleston, South Carolina, in the spring of 1781</span></li>
<li>Marshall Liu Bocheng's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/taboo.htm">Taboos of War</a></li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/ghent.htm">Treaty of Ghent</a>, 1814</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="chartism">CHARTISM</a></h3>
<ul>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/barnchar.htm">Barnsley Manifesto</a> - June 1838</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/peopchar.htm">The People's Charter</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/attchar.htm">Attwood's speech on presenting the 1839 Charter</a> to Parliament, 14 June 1839</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/chartism.htm">Disraeli's speech</a> supporting the Chartists: July 1838</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/debate42.htm">parliamentary debate </a>on the 1842 Petition</li>
<li>Opposition to <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/macaulay.htm">universal suffrage</a></li>
<li>The<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/debate48.htm"> parliamentary debate</a> on the 1848 petition</li>
<li>Contemporary views of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/contchar.htm">Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/holberry.htm">The trial of Samuel Holberry</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/images48.htm">Images of Chartism, 1848</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/lloyd.htm">The Trials of Lloyd and Warden</a></li>
<li>Thomas <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/macaulay.htm">Macaulay</a>'s speech <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/macaulay.htm">against Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/napier.htm">Sir Charles Napier on Chartism</a> (see also Napier's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/napier.htm">biography</a>)</li>
<li>Sir Charles Napier on <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/soldier.htm">Nottingham Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/newmove.htm">New Move</a> Chartism</li>
<li>Objects of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/lda.htm">London Democratic Association</a></li>
<li>Richard <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/pilling.htm">Pilling's defence </a>at his trial</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/1842pet.htm">The procession of the 1848 Petition</a></li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/rothchar.htm">Rotherham </a>Handbill</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/stephens.htm">Joseph Rayner Stephens</a> on Chartism</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/ultmeas.htm">Ulterior Measures</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/tests/testpage.htm">Test pages</a> (all primary material)</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/newport.htm">Newport</a> Rising</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/splinter.htm">reasons and arguments behind the Chartist demands</a> (1841)</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/char1848.htm">Chartist Demonstration</a> in London, 1848</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="literature">CONTEMPORARY</a> LITERATURE: READINGS</h3>
<ul>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/junius/contents.htm">Letters of Junius</a> (1768-72)</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/1-index.htm">Greville Diaries</a> (1818-1860)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/social/prindex.htm">Principles of Population</a>: Thomas Malthus (1798)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/bennett.htm"><i>Wanderings in New South Wales</i></a><i>, Batavia, Pedir Coast, Singapore, and China</i>; being the Journal of a Naturalist during 1832, 1833, and 1834. George Bennett, .Esq., F.L.S., Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons, &c. London, 2 vols. 8vo. 1834.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/social/popgbire.html">The Population of Great Britain and Ireland</a>: <i>Quarterly Review, Vol. LIII; February- April 1835</i></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/newgate.htm">A visit to Newgate</a> from Charles Dickens,<i>Sketches by Boz</i>,</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/dotheboy.htm">Dotheboys Hall</a> from <i>Nicholas Nickleby</i>: Charles Dickens (1838-9), ch. 3</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/factory3.htm">Working conditions in factories</a> from <i>The Life and Adventures of Michael Armstrong</i>: Frances Trollope (1840)</li>
<li><b><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/carlyle/contents.htm">Past and Present</a></b> (full text): <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/carlyle.htm">Thomas Carlyle</a> (1843)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/condit.htm">The Condition of England</a> from Thomas Carlyle,<b> </b><i>Past and Present</i>, Book 1, Chapter 1 (1843)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/carlyle/3-8.htm">Unworking Aristocracy</a> from Thomas Carlyle, <i>Past and Present</i>, Book III, Chapter 8 (1843)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/carlyle/3-9.htm">Working aristocracy</a> from <i>Past and Present</i>: Thomas Carlyle (1843), Book III, ch. 9.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/monmouth.htm">Lord Monmouth after the Reform Bill</a>from Benjamin Disraeli, <i>Coningsby, or, the New Generation</i>, Book IV, Chapter 3 (1844)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/dizzy.htm">The New Generation</a>: Benjamin Disraeli,<i>Coningsby, or, the New Generation</i> (1844)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/marney.htm">The Rural Town of Marney</a> from Benjamin <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/dizzy.htm">Disraeli</a>, <i>Sybil; or, the Two Nations</i> Book 11, Chapter 3 (1845)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/sybil.htm">The two nations</a> from <i>Sybil</i>, Benjamin Disraeli (1845), Book II, ch. 5.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/engels.htm">Ignorance of the working classes</a> from Friedrich Engels, <i>The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844</i> (1845).</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/blimber.htm">Dr. Blimber's Academy</a> from <i>Dombey and Son</i>: Charles Dickens (1846-8), ch. 11.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/lowood.htm">Lowood School</a> from <i>Jane Eyre</i>: Charlotte Bronte (1847) Chapter 5.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/marybart.htm">Collective Bargaining</a> from <i>Mary Barton</i>: Elizabeth Gaskell (1848), ch. 9</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/fever.htm">Fever in Manchester</a> from <i>Mary Barton</i>: Elizabeth Gaskell (1848), ch. 6.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/martinea.htm">Women and Children in the Mines</a> from<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/m-tineau.htm">Harriet Martineau</a>, <i>History of England</i>, Book VI, Chapter 7 (1849)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/sweat.htm">Cheap Clothes and Nasty</a>: Charles Kingsley, 1850</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/exhib1.htm">The Great Exhibition</a> of 1851: Prince Albert's Triumph</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/exhib2.htm">What I Remarked at the Exhibition</a>: William Makepeace Thackeray, 1851</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/watercre.htm">The little watercress girl</a> from <i>London Labour and the London Poor</i>: Henry Mayhew (1851), Vol I, pp. 157-8.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/workhouse.htm">A walk in a workhouse</a> from Charles Dickens, <i>Household Words</i>, 25 May 1850</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/brickmak.htm">A visit to the brickmakers</a> from <i>Bleak House</i>: Charles Dickens (1852-3), ch. 8.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/bronte.htm">The Mill Owner</a> from <i>Shirley: </i>Charlotte Brontë</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/bentham.htm">Utilitarian education</a> from <i>Hard Times</i>: Charles Dickens (1854),Chapters l and 2</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/rwymania.htm">Railway Mania</a> from Samuel Smiles,<b> </b><i>Life of George Stephenson</i>, Chapter 31 (1857)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/smiles.htm">From Liverpool to Manchester in 1830</a>from Samuel Smiles, <i>The Life of George Stephenson</i>, Chapter 24 (1857)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/villw-h.htm">A village workhouse in 1830</a> from George Eliot, <i>Scenes of Clerical Life</i>: "Amos Barton" Chapter 2 (1857)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/electmid.htm">An election in the midlands</a> (1832) from <i>Felix Holt the Radical</i>: George Eliot (1866), ch. 31.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/oldeng.htm">Old England Before the Reform Bill</a> from George Eliot, <i>Felix Holt, the Radical,</i>Introduction (1866)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/landlord.htm">A liberal landlord</a> from <i>Middlemarch</i>: George Eliot (1870-1), ch. 39.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/slavery.htm">Origins of the Slave Trade</a> from WEH Lecky, <i>A History of England in the Eighteenth Century</i>, Volume IV, Chapter 5 (1878)</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="corn">THE CORN LAWS</a></h3>
<ul>
<li>Report of the Select Committee on <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/duties.htm">Import Duties</a> (6 August 1840)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/aclargue.htm">Arguments against </a>the Corn Laws</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/acspeech.htm">Cobden's Maiden Speech</a> in Parliament, against the Corn Laws, 25 August 1841</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/albert.htm">Prince Albert's memorandum</a> on the Corn Laws 25 December 1845</li>
<li>A <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/alpamph.htm">Pamphlet attacking</a> the Anti-Corn-Law League</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/arch.htm">Village Life</a> in the 1830s and 1840s</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/agirelan.htm">Agriculture in Ireland</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/newall.htm">Newall's Buildings, Manchester</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/crokercl.htm">A Conservative attack </a>on the Anti-Corn-Law League</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/petition.htm">Petitions to parliament </a>on the Corn Laws</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/clrhymes.htm">Corn Law Rhymes</a></li>
<li>Lord John Russell's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/eletter.htm">Edinburgh Letter</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/peelcls.htm">Peel's 1841 speech on the Corn Laws</a></li>
<li>Disraeli's explanation to his constituents <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/corn.htm">of his votes</a> in Parliament, 1842</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/carlyle/3-8.htm">Thomas Carlyle</a>'s attack on the Corn Laws (1843)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/goulburn.htm">Goulburn</a>'s <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/goulburn.htm">letter</a> to Peel, concerning Corn Law policy - November 1845</li>
<li>Peel's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/peelmemo.htm">Cabinet Memorandum</a> on the Corn Laws, 1 November 1845</li>
<li>Sir Robert Peel's speech on the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/corn.htm">repeal of the Corn Laws</a>: January 22, 1846</li>
<li>Peel's speech on the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/peelcorn.htm">second reading of the Bill </a>for the Repeal of the Corn Laws (16 February 1846)</li>
<li>Peel's speech on the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/4mayspee.htm">repeal of the Corn Laws</a>, 4 May 1846</li>
<li>Peel's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/c-laws3.htm">Corn Law speech</a>, 15 May 1846</li>
<li>Disraeli's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/dizcorn.htm">speech on the third reading</a> of the Bill for the Repeal of the Corn Laws: 15 May 1846</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/cornlaw.htm">Duke of Wellington's speech</a> on the repeal of the Corn Laws: 28 May 1846</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/peelfin.htm">Peel's resignation speech,</a> 1846</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="factories">FACTORIES AND MINES</a></h3>
<h4>
Factories</h4>
<ul>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/1794res.htm">Magistrates' resolution, 1794</a>, to limit children's hours</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/1802act.htm">Health and Morals of Apprentices</a>Act, 1802</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/southey.htm">Child labour</a> (1807)</li>
<li>A <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/bronte.htm">Luddite attack</a> on a Yorkshire mill (1812)</li>
<li>These links go to external primary sources on Luddites<ul>
<li><a href="http://campus.murraystate.edu/academic/faculty/kevin.binfield/luddites/Luddites.htm">"Luddites Smashing a Loom, 1812"</a></li>
<li><a href="http://campus.murraystate.edu/academic/faculty/kevin.binfield/luddites/LudditeWritings.htm">"Luddite Writings"</a></li>
<li><a href="http://campus.murraystate.edu/academic/faculty/kevin.binfield/luddites/ludditemidlandscontents.htm">Luddites and Luddism Midlands Documents Contents</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/riotshef.htm">Riots in Sheffield,</a> 1812</li>
<li>A <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/oath.htm">Luddite Oath</a>: 1812</li>
<li>A<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/reward.htm"> 'reward' poster</a> of the Luddite period, July 1812</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/ludexec.htm">execution of Luddites,</a> 1813</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/sadler.htm">Sadler's speech </a>on factory reform 1832</li>
<li>Minutes of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/best.htm">Mark Best's evidence</a> taken before the Committee on the Factories Bill, 1833</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/coulson.htm">Samuel Coulson's evidence</a> to the Royal Commission on Factories, 1833</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/longhour.htm">Economics of factories</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/progress.htm">A progressive factory owner</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/trade-us/document.htm">The Document</a></li>
<li>"<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/oastler.htm">Yorkshire Slavery"</a></li>
<li><i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/sadpoem.htm">The Factory Girl's Last Day</a></i> poem by <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/sadlerbg.htm">Michael Sadler</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/parents.htm">The employment of children</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/gregg.htm">Shortage of labour</a> in factories</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/horner.htm">Inspectors of factories</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/longhour.htm">Long hours in factories</a></li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/deterior.htm">physical condition</a> of textile workers</li>
<li>Extracts from The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/factact.htm">Factory Act</a> of 1833</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/cursefac.htm">Hours of Labour</a> (1836)</li>
<li>A justification of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/senior.htm">long working hours</a>in factories (Nassau Senior)</li>
<li>The<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/plugplot.htm"> Plug Plots</a> of 1842</li>
<li>Shaftesbury's speech to amend the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/1844act.htm">Ten Hours' Act</a></li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/10hract.htm">Ten Hours Act </a>and its Supporters</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/social/grevman.htm">Industrial Conditions</a> in Manchester, 1845</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/cursefac.htm">Curse of the Factory System</a>: John Fielden</li>
</ul>
<h4>
Mines</h4>
<ul>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/condmin2.htm">Public Reaction to the Disclosure</a> of Conditions in the Coal Mines</li>
<li>Contemporary Accounts of Working <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/condmin3.htm">Conditions in the Mine</a>s</li>
<li>Shaftesbury's<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/condmine.htm"> "mines" speech</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/condy.htm">Why parliament failed </a>to control hours of work</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/minesact.htm">The 1842 Mines Act</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/martinea.htm">Women and Children</a> in the Mines from Harriet Martineau, <i>History of England</i>, Book VI, Chapter 7 (1849)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/minecond.htm">Conditions in the mines</a></li>
<li>Child labour <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/childmin.htm">in the mines</a> (1845)</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="#france"></a>THE FRENCH WARS</h3>
<ul>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/decman.htm">Declaration of the Rights of Man</a> and the Citizen (English translation)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/moscow2.htm">The Retreat</a> from Moscow</li>
<li>The Retreat to <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/waterloo2.htm">Waterloo</a></li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="#foreign">FOREIGN POLICY</a></h3>
<ul>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/castlerea.htm">Castlereagh</a>'s <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/statepap.htm">State Paper</a> of 1820: Minute of the Cabinet, 5 May 1820</li>
<li>A letter from William <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/cawnpore.htm">Pugsley in Cawnpore</a> to his mother, 8 November 1857</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="irish1">IRISH AFFAIRS</a></h3>
<ul>
<li>Transcripts of the Williamite Penal Laws can be found <a href="http://www.law.umn.edu/irishlaw" target="_blank">here</a> (University of Minnesota Law Library)</li>
<li>Jonathan Swift's <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/ireswift.htm">Modest Proposal</a> (1729)</i></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/ireland2.htm#emancipation">George III</a> on his attitude towards Catholic Emancipation</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/1801act.htm">Act of Union</a> (1801)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/cetopic.htm">Catholic Emancipation</a> (topic page)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/wellcath.htm">The Duke of Wellington's speech</a> on Catholic Emancipation; 1828</li>
<li>Daniel O'Connell's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/clare.htm">Election Manifesto</a>, 1828</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/clare-el.htm">County Clare Election</a>, 1829</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/cathem2.htm">Peel</a> and Catholic Emancipation</li>
<li>An Act for the<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/catheman.htm"> Relief of His Majesty's Roman Catholic</a> Subjects [13 April 1829]</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/catheman.htm">Catholic Emancipation Act</a> (1829)</li>
<li>The Duke of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/catholic.htm">Wellington's speech</a> on Catholic Emancipation (2 April 1829)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/1mar33.htm">Peel's Speech</a> on the Suppression of Disturbances (Ireland): 1 March 1833</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/ire35.htm">Ireland in 1835</a>: Alexis de Tocqueville</li>
<li>The Year of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/repeal.htm">Great Repeal</a>: speech of Daniel O'Connell, 14 May 1843</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/grieve44.htm">Irish grievances</a>, 1844</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/ag2ire.htm">condition of the labourers</a> in Ireland (1845)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/agirelan.htm">Agriculture in Ireland</a></li>
<li>The famine in <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/skibber.htm">Skibbereen</a>, 1846</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="law">LAW AND ORDER</a></h3>
<ul>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/trial.htm">The trial of James Watson</a> <i>et. al.</i> following the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/spafield.htm">Spa Fields Riots</a> (1817) <b>N.B.</b>this is a very long document and will take some time to load.</li>
<li>The execution of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/brandret.htm">Jeremiah Brandreth</a>, etc (1817)</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/cato3.htm">Cato Street </a>Conspiracy (1820)</li>
<li>The<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/constab.htm"> Royal Commission</a> on Constabulary Forces March 1839</li>
<li>Sir Robert Peel's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/9points.htm">Nine Points</a> of policing</li>
<li>Peel's proposals for a <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/met.htm">Metropolitan Police </a>Force</li>
<li>The Metropolitan <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/metact.htm">Police Act</a>, 1829</li>
<li>Peel's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/met2.htm">speech on policing</a> in London</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/patrols.htm">Police patrols</a></li>
<li>Contemporary <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/police2.htm">comments </a>on the police</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/prison.htm">Prison conditions</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/prison2.htm">Conditions in prisons, 1836</a></li>
<li>Recruiting <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/recruit.htm">new policemen</a></li>
<li>The<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/separate.htm"> reform of prisons</a></li>
<li>A <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/fine.htm">Law for the Rich </a>and another for the Poor (The law is an ass)</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="misc">MISCELLANEOUS</a></h3>
<ul>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/beggar.htm">Beggar's Petition</a> by Thomas Moss (1766)</li>
<li>Debates on the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/slavery.htm">slave trade</a>: 12/ 21 May 1789</li>
<li><i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/poem.htm">Casabianca</a> (</i>aka "<i>The Boy stood on the Burning Deck")</i></li>
<li>From the sublime to the ridiculous: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/nap.htm">portraits of Napoleon</a></li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/regent.htm">Prince Regent</a></li>
<li>Descriptions of Peel, <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/peelpers.htm">the man</a></li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/deadpeel.htm">Death</a> of Sir Robert Peel</li>
<li>Peel a <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/peelobit.htm">working class hero</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/birmham.htm">Birmingham</a> in the late eighteenth century</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/sheff.htm">Sheffield</a> in 1724</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/sheffiel.htm">Sheffield</a> in 1830</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/soldiers.htm">Soldiers </a>at the Battle of Waterloo</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/hardtime.htm">Utilitarian education</a>, from Charles Dickens, <i>Hard Times</i></li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/marney.htm">Rural Town of Marney</a>, from Benjamin <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/dizzy.htm">Disraeli</a>, <i>Sybil; or, the Two Nations</i> Book 11, Chapter 3 (1845)</li>
<li>"<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/newgate.htm">A Visit to Newgate</a>" from Charles Dickens, <i>Sketches by Boz</i>, Scene 25 (1836)</li>
<li>The campaign for the repeal of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/t&cacts.htm">Test and Corporation Acts</a></li>
<li>The opening of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/education/tamread.htm">Tamworth Library</a>and Reading Room 1841</li>
<li>Town and Country: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/1851cens.htm">Taking Stock in 1851</a></li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/1851exih.htm">1851 Exhibition</a>: A National Festival</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/1851cens.htm">1851 Census</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/census.htm">Census returns</a>, 1851, 1861, 1871</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="politics">POLITICAL AFFAIRS</a></h3>
<ul>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/rights2.htm">Bill of Rights</a> (1689)</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/settlemt.htm">Act of Settlement </a>(1701)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/roymartx.htm">Royal Marriages Act</a> 1772</li>
<li>Major John Cartwright's <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/choice.htm">Take Your Choice</a></i>(1776) - the document is very long.</li>
<li>Declaration of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/decman.htm">Rights of Man </a>and of the Citizen (France, 1789)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/l-pool/assessmt.htm">Assessments of Lord Liverpool</a>: contemporary and subsequent</li>
<li>Assessments of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/l-pool/assessca.htm">Lord Castlereagh</a></li>
<li>Assessments of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/l-pool/assessad.htm">Henry Addington</a>, Viscount Sidmouth</li>
<li>Assessments of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/canning.htm#assessment">Canning</a></li>
<li>Assessments of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/huskisso.htm">Huskisson</a></li>
<li>Assessments of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/l-pool/assessel.htm">Lord Eldon</a></li>
<li>The government's<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/spies.htm"> use of spies</a> (1817)</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/jack.htm">Political House that Jack Built:</a> 1819</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/peter3.htm">Peterloo Massacre</a>, 1819</li>
<li>A <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/shelley.htm">view of England</a> in 1819</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/masque.htm">Masque of Anarchy</a> (Shelley), 1819</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/sixacts.htm">Six Acts </a>1819</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/carolin2.htm">Queen Caroline</a> affair (1820)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/defence.htm">Brougham's defence</a> of Queen Caroline (1820) — this is a <b>very</b> long document.</li>
<li>Castlereagh's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/statepap.htm">State Paper </a>of 1820</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/l-pool/death.htm">Death of Lord Liverpool</a>, 4 December 1828 - newspaper reports</li>
<li>The repeal of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/t&cacts.htm">Test and Corporation Acts</a> (1828)</li>
<li>Daniel O'Connell's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/clare.htm">Election Manifesto</a>, 1828</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/clare-el.htm">County Clare Election</a>, 1828</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/shifting.htm">Shifting the ground</a> on Catholic Emancipation</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/peelspee.htm">Peel's speech</a> on Catholic Emancipation, 5 February 1829</li>
<li>The Duke of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/catholic.htm">Wellington's speech</a> on Catholic Emancipation: 2 April 1829</li>
<li><i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/lifewell.htm">Life of Wellington</a></i> (1862) - Catholic Emancipation.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/grevire.htm">Greville</a> on Catholic Emancipation, 1829</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/refspeec.htm">Wellington's speech</a> opposing the reform of parliament, 2 November 1830</li>
<li>Lord John Russell's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/refbill.htm">proposals for parliamentary reform</a>: 1 March 1831</li>
<li>The Parliamentary Debate on the introduction of the Reform Bill: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/2march.htm">02 March 1831</a> ** <b>NB</b> this is a VERY long document and will take a while to load.</li>
<li>"<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/preserve.htm">Reform that you may preserve</a>" Extracts from a speech by Thomas Babbington <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/macaulay.htm">Macaulay</a>, 2 March 1831</li>
<li>Lord <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/refpalm.htm">Palmerston's speech</a> in support of the Reform Bill, 3 March 1831</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/3march.htm">Peel's speech</a> in opposition to the Reform Bill, 3 March 1831.</li>
<li>The Parliamentary Debate on the introduction of the Reform Bill: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/8march.htm">8 March 1831</a> <b>NB</b> This is a very long document and will take some time to load.</li>
<li>Prorogation of Parliament, <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/22april.htm">22 April 1831</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/6july.htm">Peel's Speech</a> on Parliamentary Reform: 6 July 1831</li>
<li>The Bristol <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/bristol.htm">Reform Act riots</a>: October 1831</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/12dec31.htm">Parliamentary debate</a> on the introduction of the Reform Bill to Parliament: 12 December 1831</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/inglis.htm">Sir Robert Inglis' speech</a> in the Debate upon the Second Reading of the Reform of Parliament (England) Bill: 17 December 1831</li>
<li>The Reform Bill: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/macaulay.htm">parliamentary representation </a>from a speech made by TB Macaulay on 28 February 1832.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/28feb.htm">Peel's Speech</a> on the Reform Bill, 28 February 1832</li>
<li>Reform after the Reform Act:<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/radical.htm"> a radical view</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/refpeel.htm">Peel's criticism</a> of parliamentary reform: 1832</li>
<li>The Duke of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/refwelly.htm">Wellington and Reform</a>: 17 May 1832</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/refgrey.htm">Earl Grey </a>and parliamentary reform: 17 May 1832</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/refnewc.htm">Clumber House</a> in a State of Defence</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/refplace.htm">Place's letter to Hobhouse</a> 1832 (Reform Act Crisis)</li>
<li>Peel's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/peelref.htm">opposition to the Reform Act </a>1832</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/new.htm">Passage of the First Reform Bill</a> from <i>The Times</i> (6 June 1832)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/elector.htm">Electoral Morality</a> in the Reformed Era</li>
<li>The Reform ministry after the Reform Act: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/refmin.htm">a government defence</a></li>
<li>The 1832 <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/refact.htm">Reform Act</a></li>
<li>Mr. Pickwick and the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/election.htm">Eatanswill Election</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/7feb1833.htm">Peel's Speech on the Address</a> in Answer to the King's Speech, 7 February 1833</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/1mar33.htm">Peel's Speech</a> on the Suppression of Disturbances (Ireland): 1 March 1833</li>
<li><i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/hartle.htm">A Year at Hartlebury</a> </i>or <i>The Election (1834)</i></li>
<li>Defects in Constitutions of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/muncorp.htm">Municipal Corporations</a>, according so Commissioners of 1835</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/conprin.htm">Conservative Principles</a></li>
<li>Disraeli's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/peeldiz.htm">assessment of Peel</a></li>
<li>The employment of<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/spies.htm"> government spies</a></li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/tam2.htm">Tamworth Manifesto</a> 18 December 1834</li>
<li>The Conservative Party in the 1830s: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/cons1830.htm">a contemporary view</a></li>
<li>Peel's defence of his <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/defence.htm">acceptance of office</a>: 24 February 1835</li>
<li>Parties and politics: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/whigview.htm">a Whig view </a>(1837)</li>
<li>Lord John Russell's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/final.htm">"finality" speech</a>: 20 November 1837</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/whiglibs.htm">Whigs and Liberals</a>, 1838</li>
<li>A <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/disillus.htm">Disillusioned Whig</a> (1838)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/conprin2.htm">Conservative principles</a>, 1838</li>
<li>Peel's speech on the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/bchamber.htm">Bedchamber Crisis</a>(1839)</li>
<li>Peel on the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/peelonpm.htm">position of Prime Minister</a>, 1841</li>
<li>Thomas Carlyle on <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/condit.htm">The Condition of England</a> </i>(1843)</li>
<li>Peel's speech on the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/bank.htm">Bank Charter Act</a>(1844)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/attack.htm">An attack</a> on Peel's policies, 1845</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/villiers-g.htm">Clarendon</a>'s Memorandum on the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/clarendo.htm">state of the Whig party</a>, June, 1846</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/peelacci.htm">Peel's accident</a> (1850)</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/deadpeel.htm">death </a>of Sir Robert Peel, July 1850</li>
<li>Peel a '<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/peelobit.htm">working class hero</a>'</li>
<li>Peel: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/tribute.htm">a tribute</a> (1850?)</li>
<li>Disraeli's speech on the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/reform.htm">Reform Bill</a>: 15 July 1867</li>
<li>Gladstone's speech on the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/polspeech/accompl.htm">accomplishments</a> of his ministry (1871)</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="cartoons">POLITICAL CARTOONS</a></h3>
<ul>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pict2/choice1.jpg">Take Your Choice</a> — 1776</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/evacuate.htm">Evacuation before Resignation</a> — 21 May 1782</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/frevpitt.htm">The Contrast</a> — 1792</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/pitwar.htm">The Promis'd Horrors of the French Invasion</a><i> — </i>1796</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/pitfrwar.htm">London Corresponding Society</a> alarm'd" — 1798</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/pitt/strategy.htm">The Stratagem</a>, alias The French Bug-a-bo, or John Bull turned Scrub — 1 January 1799</li>
<li>"<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/coalit3.htm">Plumb Pudding in Danger</a>", early 1805</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/pitt/melville.htm">Johny McCree</a> in the Dumps — 12 April 1805</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/pitt/johnbull.htm">Popular indignation</a> - or - John Bull in a Rage — 26 April 1805</li>
<li>"<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/petepaul.htm">Peter and Paul </a>Expell'd from Paradise" — December 1806</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/rottenb.htm">The Ghost of a Rotten Borough</a> appearing on the Hustings of Covent Garden — 17 May 1807</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/napelba.htm">A Grand Manoeuvre</a>: Napoleon goes to Elba — April 1814</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/gamelaws.htm">Game Laws</a> — 1816</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/fine.htm">A Law for the Rich</a> and another for the Poor</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/holyalli.htm">The Royal Shambles</a> — August 1816</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/spapict.htm">Spa Fields </a>Riots — 2 December 1816</li>
<li>"<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/liberty.htm">Liberty Suspended</a>" — March 1817</li>
<li>The government's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/spies.htm">use of spies</a><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/oliver.htm"></a> — July 1817</li>
<li>The Political <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/jack.htm">House that Jack Built</a> — 1819</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/peter3.htm">Peterloo Massacre</a>, 16 August 1819: primary sources</li>
<li>A <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/1819.htm">Radical Reformer</a> — 1819</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/sixacts.htm">The Six Acts</a> — 1819</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/carolin2.htm">The Queen Caroline Affair</a> — contemporary comment 1820</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/cato.htm">The Cato Street Conspiracy</a> — 23 February 1820</li>
<li>Cato Street Conspiracy: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/cato3.htm">contemporary sources</a> — February 1820</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/coriolan.htm">Coriolanus addressing</a> the Plebeians (1820)</li>
<li>'<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/water2.htm">Monster Soup</a>' - 1828</li>
<li>The March of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pictures/bricks2.gif">Bricks and Mortar</a> — 1829</li>
<li>Cartoons of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/cartoons.htm">Catholic Emancipation</a> — 1829</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/see-dan.htm">See-Dan</a> — May 1829</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/greville/judgemt.htm">Judgement of Paris </a>- 30 November 1830</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/headcart.htm">The Head Master</a> turning out the Incorrigibles — May 1831</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/cholera2.htm">The Sick Goose</a> and the Council of Health (patent medicines)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/southwk.htm">Salus Populi Suprema Lex</a> — 1832</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/newport.htm">The Newport Rising</a> — 4 November 1839</li>
<li>The Procession of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/1842pet.htm">1842 Chartist Petition</a></li>
<li>An Anti-corn-Law League <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/acllmem2.htm">membership card</a> — after 1842</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/dirt.htm">Public Health</a>: no waste disposal</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/water2.htm">Public Health</a>: open sewers</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/cruik.htm">Capital and Labour</a> —1843</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ruralife/swing.htm">The Home of the Rick burner </a>1844</li>
<li>Images of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/famine.htm">Irish Famine</a></li>
<li>"Bubbles" - a contemporary comment on <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/sweat.htm">sweat shops</a> — 1845.</li>
<li>Papa Cobden taking Master Robert a <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pictures/peelcob.gif">Free Trade w</a><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pictures/peelcob.gif">alk</a> - 1846</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/peeldiz.htm">The Rising Generation</a> - in Parliament — 1847</li>
<li>The Procession of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/1848pet.htm">1848 Chartist Petition</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/images48.htm">Images of Chartism</a> — 1848</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/watersup.htm">The Water that John Drinks</a> — 1849</li>
<li>You are <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/crimea/aberdeen.htm">requested not to speak </a>to the man at the wheel — August 1854</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/crimea/cardi.htm">The last of the Brudenells</a> and the destruction of the Light Brigade 24 October 1854</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/food.htm">Food adulteration</a> — 14 August 1855</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/crimea/doorstep.htm">Dirty Doorstep</a> — 1855</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/crimea/uniform.htm">Uniform Stupidity</a> — 1856</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/crimea/patient.htm">Patient heroes</a> — 1856</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/forpol/crimea/evening.htm">An evening party</a> at Sevastopol — 1856</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/beehive.htm">The British beehive</a> — 1867</li>
<li>Disraeli introduces his <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/disref.htm">Reform Act to Parliament</a> (1867)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/leapdark.htm">A Leap in the Dark</a> (1867)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/puff1867.htm">'Puff at St Stephen's</a>', 1867.</li>
<li>'<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/niagara.htm">Shooting Niagara</a>' Cartoon from <i>Fun</i>, 12 October 1867</li>
<li>"<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/victory.htm">The Return from Victory</a>", 1867.</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/7-dials.htm">Seven Dials </a>district of London — 1872</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="poor">POOR RELIEF</a></h3>
<ul>
<li>A <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/villw-h.htm">Village Workhouse in 1830</a> from George Eliot, <i>Scenes of Clerical Life</i>: "Amos Barton" Chapter 2 (1857)</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/andover.htm">Andover Workhouse</a> scandal, 1845-6</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/huddscand.htm">Huddersfield</a> Workhouse scandal</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/attacks.htm">Printed attacks </a>on the Poor Law Amendment Act</li>
<li>The <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/bkmurder.htm">Book of Murder</a></i></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/building.htm">Plans </a>of Workhouses</li>
<li>Principles of a <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/comrep.htm">sound system</a> of Poor Relief</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/deter.htm">Deterrence as a weapon </a>against those seeking poor relief</li>
<li>A typical <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/dietwh.htm">workhouse diet</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/charity.htm">English Charity</a>: <i>Quarterly Review </i>Vol. LIII, February-April 1835 (<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/murray.htm">John Murray</a>, London, 1835), pp. 473-539. <b>This is a very long document</b> and may take some time to down-load.</li>
<li></li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>Joseph Fielden's<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/fieldenb.htm"> opposition to the Poor Law Amendment Act</a>, 1836-8</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>The state of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/hudunion.htm">Huddersfield Union</a>(April 1838)</li>
<li>The "<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/ellison.htm">good old system</a>" of poor relief</li>
<li>The<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/plevils.htm"> burdens and evils</a> associated with the old Poor Laws</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/poorhs.htm">Poor Houses </a>before 1834</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/plaatext.htm">New Poor Law</a>, 14 August 1834</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/reduce.htm">reduction in poor relief</a> in Northumberland after 1834</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/unpoppl.htm">Unpopularity</a> of the 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/whillus.htm">Workhouse:</a> contemporary illustrations</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/ruleswh.htm">Workhouse rules</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/justify.htm">Justifying giving </a>of outdoor relief</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/condit.htm">Thomas Carlyle</a>'s attack on the workhouse (1843)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/workhouse.htm">A Walk in a Workhouse</a> from Charles Dickens, <i>Household Words</i>, 25 May 1850.</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="public">PUBLIC HEALTH</a></h3>
<ul>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/badhouse.htm">Bad housing</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/burials.htm">Burials</a> (Chadwick's <i>Sanitary Report</i> and Engels)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/clean.htm">Inadequate Cleansing</a></li>
<li>Inadequate <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/dirt.htm">waste disposal</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/drains.htm">Bad drainage</a> and poor water supplies</li>
<li>The use of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/food.htm">food adulteration</a></li>
<li><i>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/mterkay.htm">Moral and Physical Condition </a>of the Working Classes in Manchester</i> (1832)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/o'crowd.htm">Overcrowding</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/recreat.htm">Lack of recreational facilities</a> in towns</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/resist.htm">Resistance to the Poor Law</a> Board's orders</li>
<li>A <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/slum.htm">Glasgow court</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/man1844.htm">Manchester </a>in 1844</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/slums.htm">Slums in Manchester</a> from Friedrich Engels, <i>The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844</i> ( 1845)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/water.htm">Open sewers</a></li>
<li>Extracts from Edwin Chadwick's <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/sanrep.htm">Sanitary Report</a></i></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/slums.htm">Slums in Manchester</a> from Friedrich Engels, <i>The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844</i> ( 1845)</li>
<li>A <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/cholera.htm">cholera poster</a></li>
<li>The march of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/bricks.htm">bricks and mortar</a></li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="railways">RAILWAYS</a></h3>
<ul>
<li>The<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/railways/benefit.htm"> benefits </a>of railways</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/railways/demolish.htm">Demolition of houses</a> for railway building</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/railways/hazard.htm">Railway accidents</a></li>
<li>The opening of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/railways/stock.htm">Stockton-Darlington railway</a> line, 1825</li>
<li>A <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/railways/journey.htm">first journey</a> by rail</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/railways/passeng.htm">Passenger accommodation</a></li>
<li>The<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/railways/rainhill.htm"> Rainhill Trials</a>, 1829</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/railways/revn.htm">results </a>of the railway revolution</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/railways/travel.htm">Easier travel </a>for the working classes</li>
<li>The death of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/railways/accident.htm">William Huskisson</a></li>
<li>"No peace for <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/burials.htm#burials">the dead</a>"</li>
<li>From <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/smiles.htm">Liverpool to Manchester in 1830</a>, from Samuel Smiles, <i>The Life of George Stephenson</i>, Chapter 24 (1857)</li>
<li>The 1842 <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/railways/hazard.htm">Railway Act</a></li>
<li>The 1844 <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/railways/rlwyact.htm">Railway Act</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/rwymania.htm">Railway Mania</a> from Samuel Smiles,<i>Life of George Stephenson</i>, Chapter 31 (1857)</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="religion">RELIGION</a></h3>
<ul>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/39articles.htm">Thirty-nine Articles</a> of the Anglican faith</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/catchism.htm">Anglican Catechism</a> of 1662</li>
<li>The campaign for the repeal of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/t&cacts.htm">Test and Corporation Acts</a></li>
<li>Daniel O'Connell's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/clare.htm">Election Manifesto</a>, 1828</li>
<li>The Duke of Wellington's speeches on the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/wellt&c.htm">Repeal of the Test</a> and Corporations Acts, 1824-8</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/t&cdebat.htm">House of Commons Debate</a> on the Repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts, 18 February 1828</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/cetopic.htm">Catholic Emancipation</a>: topic page. The primary sources are listed on the topic page.</li>
<li><i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/lifewell.htm">Life of Wellington</a></i> (1862) — Catholic Emancipation</li>
<li>An <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/dissent.htm">Indignant Dissenter</a>: <i>Baptist Magazine</i>(3 ser.), xxv-597-600 (December 1833)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/dissent2.htm">Dissenting Agitation Continued</a>: <i>Baptist Magazine</i>, xxvi. 255 (June 1834)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/anglic2.htm">An Indignant Anglican</a>: <i>British Magazine</i>, vi.273-8 (September 1834) Correspondence</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/eccommis.htm">Ecclesiastical Commission</a> of 1835: Peel <i>Memoirs</i>, ii-72-5</li>
<li><i>Tracts for the Times</i>: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/tract1.htm">Tract 1</a> (1833) and also <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/tract90.htm">Tract 90</a> <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/newman.htm">John Henry, Cardinal Newman</a></li>
<li>The Whig <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/education/education.htm">Educational Scheme</a> of 1839</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/education/angliced.htm">Anglican Views</a> on National Education</li>
<li>A <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/education/protest.htm">Dissenting Protest</a> against Anglican Claims: 1840</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/graham.htm">Sir James Graham</a>'s <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/education/toryed.htm">Factory Education Scheme</a>, 1843</li>
<li>National Education: <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/education/fail-ed.htm">The Failure</a> of a Policy</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="rural">RURAL LIFE</a></h3>
<ul>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/ag2ire.htm">condition of the labourers</a> in Ireland (1845)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/agirelan.htm">Agriculture in Ireland</a></li>
<li>Thomas Carlyle on the <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ruralife/carlyle.htm">Condition of England Question</a></i></li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ruralife/reigate.htm">Destruction of the Rural Economy</a>, 1825</li>
<li>Report of the Poor Law Commissioners on the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/report.htm">agricultural disturbances </a>of 1830</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ruralife/ruralwar.htm">Rural War</a>, 1830</li>
<li>Old <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/oldeng.htm">England Before the Reform Bill</a> from George Eliot, <i>Felix Holt, the Radical,</i>Introduction (1866)</li>
</ul>
<h3>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="trade">TRADE UNIONS</a></h3>
<ul>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/trade-us/document.htm">The Document</a></li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/trade-us/toldoc.htm">Tolpuddle Martyrs</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/trade-us/tolpud.htm">George Loveless' account</a> of the events of 1834: the Tolpuddle Martyrs</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/trade-us/gnctu.htm">Grand National</a> Consolidated Trade Union</li>
</ul>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6187580317170021458.post-61290968834077556852018-11-28T14:24:00.001-08:002018-11-28T14:24:04.991-08:001776 Take your Choice Major John Cartwright<center>
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The Age of George III</h1>
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<h1>
Take Your Choice</h1>
<h3>
by Major John Cartwright, 1776</h3>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">I have changed the 'long S' to a modern 's' throughout this document; all other spellings are as they appear in the book. Some are indicated with [<i>sic</i>] but most are not. I have marked the note references with an asterisk and put the notes at the bottom of each page of the original text. The original page numbers precede the text of the relevant page and are indicated in square brackets. I did proof read the text but can't swear to having picked up all the gremlins. If you spot any howlers of spelling/transcript errors, please do let me know.</span><br />
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<br /><span style="font-size: x-small;">[v]</span> PREFACE<br />
<br />
The wisest men and most accomplished writers have endeavoured to bespeak the indulgence of the public by prefaces. A proportionable diffidence in the author of the following sheets, would wholly consign them to oblivion, was not that sentiment over-ruled by a sense of duty, which tells him that he ought to risk every thing, except the reproaches of his own heart, in order to serve his country. He believes, that he hath pointed out some essential considerations in the question here discussed, which have hitherto been overlooked; and that his fellow citizens have been with-held from exerting themselves, in pursuit of the important object of it, through a persuasion that insuperable difficulties lay in the way. He can assure them that no such difficulties exist. They have none to contend with, but the selfishness and injustice of a set of individuals amongst themselves who make only a <i>three thousandth part</i> of their own number. If this shall prove an insuperable difficulty, <span style="font-size: x-small;">[vi]</span> he shall cease to pride himself in being a Briton. That the salvation of the ruin of his country, depends upon the right or wrong opinion and conduct of the<b>commons</b>, with regard to this <b>one</b> subject, he thinks will be apparent to every reflecting man who shall thoroughly consider it. In this discussion, he does not expect that he shall please either of our two grand national parties; because he flatters neither. His best hopes, indeed, are from the <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/whig.htm">whigs</a></i>; because their creed, <i>would they but be true to it</i>, is the creed of free men: but if <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/tory.htm">Tories</a></i> and<i> <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/catholic.htm">Papists</a></i> will, in earnest, set about repairing<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/18c-con.htm"> the constitution</a>, he will embrace them, and be of their party. He will, probably, be called an enthusiast. He shall not however be shocked at such an appellation; because he believes that no man, in these days, can labour for the benefit of mankind upon disinterested principles, without being reckoned an enthusiast; — perhaps a Quixote. He will not, however, be called a slave. Neither shall any one say that he is the friend of tyrants. By some, he may perhaps be charged with want of respect, when he speaks of the <span style="font-size: x-small;">[vii] </span>House of Commons. To them he answers; that, towards the constitutional part of that house, no man living bears higher respect than himself. He esteems it, he venerates, he reveres it. In his estimation, there is more honour and dignity in sitting there as the real representative of two or three thousand free men, and the immediate guardians of public liberty; than having place amongst nobles, or being seated on an hereditary throne itself. But, if there be any part of that house which is not constitutional, he scruples not to acknowledge, that it moves, and ever will move, his indignation and contempt, and excite his abhorrence. And he knows of no obligation which a Briton is under, not to expose and condemn any thing whatever in the legislature of his country, which is a palpable departure from the constitution, and threatening to public freedom. With regard to the House of Commons, he would sacrifice a great deal, to be able to prove his own words a libel. He pretends not to write to philosophers and men of letters, so much as to his fellow citizens at large. For the former, the abstract elements of parliamentary science <span style="font-size: x-small;">[viii] </span>would be sufficient; and might be contained in three pages. But a more argumentative and explanatory manner, a plainer and indeed a coarser language is necessary for the unrefined, though sensible, bulk of the people. 'Tis them he wishes to inform, to move, to direct, towards the security of their liberties; which he apprehends to be in danger. Let his work, then, be considered in that light; and, if esteemed a necessary one which better writers have neglected, let it be read with candour, and meet with the indulgence due to an useful, though inelegant performance.<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[ix]</span> INTRODUCTION<br />
<b>Having </b>proposed to urge upon you, my countrymen! a reformation, both as to the length, and as to the constituting of your parliaments; it seems but proper, previously to state some of the inconveniencies and evils, which I apprehend to be the necessary consequences of, and inseparable from, our present rotten parliamentary system.<br />
All men will grant, that the lower house of parliament is <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/election.htm">elected</a> by only a handful of the commons, instead of the whole; and this, chiefly by bribery and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/parlrep.htm">undue influence</a>. Men who will employ such means are villains; and those who dupe their constituents by lying promises, are far from honest men. An assembly of such men is <i>founded </i>on<i> iniquity:</i> consequently, the fountain of legislation is poisoned. Every stream, how much soever mixed, as it flows with justice and patriotism, will still have poison in its composition.<br />
Nor will it be denied me, that, in consequence of the long duration of a parliament, the members, as soon as seated, feel themselves too independent on the opinion and good will of their constituents, even where their suffrages have not been extorted nor bought; and that, of course, they despise them.<br />
From the first of these data, it will follow, that we are subject to have the House of <span style="font-size: x-small;">[x]</span>Commons filled by men of every bad description that can be thought of, and that strict integrity, which ought to be the strongest of all recommendations, amounts to a positive exclusion; except it happen indeed to be united with a capital fortune and great county connections.<br />
From the first and second jointly; our representatives, who are in fact our deputed servants, are taught to assume the carriage and haughtiness of despotic masters; to think themselves unaccountable for their conduct; and to neglect their duty.<br />
Whether, indeed, the house of commons be in a great measure filled with idle school-boys, insignificant coxcombs, led-captains and toad-eaters, profligates, gamblers, bankrupts, beggars, contractors, commissaries, public plunderers, ministerial dependants, hirelings, and wretches, that would sell their country, or deny their God for a guinea, let every one judge for himself. And whether the kind of business very often brought before the house, and the usual manner of conduction it, do not bespeak this to be the case; I likewise leave every man to form his own opinion: particularly that independent and noble-minded few, who experience the constant mortification of voting and speaking without even a hope of being able thereby to serve their country.<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[xi] </span>But without insisting on these things as fact, and only admitting the possibility of them from the combined causes already assigned, of long parliaments, undue influence and bribery, it is natural to expect, as indeed all experience shews it must happen, that a country, whose affairs are <i>subject to fall</i> into such hands must be ruined, sooner or later, by those very men who shall be in the office of its guardians and preservers; except it shall make an alteration in this particular.<br />
And accordingly, we find our own country in a condition which shews that its affairs have long been in such hands. It has passed through all the stages of abuse, and is at length arrived at a precipice tremendous to look from. The current of corruption is smooth and flattering; and it meanders for a while through scenes not unpleasant to the careless passengers: but it is deceitful, and sure to terminate in a Niagarian fall; and to wash its navigators headlong in to the abyss of slavery and wretchedness, unless they take warning in time and will manfully exert themselves. Our giddy vessel of state is swiftly gliding down this current; and, by the velocity with which the passing shores of our fair provinces fly from our wondering eyes and are lost to sight, we may know that we are in the dreadful vortex, and we may hear the very roaring of the cataract. But yet, we need not perish, except by the character of our <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xii] </span>nation hath forsaken us. The English sailor, whether naval or political, is imprudent and thoughtless enough, God knows; but when dangers surround him, or an enemy comes in sight, he shews that he is neither a coward nor a lubber; he knows how to deal with either of them. We should, on this occasion do no more than right, were we to begin our work with putting the law of <i>Oleron</i> in execution, by throwing overboard our <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/northmin.htm">besotted pilots</a>: but but that I think, there will be more magnanimity in suffering even those wretches to share in the general preservation.<br />
But, dropping these metaphors, let us proceed with the proposed detail of the most material public inconveniencies and evils which may be attributed to the usage of long parliaments.<br />
<ol type="I">
<li>The kingdom, under long (and always meaning corrupt) parliaments, hath been proverbial for making war without wisdom , and peace without policy. and yet, one of the pretences against annual parliaments hath been that they would occasion such ministerial instability and incertitude of national councils, that foreign powers would not confide in your treaties nor alliances. But this, so far as <i>we</i> have any business with the argument, is diametrically opposite to the truth. annual parliaments will always adhere to the true interests of the nation; and upon all <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xiii] </span>alliances formed upon that basis, foreigners would most assuredly rely, sooner than upon the faith of kings. But annual parliaments would not, it is true, suffer ministers to negociate away the blood and treasure of this kingdom, in order to flatter the weaknesses or partialities of the prince; nor to gratify their own avarice or ambition. Such parliaments would, moreover, give stability and permanency to administrations; by extinguishing party and faction, and leaving a minister of state nothing to do but to attend to the duties of his office and the preparing of plans for the public good. He would not longer have the greatest part of his time taken up in forming and conduction one faction, and opposing the rest; nor would his station then have those charms for an unprincipled man which it has at present. It would only be desirable to men of a generous ambition for serving their country by their personal labours, and who could content themselves with no more power than should be consistent with the liberties of their fellow citizens. Such men would be too estimable in the opinion of the public, and consequently in the judgment of an annual parliament, ever to be disturbed with an ill-intended opposition to their wise and honest measure. Opposition, from which alone we find protection against tyranny in the present corrupt state of things, is in itself an evil: but one that would <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xiv]</span> vanish together with long parliaments; for to them it owes its being, and with them must die. An annual parliament properly chosen, would not be composed of two or three contending factions, each aiming at power by the overthrow of its rivals; but would be in fact, as in theory it is called, a national council. The opinion of every individual (making some allowances for oratory) would have its weight, in proportion to its solidity: and it would be the desire of a very great majority of the members to assist the minister in perfecting his plans of government by sage advice; not to oppose nor to support, right or wrong, according to pay or party.</li>
<li>It has been owing to the constant sacrifices which have been made of the national interests to the separate interests of the court, that so many continental connections and subsidiary engagements have been formed by our ministers under the sanction of long parliaments. Besides the lavish waste of money which have been occasioned, the demands upon us for <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america.htm">troops</a>, have brought us to imagine a very considerable army necessary to us. Hence in a great measure it is, that our military establishment is so large, and so kept up, as to be but half a step from a <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/b-rights.htm">standing army</a> in the worst sense of those words.</li>
<li>And it has been in order to answer ministerial, not national purposes, that <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/britarmy.htm">an army</a> has been kept in our colonies during <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xv]</span> peace. So far from their being for the protection of the colonies against the irruptions of the savages, the troops never were seen upon the borders; but were quartered in the chief towns along the sea coast, for the tyrannical purpose of keeping the people in awe.</li>
<li>Our country, fertile as it is by nature, enriched by commerce, and inhabited by a people characteristically active and industrious, is nevertheless mortgaged like the estate of a prodigal. We groan under the burthen of an enormous debt; no less than 137 millions sterling; while our ministers are still going on in the ways of waste and profusion. This debt is not only a grievous evil in itself; but it is a fruitful parent of other evils. Amongst the most considerable, are its making so many people creatures of the crown, by being dependent for a livelihood on the manifold arrangements respecting our funds. Hereby a very powerful and united party is formed against every reformation in finance. Money'd property in the funds also converts whole herds of men into drones, who contribute nothing towards the public stock; but, on the contrary, are a dead weight on the industry of the nation.</li>
<br />Under annual parliaments (always supposing them to have contained a full representation of the commons) these evils would not have been known: or if any temporary <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xvi] </span>debt had been unavoidably contracted, it would as certainly have been speedily discharged. The nation would consequently be in no danger of bankruptcy from any untoward event, as it is at present; and would have been at all times ready to repel the attacks of its enemies. But the <i>feelings</i> of the great bulk of the <i>nation</i>, are not the same with the <i>feelings of long parliaments</i> founded in corruption; nor will the <i>language</i> of such parliaments to their prince, ever express <i>the sense of the people</i>.
<li>Are not our sanguinary statues, by which we year by year spill rivers of blood, a reproach to the political knowledge, to the humanity, to the religion of our island? And are not our <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/prison.htm">prisons</a> and our treatment of prisoners shocking and foolish?</li>
<li>Are we not suffering from the distress and idleness of the poor, and from a visible depopulation; and do we not leave millions of acres uncultivated?</li>
<li>Is not the metropolis and the whole kingdom over-run with vagrants and beggars, notwithstanding our astonishing provisions against want?</li>
<li>Is not every city, town and village, crowded with alehouses, those hotbeds of idleness and vice? And are not gaming and adultery, amongst the higher ranks of the people, become such enormities in a civilized <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xvii]</span> community, as to cry aloud for the attention of the legislature?*</li>
<li>Are we not alienating the affections of the people from the crown by injuries and insults? Are we not grieving and provoking peaceable subjects, and thereby nourishing sects and schisms by adhering to their detriment to trifles and to nonsense in church government; instead of sacrificing them to good sense and charity, and forming a new pale for our church on the foundations of reason and truth?</li>
</ol>
But when will any national evil every be taken into consideration, and corrected by the <i>spontaneous</i> act of a long parliament? Men who are too ignorant to legislate for a tavern club, or who are voluptuaries and debauchees, or whose whole thought are engrossed by the loaves and fishes, are they<br />
<blockquote>
*When I had fed them to the full, they then committed adultery, and assembled themselves by troops in the harlots houses. They were as fed horses in the morning; everyone neighed after his neighbour's wife. Shall I not visit for these things? saith the Lord: and shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this? Jeremiah, c. 5; which is entitled, The judgments of God upon the <i>Jews</i> for their <i>manifold corruption</i>. But we are <i>Christians</i>; and it hath moreover pleased the Lord, to raise up the Earl of Chesterfield (see his letter Dec. 3, 1763) in these our days, to declare it in the house of Jacob and publish it in Judah, that <i>adultery</i> (see several of his letters) and <i>treason to our country</i>, (see vol. II. let. 161) are amongst the virtues of a senator, and the proper pleasures of a man of fashion.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[xviii]</span> to watch over the good of a great nation, to remark its deviations into political error, and to recal it by wise institutions? Is it not known by too melancholy an experience, that the proposer of any individual improvement, is first received with the coldness of a miser to a beggar or alms; and if his zeal for the public be too strong to be damped by such usage, that he is then opposed and baited in parliament as a mad enthusiast? Who can tell me of any the least improvement in our laws and policy that hath been made of late years by long parliaments, which has not been the sole effect of some very spirited exertion in individuals favoured by the circumstances of the day, and backed by some pressing and urgent evil which could no longer be endured? What sort of an idea does this give one of <i>a national council</i>? 10, 100, 1000, 10,000. But to recite, one by one the evils proceeding from long parliaments, would require volumes. And it is to be noted that there is not a public evil existing, which would have been prevented or would now be remedied by an annual, that ought not to be placed to the account of a long parliament. The reader, if he wishes to go deep into that enquiry, will do well to peruse the political disquisitions of the late Mr. Burgh. I will only further say in general, that, to the extreme venality of the boroughs and the prostitution in parliament, to the barefaced <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xix]</span> pillage of the public treasure practised by ministers, and their preferring men without the smallest regard to decency in point of character, are originally owing without doubt, that sordid devotion to avarice which hath generally infected the people from the highest to the lowest, and that almost universal insensibility to the public good which accompanies it. Instead of counteracting the natural ill effects of luxury proceeding from wealth and prosperity, and giving it a beneficial turn by wise and humane laws; it has been the business of <i>government</i>(which "in almost every age and country", says Burgh, "has been the principal <i>grievance</i> of the people") to debauch and corrupt the manners and morals of the people by every possible invention; in order to remove every obstacle in the way to absolute power. It beats up and bids high for volunteers in iniquity. The greater felons, who are ready at its command to destroy their country, are caressed and rewarded: but little ones, indeed, who take a purse or steal a sheep, are hanged without remorse, for not being proof against example and temptation. Is not everyman taught to sell himself, his honour, his conscience, his soul, for a price! And is not he who hath a scruple, the butt of ministerial ridicule! We should justly esteem that mariner mad, who, in order to carry a leaky ship to the end of a long voyage, should be continually boring <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xx] </span>fresh holes in her bottom. Is there less madness in corrupting the parliament, in order to carry on the business of government? He who knows no better mode of governing than that is fit to govern no where but in the infernal regions.<br /><br />This has been more or less the condition of our government ever since we have had long parliaments. "We see the same corrupt or impolitic proceedings going on in the administration of a <i>Harley,</i> a <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/walpole-r.htm">Walpole</a></i>, a<i> Pelham</i>, a <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/pitt-e.htm">Pitt</a></i>, a <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/bute.htm">Bute</a></i>,a <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/grafton.htm">Grafton</a></i>, a <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/north.htm">North</a></i>; and we see every parliament implicitly obeying the orders of the minister. Some ministers we see more criminal, others less; some parliament more slavish, others less; but we see all ministers and all parliaments, <i>the present always excepted</i>, guilty; inexcusably guilty, in suffering the continual and increasing prevalency of corruption, from ministry to ministry, and from parliament to parliament."* But there never has been a time when these descriptions were so applicable as they are at present. Are not men of the most blasted characters the confidential servants of the crown? Are not the scales of council weighted down with ministerial ayes and noes instead of solid and weighty arguments; and is not all parliamentary debate become a mockery? Have not millions of your unoffending brethren in America<br />
<blockquote>
*Pol. Disq. vol III. p. 452.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[xxi]</span><br />
<br />
been devoted by mercenary majorities to slavery or to slaughter? Is not your commerce put to the hazard on a cast, whether or not it shall be ruined? And are you not inviting an unequal war; all to no one end or purpose, but because two or three desperate ideots will have it so, rather than abandon the vicious schemes of ambition they had once formed? Have not defaulters of millions upon millions constantly escaped parliamentary vengeance! And fields who have fattened on the famine and butchery of the inoffensive <i>Asiatics</i>, are they not amongst your legislators, respected and honoured! — What national depravity, what extremes of wickedness, and what public calamities must we not experience, while the fountain of legislation and the springs of government are so impure! —<br />
So ruinous a system needs must, in its progress, grow worse and worse. The chariot of corruption, (if I may be allowed an new metaphor) under the guidance of rotten whigs would soon enough have arrived; without the whip, at the goal of despotism: but now, that furious tories have seized the reins, 'tis lashed onward with impetuous haste; nor do they seem sensible to their danger, though its axles are already on fire with its rapidity. The ministers of the present reign have daringly struck at your most sacred rights, have aimed through the sides <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xxii] </span>of America a deadly blow at the life of your constitution, and have shewn themselves hostile, not only to the being, but to the very name of liberty. The word itself has been proscribed the court; and for any one who dared to upper it, the gentlest appellations have been <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/wilkes.htm">Wilkite</a>, republican and disturber of the peace. Facts recent in every one's memory I have no need to repeat. I will only therefore just mention the atrocious violation of the first principle of the constitution in the never-to-be forgotten business of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/northmin.htm">Middlesex election</a>. An enumeration of all their crimes would shew them to be deserving of the highest punishments. And yet, the sum of all the evils they have brought upon us, added to all those which former ministers had intailed upon the nation, are light and trivial in comparison of the ONE GREAT EVIL OF A LONG PARLIAMENT. Feast the fowls of the air with such ministers, but leave your legislature unreformed; and you will add a few inglorious days to the period of your expiring liberties. succeeding ministers might be more circumspect; but, with the aid of a prostitute parliament, they would at length succeed. "Could we have had every one of our corrupt ministers impeached, and even convicted, would a corrupt parliament filled with their obsequious tools, have punished them? If we did nothing <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xxiii]</span> toward a radical cure of grievances, and obliging the succeeding to be honester than the foregoing; what should we have gained by such prosecutions? The greatest part of the <i>Roman</i> emperors was massacred, and so are many of <i>Asiatic</i> and African<i></i> tyrants,, But did the <i>Romans</i> or do the <i>Turks</i>, and the people of <i>Algiers</i>, gain any additional liberty by the punishment of their oppressors? We know that they did not. Nor shall we by clamouring, nor even by punishing; any more than we stop robbing on the highway by hanging, unless we put it out of the <i>power</i> of ministers to go on abusing us and trampling upon our liberties; and this can only be done by restoring independency to parliament."* It is downright quixotism to imagine, that so long as your parliament remains corrupt, you can ever have a patriot minister: and, except parliament be reformed, 'tis a matter of very great indifference who are <i>in</i> and who are <i>out</i>. I will not utterly deny the possibility of your having a patriot minister prior to a parliamentary reformation, bur I do not myself conceive <i>how</i> such a man is to arrive at such a station. One of that stamp could not go through thick and thin, and wade through all the miry paths that lead to it: nor have I any great expectation of a miraculous conversion of any one, who hath once passed through those ways to<br />
<blockquote>
*Pol Disq. vol. III. p. 452.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[xxiv]</span> the seat of power. Neither do I see the prudence of waiting for so rare a phenomenon as a patriot minister, to do that for you which you can do for yourselves; and thereby put things in such a state, that a patriot minister will no longer be a phenomenon, but a natural and common appearance.<br />
The revolution which expelled the tyrant James from the throne, glorious as it was to the character, and essential to the safety of this nation, was yet a very defective proceeding. It was effected in too anxious a moment, and in too precipitate a manner, to lay a lasting foundation for the security of public freedom and prosperity. <i>William</i>the deliverer was but half the friend to liberty which he pretended to be. Had he been a truly patriot prince, his share in the expulsion of a tyrant would have been his smallest merit; and he would have embraced the opportunity afforded him by his own success and the tide of reformation being set in, to have guarded the constitution against every conceivable danger towards which it had any tendency to be exposed in process of time. when the immortal and blessed <i>Alfred</i> had overthrown the oppressors of his country, he thought the work of a king only begun; and devoted the rest of his reign to the correction abuses, the establishing of justice, and laying the broad foundations of liberty and <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xxv]</span> happiness.*<br />
<blockquote>
* "It is delivered down to us as a proof of the good government of king <i>Alfred</i>; that a maiden bearing a purse of money in her hand might in his reign have gone from one end of the kingdom to the other, without fear of violence either to her person or property. How is it with us? Can a man almost sleep in his bed within the walls of our metropolis; &c." <i>Further Examination, </i>p. 142.</blockquote>
But history shews<i> William</i> to have been a cold-hearted Dutchman, ungrateful to a people who had given him a crown, and more fond of power than of squaring his government with the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/b-rights.htm">principles</a> of the constitution and this was one of the best of our kings. Then put not your trust in princes: neither have confidence in ministers! Whether they covet inordinate power for its own sake, or for the sake of lucre, they will have it if possible. and when one lusts for gold, the other for dominion, they will be reciprocally the pimps to each others passion. The prince will invade the people's property, in order to enrich his minister; the minister will violate their liberties, in order to render his master absolute. For one <i>Alfred</i>, there are a thousand <i>Charles's</i>, for one <i>Falkland</i>, a thousand <i>Walpoles. </i>Trust not, I say in princes nor in ministers; but trust in YOURSELVES, and in representatives chosen by YOURSELVES alone!<br />
<span style="font-size: xx-small;">[1]</span><b> TAKE YOUR CHOICE!</b><br />
SECTION I.<br />
THE human species form an intermediate class, between the angelick and irrational orders of existence. They are intended for a sphere of action and a degree of happiness, in a future state, of which their present faculties can give then no accurate conception: but these only on condition of their having acted virtuously in this life; which their Creator has told them is no more than a state of probation. The first, and great end, then, of their existence, is by the study of wisdom and practice of virtue, to be constantly approximating towards moral perfection; in order to the attainment of that future exaltation and happiness: and the next material, and indeed only remaining point, is, to render themselves, individually and collectively, as happy as possible during their term or mortality <span style="font-size: x-small;">[2] </span>to which they are also invited by the whole law of nature and religion. They have, therefore, necessarily been created FREE. Were it otherwise, neither virtue nor vice, right nor wrong, could be ascribed to their actions; and to talk of happiness, would be to talk nonsense.<br />
Hence, they are doubtless under an eternal obligation to preserve their freedom to the utmost of their power: because, by parting with it, in <i>any degree</i> more or less, they <i>so far</i> deprive themselves of the means of doing their duty, and of performing those actions which the laws of virtue may require of them; and because, they will thereby make themselves, and frequently their posterity, subservient also to the wicked designs of those, to whose power they have submitted. That people, who have suffered their prince to become a tyrant over themselves, soon find themselves employed as the instruments of his lawless will, in extending the limits of tyranny, and spreading devastation amongst their fellow creatures. How base and degrading is such a condition!<br />
<b>2.</b> The all-wise creator hath likewise made men by nature EQUAL, as well as free. They are all of "one flesh," and cast in one mould. There are given to them the same senses, feelings and affections, to inform and to influence; the same passions to actuate; <span style="font-size: x-small;">[3] </span>the same reason to guide; the same moral principle to restrain; and the same free will to determine, all alike.<br />
There are, therefore, no distinctions to be made amongst men, as just causes for the elevation of some above the rest, prior to <i>mutual agreement</i>, how much soever individual may <i>be qualified for or deserve</i>any elevation, he hath no <i>right</i> to it, till it be conferred upon him by his fellows there is perhaps, more occasion to advert to this distinction between <i>desert of authority,</i> and a <i>right to authority</i>, obvious as it is, than maybe commonly imagined. As <i>all</i>elevation depends upon common consent; so it may, consequently, whenever found inconsistent with the common good, be, by common consent, abolished.<br />
Hence we find that it is liberty, not dominion, which is held by <i>divine</i> right. The prince as a <i>man</i> has, in common with other men, a divine right of being exempt from any unnecessary restraints; but, as a <i>king</i>, all his rights are derived from the <i>common consent of the people</i>, of whom he made, prior to his elevation, an individual only equal with the rest. His portion of the sovereign power of the state is greater by many degrees than any other man's; but still it is only a <i>portion</i>, and every man in the community is, in a smaller degree, <i>a joint partaker with him</i> in the sovereign power. If it be the possession of supreme power in states <span style="font-size: x-small;">[4] </span>which constitutes kings, then are a free people a nation of kings; for every man, where there is freedom, has a share in the supreme power.<br />
<b>3. </b>An accidental superiority in muscular strength or personal accomplishments; that fineness of organization and harmony of physical causes from which proceed clearness of intellect, parts and genius; that cultivation of the mind which produces knowledge and wisdom; but, more especially, that rectitude of the heart which constitutes virtue; are all just causes of distinction in society; and have accordingly raised men in all ages and countries to an elevation above their fellow citizens, by common consent. and it is to be noted, that, in no age or country hath <i>common consent</i>ever elevated particular men above their fellows, for either their vices, of follies or infirmities;* or for any other reasons, but in order to promote the common good, or to express the public gratitude for good already received. But <i>kings</i> and <i>ministers</i>do often elevate those very men, who would be the last to whom their fellow citizens would shew such a preference.<br />
<b>4.</b> In small communities only, suited to democratical government in its purity, have all<br />
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* The superstitious and gross prejudices of <i>idolatrous</i> and <i>barbarous</i>nations, may have led them into such absurdities: but that, it is presumed, will not form any solid objection to the justness of this remark.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[5]</span> distinctions been made in favour of merit; and in such alone hath it, therefore, been ever possible for the elevation of particular persons above the rest, to operate, in its full effect for the common weal.<br />
<b>5.</b> But, in larger communities, where this pure democratical or republican form of government cannot be carried into practice, it hath been found expedient to make <i>artificial</i>, as well as natural distinctions amongst men; and even to agree upon<i> hereditary</i> elevations. And, notwithstanding there is herein a departure from strict natural justice; and that, by such means, hereditary virtue is so far from being insured, that such an elevation increases the difficulties of being virtuous, in those who are born to it; yet, these artificial and hereditary elevations have, nevertheless, under judicious regulations, been found by experience, to answer very great and good purposes to large states. The nature of the case, however, makes it apparent, that the powers annexed to all such elevations, which are altogether as we have observed an infringement on rigid justice, ought to be circumscribed by very clear and <i>impassable</i> limitations, and ultimately to depend on the will of the people; who whose benefit and security these elevations have been, or ought to have been contrived. Nay, so far as we have either right or authority to pronounce, the great rule and end of every <i>divine</i>institution which concerns mankind, has <span style="font-size: x-small;">[6]</span> been for the benefit of <i>the species at large</i>; and not the elevation of <i>particular persons</i>. There have been men, however, even <i>Englishmen</i>, who have written books, in order to prove that persons neither wiser nor better, but oftentimes more worthless and despicable than other men, have been elevated for <i>their own sakes</i>; and that drivelers and scoundrels have had a <i>divine</i> right to be the guardians, the guides and lawgivers of mankind. I am myself inclined to believe that the Deity is no respecter of persons. It being a fundamental maxim of the English constitution, that the title and authority of a <i>king</i> depends upon common consent, or the will of the people; it will, I conceive, necessarily follow that all <i>inferior</i> titles and authority, which flow from, and are as it were included in, the regal office, must lie under the same predicament and indeed we have frequently asserted this doctrine by acts of attainder; whereby peerages with all their privileges have been abolished. Not to mention that, with regard to <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/penal.htm">Roman catholics</a>, this power of the people, though mitigated, is constantly in a state of exertion. Though not divested of their titles, they are deprived of their parliamentary authority and privileges. Seeing, then, that all elevations depend on the will of the people, and that common consent never causes <i>unnecessary</i>elevations, nor elevates<i> unworthy</i> objects; we may see how much it is the duty of a king, to<span style="font-size: x-small;"> [7] </span>whom this important power is delegated, to consult, in all the elevations he makes, the <i>good</i> and the <i>pleasure</i> of the people alone. Should he raise men by wholesale to the house of peers, for no other cause than their servility to the court while in the house of commons, he would doubless [<i>sic</i>] betray his trust; and it would be high time to form an <i>impassable limitation</i>, beyond which the number of the peers should never extend. A more numerous peerage than should give respect and dignity to that order of men, than should form a well proportioned council of state and court of judicature, and constitute a due balancing power between the kind and the commons, should never be exceeded. An excess must necessarily operate against the good of the public.<br />
<b>6.</b> When we reflect upon the nature of those artificial and hereditary elevations which obtain in the complicated frames of mixed governments like our own, and duly consider their <i>usual</i> causes, and their attendant circumstances; together with their too common effects upon the frailty of human nature, when, I say, we thus deeply reflect, it becomes apparent to reason, and it is abundantly proved by experience, that it is utterly unsafe for the <i>commons</i> of any community, to intrust in the hands of the few who are thus <i>set apart</i>by heredity, or <i>detached</i> in any degree from the common interest by artificial, elevations, any <span style="font-size: x-small;">[8] </span>of those powers on which more immediately depend the preservation of their liberties. Among these, the powers of the purse have the first place. So sure as the <i>few</i> shall ever obtain the power of taxing, at their discretion, the <i>many</i>; so sure will the latter by in a state of servitude. It is therefore, on the soundest principles of wisdom, that the commons of this kingdom are scrupulously tenacious of the power of the public purse; and exercise the exclusive right of originating, and wholly modelling, every parliamentary act with shall operate in the nature of a tax. When they shall cease to do this, they will cease to be free.<br />
<b>7. </b>The legislative power of our constitution have been intrusted in the hands of a king, nobles, and a limited number of delegates, to be nominated by, and to represent the <i>commons</i>; or that part of the people <i>which remains</i>, after the king and the nobles have been set apart.* Pains have also been taken<br />
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* The neglect of this necessary distinction has in various excellent writers, occasioned obscurity. And others have <i>purposely</i> neglected it, in order to confound. "It is not;" says a most elegant an honest writer, "the three estates, but those whom the <i>people</i> elect, who represent them." Here, he doubtless should have said <i>commons. Appeal to the justice and interests of the people of Great Britain in the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america.htm">present disputes</a> with America</i>. "In a free state, every man, who is supposed a free agent, ought to be, in some measure, his own governor; and therefore a <i>branch</i> at least of the legislative power should <span style="font-size: x-small;">[9]</span> reside in the whole body of the <i>people</i>." Here again it would have been <i>commons</i>. <i>Black. Com. </i>Vol. I. p. 158.<br />
"Surely the nation might have expelled<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/wilkes.htm">Mr. Wilkes</a>, or have struck his name out of the list of committee, had it been assembled, and had it thought proper so to do. What then should hinder the <i>deputies of the nation </i>from dong the same thing?" Here <i>nation</i> is synonymous with <i>people</i>. It is first used properly, and afterwards it artfully calls the <i>commons</i> by the same name. The house of commons are not the deputies of the <i>nation</i> or <i>people</i>, but the deputies of the <i>commons</i> only. <i>Tucker's Tracts</i>, p. 172.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[9]</span> to effect a due poize of the several members of this legislative body, and to define the distinct duties and privileges of each; so that both its separate movements, and its joint operations shall be such, as best to bring about those ends for which it was instituted: namely, the security, prosperity and happiness of the whole.<br />
<b>8.</b> It is confessed by foreigners and boasted by Englishmen, that our constitution of government is the best that hath ever yet been framed by human wisdom. Most of the causes which contribute towards this very superior excellence, are obvious to but slight observers: but, if I mistake not, there is one particular cause, perceived only by the more contemplative, to which it is owing in a pre-eminent degree. I mean that perfect harmony and correspondence which our constitution of government, in its <i>genuine spirit and purity</i>, holds with the great constitution of moral government, called the law of <span style="font-size: x-small;">[10] </span>nature. The excellence of our common law cannot be more strongly expressed, than by its well-known definition, of being "the perfection of human reason. The constitution is a frame of government co-eval with, erected upon, and regulated by, the spirit of the common law of England. It may consequently be defined to be a government agreeable to the perfection of human reason." The <i>uncertainty</i> of our common law is, notwithstanding the ludicrous use often made of those wards, truly <i>glorious</i>. Departing from former precedents and decisions which are any way defective, in order to come nearer and nearer to the perfection of human reason, its determinations continue to vary and to refine, as experience and wisdom dictate. When the perfection of reason, on any point, is once attained; then, and not till then, is our law <i>unalterable</i>.* And until the like perfection, on any point respecting the frame of our government, be arrived at, the like glorious uncertainly belongs to the English constitution. But this uncertainty in the constitution we have no reason to be alarmed at; because it can only operate to its improvement, as the other does to the amendment of the laws. Nay, it is the duty of our<br />
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* An alteration must be for the <i>worse</i>and therefore <i>wrong</i>: and it is absurd to suppose that any legislature can have a <i>right</i> to do <i>wrong</i>.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[11]</span> legislators to declare and to vindicate this uncertainty, and, from time to time, to amend by it our frame of government; which, tho' "<i>agreeable to</i> the perfection of human reason," is but, as yet, in a state of approximation towards that absolute ideal perfection we very properly attribute to it.* This, I say, is the duty of our legislators, as much as it is the duty of our judges to depart from all defective precedents in law decisions, and to establish new ones in their room, more agreeable to truth and right treason. And this improvement of the constitution ought at all times to be made were it only suggested by <i>reason</i>, and not by inconveniences and miseries already felt. A dog, a horse, or an ass will grow wise by <i>experience</i>, and learn to shun what has injured him. And, if, instead of making improvements, any gross abuses, or a perversion of the clearest principles of the constitution were to be practised by these legislators, to the detriment of the people, it would be a language far too mild and forbearing to say only that they <i>neglected</i>their duty. But, should we ever observe them, sedulously to seek out all those points on which no constitutional doctrine had yet been enacted into positive law, than there to make their attacks;<br />
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* Kingstone cause: in which has been over-ruled a defective mode of administering justice, that had been practised 1475 years.</blockquote>
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[12] in order to destroy the constitution itself, and in its stead to render themselves the arbiters of our lives and liberties, would it not be time to act a little for ourselves, instead of continuing wholly to confide in such treacherous agents? We ought at least to act the part of a distrustful master; by requiring them, on the points in question, to make the written law speak the true language of the constitution: and this we ought to do in such a tome, as to convince them that we meant to have our commands punctually obeyed.<br />
<b>9.</b> Whenever we may think such a conduct necessary, and shall seriously take up the matter, these versatile gentlemen will affect to applaud the rectitude of our intentions; but at the same time, they will not be wanting in their kind endeavours, to shew us that we are ignorant of the subject, and have misjudged the measures proper for the occasion. They will, with all imaginary dexterity, shift off, if possible, all suspicion of blame from themselves; and, by an inundation of words to overwhelm the truth, and by the subtilest arts to warp the judgment, they will hope to satisfy us that the gross corruption and misgovernment we have complained of, were mere creatures of the imagination. whatever may happen to be too glaring to be hid by any veil, and they shall condescendingly acknowledge to be wrong in itself, they will take especial care to justify, <span style="font-size: x-small;">[13] </span>or at least to extenuate, by a <i>necessity</i> arising from the licentiousness of the people: and, as far as they shall dare, they will insinuate that the cure of this licentiousness, and consequently of the evils complained of, would be, to arm the crown or themselves with greater and more summary powers. If all these admirable arguments should fail them, they would then be seized with sad apprehensions and horrors at the thoughts of <i>innovations</i>. Every intended improvement of the constitution, and even the restoration of any former salutary practices, would all be, in their artful language, dangerous innovations; and there would be no end of their declamation. Happily for us they have no prescriptive title to infallibility; and therefore they cannot, like his Holiness, absolutely forbid us the use of our reason in matter of government. They will, however, on such an occasion, like all other benevolent impostors their predecessors, do all they can to work on the prejudices of the people, or rather the commons; and to persuade them that things are mighty safe if they would but think so; but that, should they unwisely either remove, or restrict, such faithful and able servants, their affairs must all go to wreck and ruin.<br />
<b>10.</b> Here, I confess, I am afraid of their abilities, and that their arts will meet with too much success. Let the friends of freedom, then, guard against their artifices, and take <span style="font-size: x-small;">[14]</span> care to blunt those weapons with which it is know they will attempt to wound still deeper their bleeding country. With this view, our fellow citizens should be perpetually warned on this delicate point; and taught how to distinguish between what are, and what are not innovations; as well as between innovations which may be dangerous, and innovations which might be eligible. <i>See Polit. Disq. </i>vol. 3. p. 298, 303, 304.<br />
<b>11.</b> Changes and alterations in government which should proceed from caprice, fickleness, or a mere spirit of innovating, without any <i>fixed standard </i>or <i>sure criterion</i>, by which they were to be regulated and might be judged of, would deservedly be thought dangerous, and ought to be rejected as such: but, with a constitution of government 'agreeable to the perfection of human reason' for a standard and criterion, with political maxims the most established, with the clearest informations of <i>common sense</i>upon self-evident propositions, to justify any particular measures concerted for the purpose of obtaining a recovery from any political malady, and the avoiding of a relapse; we might then know, that however novel or unexperienced, such particular measures might be, yet that, so sanctioned, they and the innovations they introduced ought to be adopted: — if, indeed that could be <span style="font-size: x-small;">[15]</span> properly termed an innovation which naturally grew out of the circumstances of the case.<br />
<b>12</b>. It is, however, extremely fortunate for us, that making our parliaments <i>annual</i>, and our representation <i>equal</i>, can neither of them in any sense, nor without a direct falsehood, by stiled innovations. <i>Both of them were the antient practice of the constitution</i>. But parliaments of a longer duration, and that partial representation of the commons we now experience, when first introduced by kingcraft and court policy, and through the supineness of the commons <i>were</i> innovations:— and innovations the more destructive, as they were not greatly suspected of danger. That supineness in the commons brought on a relaxation; and relaxation engendered those impurities which, at first, made only a slight and secret impression on the health of the constitution; then became perceptible and visibly impaired its strength and beauty; but at length, having reduced it to a rotten carcass. I trust, however, that it is not incurable. The body politic (I mean our own) thought, like the natural body it be <i>subject</i> to disease and to death, is yet essentially different from it in this respect;— that, as the body grows weaker and weaker from the successive attacks of disease, though <i>ever so well cured</i>; and, from its first formation is perpetually and inevitably tending towards decay, so on the contrary, the body politic, if but properly cured <span style="font-size: x-small;">[16]</span> of its successive diseases, is renovated each time to a degree of vigour more than pristine, acquiring as it were a continual accession of youth and health, and perpetually adding to its sources of life. Its natural tendency is consequently towards all the immortality which the duration of this world can afford it. It is not corporeal. It is not formed from the dust of the earth. It is purely intellectual; and its life-spring is truth. Truth and intellect are eternal. Perhaps the careless figurative repression of <i>body</i> politic, may have contributed very much to the unphilosophical language commonly used, with regard to the supposed certainty that every state, like a human body, must necessarily perish through infirmities and old age, which <i>I deny</i>. I grant that the best <i>may</i> die of its diseases; and that it is not proof against <i>suicide</i>: but I maintain that it is in its power to live and flourish to the end of time: whereas, health itself cannot preserve the natural body beyond the period of nature: it dies of mere time when no other disease ever touches it.<br />
<b>13</b>. We may now proceed to observe that the <i>whole</i> legislative body, of king, lords, and representatives of the commons, is the full and compleat representative of the <i>people</i>: (§7.) and that our constitution of government, (supposing it labouring under no abuses) is, in its spirit and principle, a <i>perfect</i> institution; being 'agreeable to the <span style="font-size: x-small;">[17]</span> perfection of human reason', and to truth; having a natural tendency towards perpetuity and being rightly calculated to protect the liberty, property, peace and good name of every member of the community. By <i>perfect</i>, I do not mean that which it shall be impossible to pervert, that which fools cannot depart from, nor knaves abuse; and which shall be necessarily <i>exclusive</i> of evil. I believe we may venture to call the law of nature and providence, a <i>perfect institution</i>; and yet we see that it doth not exclude evil; nor <i>necessitate</i> men to be healthy, wise and virtuous. On the other hand, <i>every tyranny</i>hath been <i>necessarily</i> introductive of evil. And in all free governments which have not had the law of nature and the perfection of reason for their fundamentals, there have been causes <i>necessarily</i> introductive of evil, in proportion to their respective defects. And how little soever christianity may be considered as a civil institution, I cannot but regard it as <i>absolutely necessary </i>towards the constituting of a <i>perfect</i>political institution. It reveals some most important truths in morality, which the unaided laws of nature could never have made known to us; and it gives man a knowledge of himself, and a command over his passions, which half-seeing philosophy could never have taught him. Hence, the fates of all the free states and flourishing empires <span style="font-size: x-small;">[18]</span> of antient and former times, are not to be looked upon as infallible proofs that our own shall as assuredly perish in process of time; Besides, it hath fared the same with all defective religious, as well as civil establishments. The idolatry and polytheism of the Assyrians, the Medes, Persians, Greeks and Romans, all perished, as well as their respective empires and constitutions of government. Does it then follow that the religion of the English nation shall also perish. We know it shall not perish. It hath nature and truth for its foundation: those were built on error, and with nature had nothing to do.<br />
<b>14. </b>I have dwelt thus long on the nature and excellence of the English constitution; in order to shew that <i>it is worth all the regard and concern we can possibly feel for it. '</i>Tis the declared opinion of too many, that,'it is vain to attempt a restoration of it from its present corrupt, condition and to oppose its downfall;' that 'it is become ripe for absolute power and must submit; that 'the island must in time become a province to some new empire;' that 'this is the inevitable course of things, and therefore we had better give ourselves no farther trouble, but resign ourselves patiently to our fate.' I deny every word of this shameful language. It inculcates nothing but vice, folly and meanness. Let Englishmen entertain more manly and rational sentiments! Those effeminate and dastardly <span style="font-size: x-small;">[19] </span>notions would of themselves be sufficient to bring us into servitude: for they tell any one who should with to become our tyrant, that we will meet him half way, in order to receive his yoke upon our neck.<br />
<b>15</b>. Having considered the full representation of the whole people, and the benefits to be derived from it; let us now contemplate the representation of the <i>commons </i>alone. The first and most natural idea which will occur to any unprejudiced man, is, that <i>every in</i><i>dividual of them, </i>whether possessed of what is vulgarly called property, or not, ought to have a vote in sending to parliament those men who are to act as his representatives; and who in an especial manner, are to be the guardians <i>of public </i><i>freedom; </i>in which, the poor, surely, as well as the rich have an interest. Although no one of the commons can be originally without a right to this privilege of a free man; yet, indeed, it may be justly forfeited by his offending against the laws.<br />
<b>16. </b>Though a man should have neither lands nor gold, nor herds nor flocks; yet he may have parents and kindred, he may possess a wife and an offspring to be solicitous for. He hath also by birthright a property in the English constitution: which, if not unworthy of such a blessing, will be more dear to him than would be many acres of the soil without it. These are all great stakes to have at risk; and, we must have odd notions of <span style="font-size: x-small;">[20] </span>justice, if we do not allow, that they give him an undoubted right to share in the choice of those trustees, into whose keeping and protection they are to be committed. Is it not sufficient that the possessions of the ploughman and mechanick are so scanty as to afford them but a slender security against penury and want! Shall we add to the unkindness of fortune, the cruelty of oppression and injustice! Considering the great utility and importance of those valuable members of the state by whose manual labours its very existence is preserved, and its dignity and grandeur maintained; and on which depend also the affluence, the ease, and all the elegancies of the most fortunate classes of the people, doubtless we ought most sacredly to secure to them whatever they can can call their own. Their poverty is, surely, the worst of all reasons, for stripping them of their natural rights! Let us rather reconcile to them the many hardships of their condition, by shewing them that it doth not degrade them below the nature of man. If they have not wherewithal to gratify the pride, let them at least retain the dignity of human nature; by knowing they are free, and sharing in the privileges inseparable from liberty. It is certain that every man who labours with his hands, has a <i>property </i>which is of importance to the state: for Mr. Locke has admirably well observed that, "every man has a <span style="font-size: x-small;">[21]</span> property in his own person; the labour of his body and the work of his hands, we may say are properly his." And farther, let it be remembered, that the labouring man or the mechanick can neither have his daily food nor necessaries; nor cloaths to cover him, nor tools to work with, without paying <i>taxes </i>in abundance; and that it is the fundamental principle upon which, above all others respecting property, our liberties depend, that <i>no man </i>shall be <i>taxed </i>but with his own consent, given either by himself or <i>his </i><i>representa</i><i>tive </i><i>in parliament.* </i>Hence we find that, according to <i>the received doctrine of property,</i> no man can be <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/parlrep.htm">without a right to vote</a> for a representative in the legislature.<br />
<b>17</b>. But, after all, surely it is not <i>property — </i>it cannot be the precarious possession of clay fields and piles of brick and stone; nor of sheep and oxen; nor of guineas and shillings and bank bills; — nor, indeed, of any other species of property; which truly <i>constitutes </i>freedom: no ;— doubtless it is the immediate gift of God to all the human species, by adding <i>free-will </i>to <i>rationality, </i>in order to render them beings which should be accountable for their actions. All are by nature free; all are by nature equal: freedom implies choice; equality excludes degrees in freedom.<br />
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* The labourer cannot put a bit of bread into his mouth without contributing towards the payment of the <i>land </i>tax.</blockquote>
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[22] All the commons, therefore, have an equal right to vote in the elections of those who are to be the guardians of their lives and liberties; and none can be intitled to more than one vote. "In a free state," says <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/blacksto.htm">Judge Blackstone</a> in his Commentaries (vol. I. p. 158) every man, who is supposed a free agent, ought to be in some measure, his own governor; and therefore a branch at least of the legislative power should reside in the whole body of the people;" meaning the <i>commons. </i>I would not hastily dissent from a received opinion, especially one supported on great authorities; but yet my own conceptions of truth oblige me to believe, that <i>personality </i>is the <i>sole </i>foundation of the <i>right </i>of being <i>represented: </i>and that <i>property </i>has, in reality, nothing to do in the case. The <i>property </i>of any one, be it more or be it less, is totally involved in the <i>man. </i>As belonging to him and to his peace, it is a very fit <i>object of the attention </i>of his representative in parliament; but it contributes nothing to his <i>right </i>of having that representative. Did the accident of property <i>constitute </i>the right to representation, 'tis plain, that the property as much as the man, would then be <i>represented. </i>A member of parliament would, in that case, have farms, woods and houses for his <i>constituents, </i>and every other species of property which belonged to his electors. "It may <span style="font-size: x-small;">[23]</span> be alledged," says Beccaria," that the interests of commerce should be secured; but commerce and property are not the end of the social compact, but the means of obtaining that end" so that, by making property the object of representation, "we make," according to him, "the end subservient to the means, a parologism in all science, and particularly in all politics."<br />
<b>18</b>. When <i>all </i>the commons, without distinction, shall vote in elections, we shall then effectually provide that "not a blade of grass be taxed except with the consent of the proprietor:" and we shall do more; much more; for guardians will be appointed to every species of property whatsoever; and to the poor man's mite, as well as to the rich ones superfluous wealth. Every man's whole is at a stake be that more or less. Every man is free; and therefore he ought to vote: no man, be his property what it may, can be <i>more </i>than a free man; and therefore no one is intitled to more than his single vote. If a wealthy person is to be indulged with more votes than one, 'tis evident that, in exact proportion as this practice shall prevail, the value of every poor man's vote will be diminished. But all such ideas are arbitrary and unjust, and proceed from our adopting false principles of liberty; as will be explained hereafter (§ 24). Surely riches give their possessors so many other advantages, that <span style="font-size: x-small;">[24]</span> they they may be content with their lot, without invading the liberties of the poor! — not to observe, that to restore the right of voting to the poor, would better secure the property of the rich, than any other means that can be thought of.<br />
The rich man, by the assistance of <i>lawyers, </i>which his wealth will always procure him, can defend his property, even while legislation is very corrupt: but the poor man, for the security of his, depends altogether on the equity and wisdom of legislation; and therefore, if an indifference ought to be made, the poor man should have his representative in the legislature, and not the rich one.<br />
<b>19</b>. This, together with an annual parliament, would purify the fountain of legislation. And it is better, for even a rich man, to depend upon the purity of legislation, than upon the ingenuity of a lawyer.<br />
But farther: — there is yet another argument, in favour of the privilege which the poor, as well as the rich, ought to have in<br />voting for members of parliament: and, like each of the other separately, furnishes a full proof of their right. It is derived from <i>public services </i>to the community. He who has less than <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/currency.htm">40 shillings</a> <i>per ann. </i>in common with him who hath more, is compellable to contribute his share towards the preservation of the public peace, the execution of the numerous <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/pltopic.htm">poor laws</a>, and the care of our places of public worship <span style="font-size: x-small;">[25]</span> worship, and of the public highways, &c. serving by rotation in the respective parish offices of church-warden, overseer of the highways, overseer of the poor, and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/police.htm">constable</a>. Is he, I pray, to be only a drudge in the service of the community, and to have no one privilege which can give him an idea of being <i>a free </i>member of it ? When harrassed [<i>sic</i>] by the duties of an unthankful office into which he is forced; when fined for sitting in his own waggon upon the road; when compelled to attend the summons of a justice of the peace on some frivolous misrepresentation; is he not, from his little insight into the nature of a national jurisprudence, but too apt to look upon the law, as a snare to the unwary, and an engine of oppression to the poor; made by he knows not whom, but, as he takes for granted certainly designed only for the benefit of the rich? Is it not benevolent, as well as just, to allow him that share in forming the legislature, which shall give him more respect for the law, and teach him contentment under its restraints. Had he annually a vote, for the most worthy gentleman he knew in the country to be his representative, would he not see the law and his own humble station with very different eyes from what he does now? — The pernicious consequences of partial and unjust laws are finely represented by the Marquis Beccaria in the person of a robber or assassin, whom he supposes to reason with himself thus: "What <span style="font-size: x-small;">[26]</span> are these laws, that I am bound to respect, which make so great a difference between me and the rich man? He refuses me the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/currency.htm">farthing</a> I ask of him, and excuses himself, by bidding me have recourse to labour, with which he is unacquainted. Who made these laws? The rich and the great, who never deigned to visit the miserable hut of the poor; who have never yet seen him dividing a piece of mouldy bread, amidst the cries of his famished children and the tears of his wife. Let us break those ties, fatal to the greatest part of mankind, and only useful to a few indolent tyrants. Let us attack injustice at its source. I will return to my natural state of independence. I shall live free and happy on the fruits of my courage and industry. A day of pain and repentance may come, but it will be short; and for an hour of grief I shall enjoy years of pleasure and liberty. King of a small number as determined as myself, I will correct the mistakes of fortune; and I shall see those tyrants grow pale and tremble at the sight of him, whom, with insulting pride, they would not suffer to rank with their dogs and horses."* Nor, are the just pleas of the poor man yet exhausted. That which I am going to mention, though last, is not the least. He takes his constant<br />
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* Essay on crimes and punishments, p. 110</blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[27] </span>chance on a ballot, which is equivalent to taking his regular turn, to serve his country, as one of its military representatives, in the militia; and an important service it is<b>. </b>Here he becomes subjected to all the restraints, the labours and severities of military duty and discipline; and, in case of necessity, must be the shield of his country, and expose his life in battle for its defence. How comes he to be subjected to such a condition? If it be by laws enacted by men, in whose election he had no voice, he is a slave. I can conceive no clearer idea of slavery, than for one man to be obliged against his will to be the soldier of another. Is it <i>England </i>or<i>Prussia </i>in which we live. "But, giving up the point," says the honest Burgh,* in consequence of having adopted a false principle,<b>"</b>concerning the right of the poor to vote for members of parliament," &c. This point, however, I can by no means give up. It is the poor man's right: and he who takes it from him is a robber and a tyrant, It is the most sacred of all his rights: and deprived of this, he is degraded below the condition of human nature; he is no longer <i>a person </i>but a <i>thing. </i>And "liberty is at an end," says the admirable writer quoted above,<b> "</b>whenever the laws permit, that, in certain cases, a man may cease to be <i>a </i><i>person, </i>and become<br />
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* Pol. Disq. vol. I. p. 38.</blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[28]</span> a<i> thing. </i>Then will the powerful employ their address, to select from the various combinations of civil society, all that is in their own favour. This is that magic art which transforms subjects into beasts of burthen, and which, in the hands of the strong, is the chain that binds the weak and incautious. Thus it is, that in some governments, <i>where there is all the appearan</i><i>ce of liberty" </i>(mark Englishmen the words of this wise Italian!)<b> "</b>tyranny lies concealed, and insinuates itself into some <i>neglected corner of the constitution, </i>where it gathers strength insensibly. Mankind generally oppose with resolution, the assaults of barefaced and open tyranny; but disregard the <i>little insect </i>that gnaws through the dike, and opens a sure, though secret passage to inundation." That parliamentary corruption which, at the revolution, was an imperceptible embryo, and then <i>a </i><i>little insect, </i>is at length become a huge, a filthy and gluttonous monster. It hath already devoured the whole dike of our defence, and is now making its last unrighteous meal upon its own vitals: being doomed, if we are tame enough not to accelerate its fate and stay the flood, to perish by the same inundation of despotism which it has, laboured to let in upon our liberties.<br />
<b>20</b>. Nothing, then, but an absolute impracticability, or a care to prevent some great <span style="font-size: x-small;">[29]</span> public inconvenience which would overbalance the advantages proposed from an equal representation, can justify our departing in any degree, or for the shortest period of time, from these principles of freedom and equity, to the prejudice of any part of the community, how inconsiderable soever in the eyes of wealth or pride.<br />
<i>"Every </i>Englishman (says Sir Tho. Smith<b>)</b> is intended to be present in parliament; either in person, or by procuration and attorney, of what preeminence, state, dignity, or quality soever he be, from the prince to the <i>lowest </i>person of England. And the consent of the parliament is taken to be every man's consent."<br />
" The true reason," says judge Blackstone again (p. 177) "of requiring any qualification, with regard to property, in voters, is to exclude such persons as are in so mean a situation that they are esteemed to have no will of their own. If these persons had votes, they would be tempted to dispose of them under some undue influence or other.* This would give a great, an artful, or a wealthy man, a larger share in elections than is consistent with general liberty. If <i>it </i><i>were probable </i>that every man would give his vote freely, and without<br />
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*The same reasoning would be equally conclusive for thinning the houses of parliament: for a majority of their members it is evident, grandees, prelates and wealthy ones as they are, are nevertheless in so <i>"mean </i>a situation," in such poverty of integrity that they are constantly <span style="font-size: x-small;">[30] </span>tempted to dispose of their votes under some undue influence or other;" and we accordingly find that this gives "artful me a larger share" in parliamentary divisions "than is consistent with general liberty."</blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[30]</span> influence of any kind, then, upon the <i>true </i><i>theory </i>and <i>genuine principles </i><i>of liberty, </i>every member of the community, <i>however poor, </i>should have a vote in electing those delegates, to whose charge is committed the disposal of his property, his liberty, and his life."<br />
<b>21.</b> If, therefore, it can be shewn that elections for members of parliament may be so contrived as to admit of every individual in the community giving his vote; not only with <i>a probability of </i>giving it freely, but so as wholly to prevent the <i>possibility</i> of an undue influence over him; and to set at defiance all the arts of wealthy and ambitious men; and this moreover without trouble, difficulty or expence; it is to be hoped, if justice be not banished from amongst us, that the practice of the constitution shall no longer be kept at variance with the theory, but that millions,* of men now disqualified by our unconstitutional statutes, shall be reinstated in this their undoubted, as their unalienable right. And it might also be hoped, that it might not be an insuperable objection to such a mode of electing, should it render bribery and corruption totally impracticable; and put a certain end to all tumultuary proceedings, and to those filthy and scandalous immoralities<br />
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*I beg pardon : <i>only </i>one million four hundred and eighty thousand,</blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[31]</span> which, at our present elections, are so destructive to the morals of the people.<br />
<b>22. </b><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/parlrep.htm#borough">Borough qualifications</a> to vote, differing so widely one from another, I shall here make no farther remark upon them, than to remind my reader that they are all <i>arbitrary; </i>and do none of them make any just distinction between free-men and those, who for any just cause, have forfeited their freedom.<br />
<b>23.</b> In your counties, the distinction is <i>equally arbitrary </i>and <i>more unjust </i>than in most boroughs, as it disfranchises a greater proportion of free men. Might not that power which drew this arbitrary line at <i>forty shillings, </i>have drawn it, or may it not hereafter draw it, at any other limit whatsoever? How often are we put in mind, by the numerous friends of undue influence, that forty <i>shillings </i>in the reign of Henry the sixth, were equal to as many <i>pounds </i>of our present money? And what is the inference we are taught to draw from this observation? We certainly may, on such principles, live to see, not only our line of freedom drawn thus arbitrarily at such a point, as to exclude nine in ten, or nineteen in twenty, of the present small number of voters; but to have, to the idea of a qualification from <i>wealth, </i>the doctrine of <i>proportion </i>also introduced; whereby we should be compleatly in the power of a few citizens of overgrown fortunes; and consequently our happy system of government overthrown. We have just beheld an important revolution <span style="font-size: x-small;">[32]</span> in the government of our <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/india/indiareg.htm">East India Company</a>effected by the joint operation of these very means. It hath at the same time afforded a notable instance of some men's principles; and how little scrupulous they areas to the means of accomplishing their designs. In that company, the line of freedom had been drawn ever since its establishment, at a monied qualification of five hundred pounds. But this rule no longer answering the purposes of those who aimed to make the affairs of the company subservient to their despotic views, they first<i>, </i>by corruption, intimidation and undue influence, contract the limits of freedom, so as to include for the future only those who should hold one thousand pounds in stock; and then, to complete the business, they give the wealthiest stockholders an additional number of votes, in <i>proportion </i>to their greater property. I have heard this doctrine of proportion actually proposed, as an improvement in parliamentary elections: and that it should be adopted doubtless is the ardent wish of those who took so much pains to establish it in the case before us. Let us suppose, for the sake of argument, that it <i>was </i>adopted; as well as their other favourite point of raising the qualification to forty pounds <i>per </i><i>ann. </i>and that every additional forty pounds <i>per ann. </i>should give an additional vote. Such a law would at once sweep away nine in ten at least of your present small number of voters; and, at the same time, it would annex to an <span style="font-size: x-small;">[33]</span>estate of 400L, <i>per ann. </i>10 votes; to one of 4000L. <i>per ann. it </i>would give 100 votes; and a landed property of 40,000L <i>per ann. </i>(which is far short of what commoners have possessed) would then give its possessor no less than 1000 votes. Thus we see the errors into which we might be drawn, by admitting <i>property, </i>to confer the right of being represented; and <i>wealth, </i>that of being represented in a tenfold or a thousand-fold proportion. A right of being represented, every man owes to God, who gave him his freedom; but many a man owes his wealth to the devil. It ought, in that case, to give him a rope, rather than a representative.<br />
<b>24. </b>Although I would warn my country men at large by the fate of the proprietors of East India stock; and think I am well warranted in believing that the movers in that business would gladly play a similar game in the nation; I do not mean to draw an <i>un</i><i>limited </i>comparison between the government of a little separate trading community, and of the great civil community of the public. The freedoms<i> </i><i>of </i>their respective members depend on principles essentially different. An increase of <i>wealth, </i>not the preservation of <i>civil liberty, </i>is the grand object in a trading company. So <i>property </i>and not <i>personality </i>(contrary to the rule in <i>civil society) is </i>here the <i>sole </i>foundation of a right in the individual to be represented, and freedom may be <i>constituted </i><span style="font-size: x-small;">[34]</span> by any <i>arbitrary criterion </i>which the parties concerned shall agree upon. In <i>civil liberty </i>which is <i>a </i><i>natural </i>blessing: as heretofore observed, (§. I. 3.) there must be <i>equality. </i>This is not the case with regard to the <i>freedom </i>of the <i>trading company, </i>which is altogether <i>artificial </i>and depends solely upon <i>property; </i>which may be, and always has been, very unequally distributed. Hence, in <i>a </i><i>trading </i>society, representation may justly be <i>proportioned </i>to property.* And had the East India Company, by a fair majority without undue influence of any kind, new modelled their government, and changed their line of freedom, there could not have been, on the score of justice, any objection to their proceeding; how much soever it might have been liable to exception in point of prudence. It will, however, scarcely be thought reasonable, or conducing to the good of the<i> public </i>in that company, that a proprietor possessing nine hundred and ninety-nine pounds should be judged unworthy of having a voice in appointing guardians to so much property; who are, at the same time,to be <i>factors </i>for<br />
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* Had the truly patriotic author of the Political Disquisitions adverted to these necessary distinctions, he would not have thought the regulation in the East India Company of having votes in proportion to wealth, "worthy of imitation;" (p. 49 vol. I.) except <i>by </i><i>other </i><i>trading companies only.</i></blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[35] </span>adventuring it in trade to the extreme parts of Asia.<br />
25. The foregoing distinctions between the principles of government in <i>trading </i>and in <i>civil </i>communities should be carefully attended to; in order that we may never be misled by artful reasonings from the <i>former, </i>applied to the <i>latter. </i>That which may be an excellent regulation or system for the <i>increase </i>of <i>wealth, </i>may by no means be proper for the <i>security of freedom. </i>And the laws of a small <i>trading </i>community associated for that particular purpose, making all the while a diminutive part, and being subject to the laws of a great <i>civil </i>community, are not very likely to be of so liberal and comprehensive a nature as to be well calculated for national purposes.<br />
Mr. Burgh concludes his chapter, on, 'What would be adequate parliamentary representation,' thus; "The most adequate plan for forming an assembly of representatives, would be, for every county, including the cities, boroughs, cinque ports, or universities it happens to contain, to send in a proportion of the 513 answering to its contribution<i> to the public expence.</i>" But a little consideration will shew us that we cannot possibly come at this proportion. The landholders and other original possessors of taxable property, only advance the respective taxes; they are really <i>paid by </i>the consumers <i>only. </i>The land-tax of Leicestershire, Lincolnshire<span style="font-size: x-small;"> [36]</span>and Nottinghamshire, is paid by the thousands of manufacturers in Derbyshire, Lancashire and Yorkshire, who eat the beef and mutton, and consume the malt of those counties. And, so it is with all other commodities. After the taxes upon them are <i>advanced </i>by the original possessors, a commercial circulation through a thousand various channels distributes them to all parts of the kingdom; where the taxes are finally and <i>solely </i>paid by the <i>consumers; </i>and it is clear that, where there are the greatest numbers of consumers, there must be <i>the greatest contribution in taxes, to the public expence. </i>But Sir Isaac Newton himself could not calculate these proportions, from tax books, with a thousandth part of the accuracy that our church wardens can give it us, from their parish rolls of the inhabitants. Thus we see, that an arbitrary and <i>unjust rule </i>of proceeding would bear no degree of comparison, in point of simplicity and facility, with the only rule which is founded on equity and the true principles of our free constitution.<br />
<b>26</b>. Whenever the <i>first principle of </i>any reasoning is false we are navigating without a compass, and can have no criterion of rectitude as we go along, but must for ever be liable to error and abuse. Had we never departed from the true principle, of considering <i>every </i>member of the community as a free-man, we had done right. But when we would once form<span style="font-size: x-small;"> [37] </span>an <i>arbitrary </i>definition of freedom, who shall say what it ought to be; Ought freedom rather to be annexed to forty pence, or forty shillings, or forty pounds <i>per annum</i>? Or why not to four hundred, or four thousand? But, indeed, so long as money is to be the measure of it, 'twill be <i>impossible </i>to know who ought, and who ought not, to be free. According to my apprehension, we might as well make the possession of forty shillings <i>per annum, </i>the proof of a man's being <i>rational, </i>as of his being <i>free. </i>There is just as much sense in one as in the other.<br />
<b>27. </b>Provided the foregoing reflections be admitted to be just, it must necessarily follow, that the commons of this kingdom have at the present time, nothing better than a mock representation of so dangerous a nature, that nothing short of the constant miraculous interposition of heaven in their favour, can possibly save them from a speedy subjection to arbitrary power; except they will rouze themselves from their lethargy, and form to themselves such a representation as, by the eternal principles of freedom in general, and the express doctrine of their own constitution in particular, they are entitled to. It is to be hoped<br />that their tables of indulgence and beds of down, and the captivating charms of pleasure, have not so melted down the once glorious spirit of the British nation, and sunk it to such a degree in sloth and effeminacy, that all <span style="font-size: x-small;">[38] </span>its powers of self-exertion are past and gone for ever! Surely, what I have taken to be only the lethargy of ease and idleness, is not in reality that stupefying coma, which is the sure presage of approaching death!<br />
<b>28.</b> Is it not notorious that seats in the house of commons are considered as a property and an inheritance? Do they not pass from hand to hand, as appendages to estates in old houses? And are they not bought and sold like stock in Change Alley? Is there no placed or pensioned <i>peer, </i>who hath six, seven or eight members to represent him, and him only, in the house of <i>commons; </i>while <i>one million four </i><i>hundred and eighty thousand </i>of the commons themselves are not thought worthy of a single vote amongst them? (See Sect. 32.) We know there are such peers. Nay, do we not know also that seats in parliament have been paid away as gaming-debts, from fleeced and needy lords to tavern waiters and common gamblers?* Blush Englishmen, blush, if there be a spark of manhood left in your composition! And, when ridiculed. with the title of free men<br />
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*Of a Cheshire gentleman there is this anecdote. <i>His </i>Borough gives him some offence concerning a proposed election. He sends them his black footman, with a peremptory order to elect him their representative. The corporation draw up a petition; in which they humbly ask his honour's pardon, and assure him that, if he will indulge them with <i>a white </i>man, they shall not regard whom or what he may be, but will return him and be thankful.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[39] </span>hide your ignominious heads! — But perhaps all these things are right: — perhaps it is also right for the two or three cottagers of Bramber and Dunwich, and the lord of the borough of Old Sarum, where there is neither house nor inhabitant, to send to parliament as many members as your most opulent cities; while many towns of the first manufacturing consequence have not a representative! Perhaps it would, moreover, be right to lay aside the whole farce of elections, and for the minister to call up such faithful commons as he knew would soonest dispatch his business! — Perhaps, I say all this, and more might be right! Perhaps it might not be thought too much, were we, like the good subjects of Denmark, humbly to intreat the king to take the sole trouble of managing our affairs, and to make use of our lives and fortunes at his discretion and good pleasure! — Could Englishmen in general be brought to think so; and should there be no possibility of convincing them of their error; it surely would be no crime, after shedding a few tears of natural affection ill placed, to renounce an undeserving country for ever; and to seek for liberty amongst any other people who had sense enough to know its value, and courage to defend it at every hazard. May we not, with great reason, conclude that the time is not far off, in which the character of the nation shall be decidedly fixed; either by manifesting that its antient sterling spirit <span style="font-size: x-small;">[40] </span>hath <i>not </i>forsaken it; or else, by discovering that it hath indeed, as there is too much reason to apprehend, imported at once the pusillanimity, together with the spoils of India; and the cringing servility, together with the frivolous fopperies and loose principles, of Italy and France? Should even its virtues and its wisdom be no more; one might think that even self-love alone and a desire of ease, might teach it to prefer affluence to indigence, liberty to slavery. But if there be no principle in nature, active enough to put us in motion for our own good; — if nothing but an opera or a masquerade, a horse-race or a pack of cards, be worth our attention; — if we be so venal and abandoned, as to prefer prostitution and loose pleasures, to independency and the public weal; we have not manly sensibility enough left to feel any indignity but shall continue to suffer a nest of court sycophants and public plunderers, impudently to call themselves our representatives; and to, exercise such powers, as will soon enable their employers to throw off the mask, and contemptuously to forbid us even to utter that poor consolatory word, <i>representation, </i>with the mere sound of which we have so long contented ourselves. It would, at the approach of such a period, be time, for every one who had not fortitude enough to follow liberty across the Atlantic, to forget all that belongs to the great character of a <span style="font-size: x-small;">[41] </span>free man, and to learn the base and fawning arts of a willing slave; for such a disposition and such sentiments would then suit with his fallen condition. A race so utterly degenerate as to cast away liberty and put on chains at the bidding of their own servants, would merit no better treatment than to be spurned and trampled on by the beastly foot of despotism.<br />
<b>29. </b>Suffering as we do, from a deep parliamentary corruption, it is no time to tamper with silly correctives, and trifle away the life of public freedom; but we must go to the bottom of the wound and cleanse it thoroughly; we must once more infuse into the constitution, the vivifying spirit of liberty, and expel the very last dregs of this poison. <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/countyas.htm">Annual parliaments</a>and an equal representation of the commons are the only specifics in this case: and they would effect a radical cure. That a house of commons, formed as ours is, should maintain septennial elections, and laugh at every other idea, is no wonder. The wonder is, that the British nation, which, but the other day, was the greatest nation on earth, should be so easily laughed out of its liberties.<br />
<b>30. </b>As to the hope of removing the evils of a septennial, by changing it for a triennial, parliament, I confess it appears to me altogether illusive. On a superficial view, such a measure promises some beneficial consequences; and it is not uncommon to,<span style="font-size: x-small;">[42]</span>suppose, that it would at least lessen our parliamentary evils in the same proportion as there is between the respective numbers of years of their durations. But now, that corruption is reduced to a science, and this science is so thoroughly understood by ministers, I should fear that, if it made any difference at all; it must be for the worse. The whole question may be reduced to this; — would it be possible to corrupt a triennial parliament? If it <i>would </i>be possible, as, indeed, who doubts but it would, then the evil would in fact be augmented, instead of being abated; because the additional difficulty and trouble, would necessarily cause an increase of expence. Corruption must be made absolutely impracticable, by means of annual elections and an equal representation. There seems to be, in my poor opinion, no sense nor safety in any other measure.<br />
<b>31.</b> That man, amongst the opposition to the present ruinous men and measures of the court, who shall not immediately pledge himself to the public, by the most explicit declarations and the most sacred assurances, to exert himself to the utmost of his power and abilities, and perpetually, so long as he shall live, in attempting to bring about a thorough and compleat parliamentary reformation; and shall not instantly set about it, in preference to every other consideration; is, in my <span style="font-size: x-small;">[43]</span>humble opinion, nothing better than a factious demagogue; who cares not that his country be sunk in the pit of perdition, so long as he can but hope to come in for a share of power and plunder. On the other hand; such declarations; assurances and actions, would make him appear, in the eyes of the nation, as a guardian angel: and they would be ready to kiss the very ground on which he trod, in reverence of his virtue and patriotism. A handful of such honest men, acting in concert, might save their country; in spight of a tyrannical administration, and a venal parliament. But if the members of opposition have such <i>separate </i>views and designs, when only one<i> </i>view and <i>one </i>plan ought to actuate them, that they will not form this union, and act in concert for the salvation of their country, let them not tell us, any longer, of their love of liberty and of their public spirit. The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/decind.htm">loss of America</a>, followed by an <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/amwar.htm">unequal war</a>, together with all the fatal consequences they threaten, great and dreadful as such evils may justly be considered, are as a mere nothing, a very dust in the balance, compared with the total loss of our liberties, which must ensue, and soon too, unless a parliamentary reformation take place: and I will add, that immediate reformation, in that particular, might, — it would — but nothing else can, reunite us with our American colonies; as their kindred, their allies, and monopolizers of <span style="font-size: x-small;">[44]</span> their commerce; on terms more mutually and permanently beneficial, than could have submitted while we stood in the relation to each other of sovereign and dependent states. But, to amuse us with, any other measures, than those of a thorough parliamentary reformation, for alleviating our national misfortunes, would be nothing better than to prune away some of the leaves and luxuriant shoots of corruption, instead of hewing down the accursed trunk, and tearing up the roots. It must be exterminated root and branch, or we perish.<br />
<b>32.</b> Those who now claim the <i>exclusive </i>right, of sending to parliament the 513 representatives for about six millions, consist of less than twenty thousand persons* and 254 of these representatives are elected by 5723.† Nothing but a delegation of this trust from the said six millions, or at least a majority of them, could possibly have given them this right. They never were delegated. Had even the ancestors of these less than twenty thousand citizens, been so delegated by the ancestors of the six millions, yet even that could not, in the least, have bettered their title. Their pretended rights are, many of<br />
<blockquote>
* This number was taken through inadvertency. There is some difficulty in ascertaining the true number; but the reader is requested to make it 200,000. The main conclusions will still remain in full force.<br />† Pol. Disq, chap. 4.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[45]</span>them, derived from <i>royal favour; </i>some, from antient usage and prescription; and some indeed from act of parliament: but neither the most authentic acts of royalty, nor precedent, nor prescription, nor even parliament, can establish any flagrant injustice;— much less can they strip one million four hundred and eighty thousand people of an unalienable right, to vest it in one seventy-fifth part of their number.* The true, and indeed the only, operation of these several authorities hath been, in the case before us, not to <i>confer, </i>but to <i>take </i><i>away </i>a right. The selected persons had originally this right in the most ample and absolute degree inherent in themselves, in common with their fellow citizens: so that no exercise of legislative power nor of regal authority† could possibly <i>con</i><i>fer </i>it, or<br />
<blockquote>
<table><tbody>
<tr><td>* 4)</td><td><div align="right">
6,000,000</div>
</td><td>souls</td></tr>
<tr><td></td><td><div align="right">
1500,000</div>
</td><td>males competent</td></tr>
<tr><td></td><td><div align="right">
<u>20,000</u></div>
</td><td>Voters at present</td></tr>
<tr><td></td><td><div align="right">
1480,000</div>
</td><td>Competent men who are deprived of the right of voting</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<table><tbody>
<tr><td>20,000)</td><td><u>1,500,000</u></td></tr>
<tr><td> </td><td>75</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
And it is probable that the 1,480,000 <i>consumers </i>contribute towards the public expence in about the same proportion as they bear in numbers to the 20,000: that is about three guineas and a half to a shilling. —<br />
† 'Kings may make lords, and corporations, which corporations may send their burgesses to parliament,' says N: Bacon. The annotator observes, on this, 'Though the king can make corporations, yet he cannot give them a right to be represented in parliament without the commons consent! Pol. Dis. Vol. I. p. 66.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[46]</span> even improve it. They have however <i>deprived </i>the rest of the community of this their inherent right.<br />
<br />
<b>33</b>. The very idea of the right we are treating of, originating from, or being dependent upon, the <i>pleasure of the crown,</i>is<br />glaringly absurd. In the times, however, during which so illegal an use was made of the prerogative,* the inconveniences were not felt as they are by us, nor were those <i>frightful </i>consequences which now threaten with a speedy dissolution the whole frame of our constitution, much foreseen by the commons; or we may presume they would have been guarded against. But, indeed, we must allow that there were but very few periods within those times, in which the commons were in any condition to have held such a contest with the crown; or when the most dutiful petitions or remonstrances, on such a subject, would have obtained them any redress. More wise and more virtuous than other men must be that prince (a very rare case indeed!) who will yield up one particle of power, however unjust, except from necessity<br />
<blockquote>
*We now a days think it a tolerable stretch of the prerogative when a king pours into the house of<i> peers </i>a dozen members at a time: but if the title of our boroughs to send their two members each to parliament be <i>a good </i><i>one, </i>then his present majesty may add to the house of <i>commons </i>as many members as he pleases. James the Ist. privileged 54 boroughs which sent into the house 27 members.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[47]</span> or compulsion. — Although we have reason to believe that the commons were not sufficiently foresighted, yet we may safely conclude that our princes knew in general what they were doing, when they called upon so many of the petty boroughs within <i>their own hereditary private</i><i> domain, to </i>send up members to the great council of the nation. But they not only called up whom they pleased; for they discontinued, as occasion served, the calling up of others: thus "removing, at their pleasure, the landmarks of the constitution, and wounding it in its most vital part."* The two and twenty towns which had their representatives in the parliament of Edward I. but which were afterwards deprived, by <i>the mere will of the crown, </i>did not many of them, we may safely take for granted, lie within the <i>Duchy of Cornwall.</i><br />
<b>34.</b> How parliamentary representation became so inadequate as it is, we may see in the 5th chap. of Political Disquisitions: but the author does not shew us how our kings came by the <i>right</i> of calling up to parliament <i>only </i>whom they pleased; sometimes allowing towns, and even counties, a representation in parliament, and sometimes not, as suited with their own purposes. Nor has he, nor any other author, shewn us by what virtue a <i>royal </i>charter can authorize half a dozen of<br />
<blockquote>
*Mr. Wilkes's speech in the House of Commons, 21 March, 1776,</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[48]</span> the <i>commons, </i>exclusive to elect legislators for many hundred times their own numbers.* How far soever such charters may confer <i>other </i>exclusive privileges, let lawyers determine; but that they can give any exclusive right to the people in our boroughs, of exclusively voting for members of parliament, <i>I positively deny. </i>The very idea, I must repeat, is absurd. The king has no right, by his prerogative, to summon <i>any</i> parliament which shall not be with regard to the lower house, an actual representation† of <i>all </i>the commons: so, it is evident that the customary writs, directed to about twenty thousand electors, who compose only a 75th part of the commons, notwithstanding their antiquity, are unconstitutional and unobligatory; being vitiated <i>ab initio </i>by<br />
<blockquote>
<i>*</i>A corporation of 15 members, as Bramber for instance, elects as many members of parliament as fall to the proportion of 5848 persons, who make 390 times their number. And Bramber is not the smallest of our boroughs.<br />†Since <i>a virtual </i>representation in the house of commons was so learnedly argued to extend to three millions of people beyond the Atlantic; we may expect that it will be most unmercifully crammed down the throats of poor Englishmen, (provided they do not spit it out,) as being every whit as good, as wholesome and nourishing, as a real representation. But, to those authors who shall endeavour to palm it upon us, we may say to the same purpose as the managers in Hogarth write to the prodigal author, who, in hopes of relieving his own beggary and supplying his extravagancies, had troubled them with a dramatic piece, made up of the crude conceptions of a vicious brain : 'We have tried your farce, and find it will not do.'</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[49]</span> their total want of reason and equity. 'Tis a precedent to be quoted only to be over-ruled. It was originally an usurpation on an inherent and unalienable right, and no prescription can make it law. "It is," says an excellent writer, "a fundamental principle in our constitution, and was, until the reign of Henry VI. the invariable practice of it, that the property of the people, <i>not one man excepted, </i>could not be granted but by his own consent, given by himself or his representative chosen by himself. It was upon this principle that, until that reign, every man in the kingdom gave his vote, or had a right to give his vote, for the election of representative, on whom that power was devolved. The 7th of Henry IV. made upon complaint of this right having been disturbed, ordains, that <i>all </i><i>the people </i>shall elect indifferently. Their being residents in the county is the only qualification required. It was not until the 8th year of Henry VI. that the possession of forty shillings per <i>annum, &c</i>.*<br />
<b>35</b>. Judge Blackstone informs us that "parliament is coeval with the kingdom itself"† that "we have instances of its meeting in the reigns of Ina, Offa and Ethelbert:"‡ that "upon the true theory<br />
<blockquote>
*Appeal to the justice and interests of the people of Great Britain, in the present disputes with America, p.5.<br />† Vo1. I. p. 149.<br />‡ Ibid. 148.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[50]</span> and genuine principles of liberty every member of the community, however poor, should have a vote";* and that "every man, who is supposed a free-agent, ought to be, in some measure, his own governor; and therefore a branch at least of the legislative power should reside in the whole body of the people," meaning commons.†<br />
36. Where then is the foundation for that monopoly of representation now enjoyed by the voters of our despicable boroughs, and of forty shilling freeholders, to the injury and disgrace of the nation at large? — It hath no foundation. It ought instantly to be abolished. Every day it is suffered to continue, the nation is sacrificed to a handful of venal wretches, who constantly sell its liberties, at every election, for the term of the ensuing parliament. The deprived persons, who in fact make the body of the nation, are in duty bound to do themselves and their posterity right, by resuming this inestimable franchise into their own hands.<br />
37. But, we are told of <i>difficulties </i>in making our representation equal; and of <i>inconveniences </i>in parliaments wherein there should be no court influence. Since we have got over the difficulties of electing our thirty two thousand <i>military</i>representatives, the<br />
<blockquote>
* Vo1.1. p. 171<br />† Ibid. 158.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[51]</span> militia; and that, by balloting a due proportion of serviceable men throughout the kingdom;* we need not, I think, despair of being <i>able </i>to choose five hundred and thirteen <i>civil </i>representatives, whenever we may have the <i>will</i> to set about it. As to the other objection to our plan of reforming, I own it puzzles me. It comes from Mr. Hume, who is so respectable as an historian, a philosopher and moralist; and, therefore, it is a serious one:<br />
<blockquote>
* The plan for defending this country by a militia, was called by the late Earl of Chesterfield "a silly scheme which must be dropped." See his letter to his son, Sept. 23, 1757. We have nevertheless experienced it to be a wise scheme, and seen it brought to great perfection; in opposition to very bitter and indefatigable parliamentary enemies, and even to ministers. In addition to a prostitute parliament, they want nothing more than a standing army, in order to subvert the last remains of liberty. And his lordship expresses himself no less contemptuously of annual parliaments. ' In letter 106 vol. 2. he says — "The house of commons is still very unanimous: there was a little <i>popular squib </i>let off this week, in a motion of Sir John Glyn's, seconded by Sir John Philips, for annual parliaments. It was <i>a very cold scent, </i>and put an end to by a division of 190 to 70." But we must not be surprised at such sentiments , from a man who could write to his son as follows : "Yesterday morning Mr. ** came to me, from lord Halifax, to ask me whether I thought you would approve of vacating your seat in parliament, during the remainder of it, upon a valuable consideration, meaning <i>money. </i>My answer was, that I really did not know your disposition upon that subject; but that I knew you would be very willing, in general, to accommodate them, as far as lay in your power. That your election, to my knowledge, had cost you two thousand pounds; that this parliament had not sat <span style="font-size: x-small;">[52]</span> above half its time; and that, for my part, I approved of the measure well enough" (well done, old bawd!) provided you had an equivalent," &c. vol. 2. <i>Lett: </i>161. In one of our conversations here, this time twelve-month, I desired him to secure you a seat in the new parliament; &c. since that, I have heard no more of it; which made me look out for some venal borough; and I spoke to a borough jobber, and offered five-andtwenty hundred pounds for a secure seat in parliament; but he laughed at my offer, and said, that there was not such thing as a borough to be had now; for that the " rich East and West-Indians had secured them all, at the rate of three thousand pounds at least; but many at four thousand; and two or three, that he knew, at five thousand." <i>Vol. 2d. Lett. 193.</i></blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[52]</span> so serious, indeed., that I am at a loss for any other answer to it, but — to burst out a laughing in Mr. Hume's face. It would do no great harm; however, methinks, <i>just to try the experiment. </i>The inconvenience of too rigid a virtue, might possibly be remedied in this indulgent age, if it should be experienced. Mr. Hume will, I dare say, allow me a little scepticism as to the justness and weight of his objection; which I must tell him, in plain terms, I never can believe until I shall know <i>by </i><br /><i>experience.*</i><br />
What is a house of commons, if it be not a check upon the crown, in which reside all the executive powers of government? These executive powers would be more fatal to society than plague, pestilence and famine, except a sufficient check upon them should be provided. This is a truth we find written<br />
<blockquote>
*Mr. Hume was living when this was written.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[53]</span> in the tears and the blood of mankind in every age and country. Is this check, then, to be appointed by him whom it is to curb? Or, when appointed by others, is he, by court influence, to convert this curb into an impetus of that very power it was intended to counterbalance and restrain? — Nonsense! — And to put up with such a mock representation as cannot be proof against court influence, is just as rational. as to tether a bull with a hay-band.<br />
<b>38.</b> The objections to an equality of representation have not been wholly confined to ministerial writers, nor, indeed, have any of them urged them with so much ability as a very popular writer. I mean <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/francis.htm">Junius</a>.<br />
"I am convinced," says he, " that, in shortening the duration of parliaments (which in effect is keeping the representative under the rod of the constituent) be not made the basis of our new parliamentary jurisprudence, other checks or improvements signify nothing. On the contrary, if this be made the foundation, other measures may come in aid, and, as auxiliaries, be of considerable advantage. <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/pitt-e.htm">Lord Chatham</a>'s project, for instance, of increasing the number of knights of shires, appears to me admirable. — As to cutting away the rotten boroughs, I am as much offended as any man at seeing so many of them under the direct influence of the crown; or at <span style="font-size: x-small;">[54]</span> the disposal of private persons. Yet, I own, I have both doubts and apprehensions, in<br />regard to the remedy you propose. I shall be charged perhaps with an unusual want of political intrepidity, when I honestly confess to you, that I am startled at the idea of so extensive an amputation.— In the first place, I question the power, <i>de jure, </i>of the legislature to disfranchise a number of boroughs, upon the general ground of improving the constitution. There cannot<br />be a doctrine more fatal to the liberty and property we are contending for, than that, which confounds the idea of a supreme and an arbitrary legislature; I need not point out to you the fatal purposes, to which: it has been, and may be applied. If we are sincere in the political creed we profess, there are many things, which we ought to affirm, cannot be done by king, lords and commons. Among these I reckon the disfranchising of boroughs with a general view of improvement. I consider it as equivalent to robbing the parties concerned of their freehold, of their birth-right. I say that, although this birth-right may be forfeited, or the exercise of it suspended in particular cases, it cannot betaken away by a general law, for any real or pretended purpose of improving the constitution. Supposing the attempt made, I am persuaded you cannot mean that either King, or Lords should <span style="font-size: x-small;">[55]</span> take an active part in it. A bill which only touches the representation of the people, must originate in the house of commons. In the formation and mode of passing it, the exclusive right of the commons must be asserted as scrupulously, as in the case of a money-bill. Now sir, I should be glad to know by what kind of reasoning it can be proved, that there is a power vested in the representative to destroy his immediate constituent: from whence could he possibly derive it? A courtier, I know, will be ready to maintain the affirmative. The doctrine suits him exactly, because it gives an unlimited operation to the influence of the crown. But we, Mr. Wilkes, ought to hold a different language. It is no answer to me to say, that the bill, when it passes the house of commons, is the act of the majority, and not the representatives of the particular boroughs concerned. If the majority can disfranchise ten boroughs, why not twenty, why not the whole kingdom? Why should not they make their own seats in parliament for life? — When the septennial act passed, the legislature did what, apparently and palpably, they had no power to do; but they did more than people in general were aware of: they, in effect, disfranchised the whole kingdom for four years. <span style="font-size: x-small;">[56]</span><br />
For argument's sake, I will now suppose that the expediency of the measure, and the power of parliament are unquestionable. Still you will find an insurmountable difficulty in the execution. When all your instruments of amputation are prepared, when the unhappy patient lies bound at your feet, without the possibility of resistance, by what infallible rule will you direct the operation? — When you propose to cut away the rotten parts, who can tell us what parts are perfectly sound ?— Are there any certain limits, in fact or theory, to inform you at what point you must stop, at what point the mortification ends? To a man so capable of observation and reflection as you are, it is unnecessary to say all that might be said upon the subject. Besides that I approved highly of Lord Chatham's idea of infusing a portion of new health into the constitution to enable it to bear its infirmities; (a brilliant expression, and full of intrinsic wisdom) other reasons concur in persuading me to adopt it.*<br />
<b>39.</b> In quoting the foregoing passage himself, he adds, with a genuine magnanimity; "The man who fairly and compleatly answers this argument, shall have my thanks, and applause. My heart is already with him. — I am ready to be converted. — I<br />
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
*Letter to Mr. Wilkes.</blockquote>
</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[57]</span> admire his morality, and would gladly subscribe to the articles of his faith. —Gratefull, as I am, to the Good Being, whose bounty has imparted to me this reasoning intellect, whatever it is, I hold myself proportionately indebted to him, from whose inlightened understanding another ray of knowledge communicates to mine. But neither should I think the most exalted faculties of the human mind, a gift worthy of the divinity; nor any assistance, in the improvement of them, a subject of gratitude to my fellow creature, if I were not satisfied, that really to inform the understanding corrects and enlarges the heart."*<br />
<b>40.</b> I hope the reader thinks that his argument is already answered: but I will make some remarks upon his particular words. First, then, in answer to his query, concerning which are the rotten parts of the unhappy patient proposed to be amputated; I would, with much deference, take leave to remark, that this allusion, which is suggested from the practice of bribing, commonly called <i>corrupting</i>, does not furnish us (as is too common with the language of allusion) with a correct idea of the nature of the case. But I make no scruple to assert, that <i>just so much</i> of our mode of electing, as operates to the exclusion of any individual man from<br />
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
*Letter to Mr. Wilkes.</blockquote>
</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[58]</span> giving his vote, is defective and unfair; and therefore ought to be altered. The numbers who now elect, with respect to those who are excluded, (admitting the first to be 20,000, and the whole number intitled, to be 1,500,000) are in the proportion of 1 to 75: so that we say, with some precision, that the rottenness extends to 74 parts in 75. Dividing 1,500,000 by 513, the number of the members, we find that every member ought to be the representative of 2924 persons, and ought at least to have the votes of a majority of that number, or 1463, in order to entitle him to a seat in the house of commons. Can Junius, then, call it the birthright of the lord of the borough of Old Sarum, to be the exclusive elector of two members of parliament, who ought to represent 5848 of the commons? or of the nine electors of Grampound to send as many members as make the due proportion for 650 times their number? If no free man be disfranchised by admitting <i>every</i>man to vote, I hope we cannot, with propriety, say that any borough is <i>disfranchised. </i>I mean not to <i>abridge, </i>but to <i>extend, </i>the limits of. freedom. I have already proved (§ 32, 33, 34.) that no individuals, nor bodies corporate, can possibly have any right to elect a parliament to the exclusion of their fellow citizens. If the right of voting be, restored to all the rest, and <i>still retained by</i>the <i>lord </i>of <i>Old Sarum, by </i>the voters of <span style="font-size: x-small;">[59]</span><i>Grampound, </i>and every other petty borough, how can they be robbed " of their freehold," of "their birth-right." The birth-right of a <i>borough </i>is a phrase I cannot understand; but it is because I hold sacred the birth-rights of <i>men, </i>that I would have <i>every </i>man vote; and deny, that a <i>few </i>can have a birth-right to appoint legislators for the <i>many. </i>Were indeed our general monopolizing system to be continued; and yet, some boroughs lopped off, as rotten branches, while others continued on their present foot, I grant this would be an arbitrary proceeding, as being without any fixed rule of justice: but I talk not of <i>boroughs —</i>I talk <i>of men.</i><br />
<b>41.</b> I think him perfectly right with regard to that tenaciousness touching any bill for new modelling representation, which he says the commons ought to shew: but I flatter myself I have made it evident, that no member who should vote for an equal representation, could be said to "destroy his immediate constituent;" and nothing, to my mind, could be so far from giving "an unlimited operation to the influence of the crown," as the making ministerial bribery in parliament, <i>impossible.</i><br />
<b>42.</b> According to Junius's doctrine, I do not see that the legislature could, <i>de jure, </i>make <i>any </i>alteration in the present mode of electing representatives: for, if the persons and boroughs, now enjoying that <i>exclusive </i><span style="font-size: x-small;">[60]</span> power power of choosing the house of commons, be justly intitled to this exclusive power; and should have any part of it taken out of their hands, by "increasing the number of knights of shires," or by any other similar means, such a proceeding must be a violation of their <i>exclusive </i>right; and must, in a certain degree, "rob them of their freehold, their, birth-right." This doctrine, therefore, overturns itself.<br />
<b>43.</b> I am truly sorry that so argumentative and eloquent a writer should have formed, what appears to me, an erroneous opinion, on a point of so much importance: nor do I think myself fortunate, in being obliged to take the contrary side of an argument which he has once handled. Nevertheless, having a full conviction of being on the side of truth, and knowing that I am writing, not speaking, to the public, I have ventured to oppose plain homely reasoning to all the powers of argument and eloquence. My principles I trust, are perfectly constitutional. I may therefore leave them to their unassisted operation on the good sense and spirit of my countrymen.<br />
<b>44. </b>I know, full well, how much the vicious part of every community affect to treat plans of reformation as chimerical, — as romantic, and utterly impracticable. And I know, too, that the reforming of our parliamentary jurisprudence hath been particularly scoffed at, as the visionary scheme of refining <span style="font-size: x-small;">[61]</span> system-makers and ignorant enthusiasts. It i<b>s </b>not difficult to account for these insolences. The vultures will hover, and flap, and scream, about the putrid carcass on which they feed. The Cornish barbarians, notwithstanding <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/burke.htm">Mr. Burke</a>'s late humane act, will cast a longing eye upon a wreck, and persist in calling their diabolical plunder <i>a right, a prescriptive </i>right of many ages. But I regard not the clamours of the harpies; and I despise their nonsense, as sincerely as I abhor their principles.<br />
<b>45.</b> The reader, if he will have the patience to peruse a few dry pages of proposed regulations, shall be convinced, that to elect an annual parliament, and to establish an equal representation, are things the most simple and easy, in nature. If he ever thought otherwise, he will be surprized that he could have over-looked what will now appear to him so obvious. He must have patience, I say, with this part of our work; except he can delight in utility for its own sake alone. No man looks for entertainment into an act of parliament, or a body of civil regulations. Sufficient, if they inform; and better clear than elegant. For the sake of perspicuity, and in order to stop the mouth of disingenuous cavil, I must descend to some minutia. He who attacks national establishments, sanctified by time and custom, and interwoven with the <i>selfish interests </i>of the most powerful men in the community; had need, even in the <span style="font-size: x-small;">[62] </span>most enlightened and liberal age, to move with circumspection; and to omit nothing, however trivial, which may serve to secure the ground he gains, step by step, in making his approaches. After all, we cannot alas! do more than <i>prove </i>our propositions; and lay down a plan for the undertaking in <i>theory. </i>My fellow citizens must assist in carrying it into <i>practice. </i>And to the few advocates for their rights and liberties in parliament, it belongs to take the lead. Should <i>our </i>proof be clearly made out, it will afford those gentlemen the best of all opportunities of <i>proving </i>their public integrity <i>beyond a doubt. </i>This, I surely need not tell them, is the only thing wanting, towards obtaining them the entire confidence and support of the people, in effecting this, or any other necessary reformation in our government.<br />
<b>46.</b> The whole island sends to parliament 558 members. Of which number Scotland sends 45; England and Wales jointly, the remaining 513. Let us, then, divide the said 513 amongst the counties of England and Wales, in exact proportion to the respective number of males in each county, who shall be of a proper age to vote for representative sin parliament. I should propose the age of 18 years, for two reasons. 1. Because, at that age, a man is liable to serve himself, as a military <i>representative </i>of his country, in the militia. And thus, the same parish rolls (of [<span style="font-size: x-small;">62]</span>which more hereafter) will shew at once, who are of an age to be <i>military </i>representatives and <i>civil </i>electors. 2. Because, I think at that age, a man is a sufficient judge between palpable right and wrong; and every way capable of nominating for himself a proper representative: and the law of England thinks so too, for<b> "</b>at twelve years old, he may take the oath of allegiance; at 14, is at years of discretion,, and therefore may consent or disagree to marriage, and <i>may choose his </i><i> guardian</i>".* To the end of making this proportional division, throughout the kingdom, nothing is necessary but correct county rolls, taken from the respective roll of each parish in every county. In like manner, let the 45 Scotch members be proportionably divided amongst the counties of Scotland: and in other respects let their elections be regulated by the same rules as are hereafter laid down for England and Wales.<br />
N. B. The several counties, for all times to come, might continue to send up to parliament the same number of members, as should appear to be their proportion on this <i>first </i>enrolment of their men competent to vote in elections; notwithstanding any future alteration in their respective numbers. No alteration, in point of numbers, could possibly be so considerable, as ever to give them either<br />
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* Blackstone's <i>Commentaries</i>. Vol. I. p. 463.</blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[63] </span>cause or inclination to demand a new proportional division of the members to be made throughout the kingdom.<br />
<b>47. </b>The city of London might be considered as a county to all intents and purposes; having, in matters of election, no connexion whatever with the rest of Middlesex.<br />
<b>48</b>. Every other city and town might be allowed, out of the number of members returnable by the whole county of which it made a part, to elect its own proportion separately; and all the rest should be chosen at the county election. But all fractions in the number of competent men, proportioned to one representative, to be in favour of the county. Estimating the whole number of souls at 6,000,000; the competent men will be 1,500,000; and the number of those answering to one representative will be 2924. A town containing that number would be intitled to send one member; twice that number, or 5848, two members; and so on. But if it should enrol only 5800, the fraction should be in favour of the county, and the town send up but one member. In like manner, if it enrolled but 2923, it should not elect separately, but jointly with the county.<br />
N. B. While no smaller number than 2924 competent inhabitants could possibly have the election of a representative, to themselves, I should hope <i>Harrington's </i>and <i>Burgh's pro</i>posed rule for 'an exclusion by rotation' of<span style="font-size: x-small;"> [64] </span>the members of the house of commons would be found wholly unnecessary; at least I would have it by all means confined to the representatives of cities and towns. There can be no supposing that county elections, <i>such as I propose, </i>could be influenced by any man or men however great; and without very sufficient cause the commons should not be deprived of their right to elect any men, and especially those of whose integrity and abilities they had had proof. Nor; in my opinion, should men of worth, who had a laudable ambition of being distinguished for public services, have any unnecessary obstacles thrown in their way. 'A rotation, it is true, might give all persons of consequence their turns in the government;' and to this Mr. <i>Burgh </i>seems to think gentlemen of property have a <i>right. </i>But the idea, of such a right is totally inconsistent with the inherent right of the commons to have those for representatives whom they prefer to all others. Such an idea <i>of right, </i>on the part of gentlemen, would tend also to abate their <i>emulation; </i>and consequently they would become less anxious to merit the distinction, by a due application to the study of public affairs, and by the practice of private virtues; which, <i>then </i>would be stronger recommendations to the people's favour, than a nabob's fortune or a minister's letter. I own that too much attention cannot be given to <i>Burgh's </i>argument in favour of <span style="font-size: x-small;">[65] </span>a rotation; which is, the certainty with which it would operate in exterminating corruption; and therefore, rather than have an apprehension of that kind,'it would doubtless be better to have no separate town or city elections at all, but for the counties, by their parishes, to choose the whole number of members collectively. By the separate elections, I only meant to provide more effectually for the particular patronage of the capital trading and manufacturing towns.<br />
<b>49.</b> Any city or town should, on the same principle, either attain or lose its privilege of electing separately, by an increase or diminution of its inhabitants.<br />
N. B. These questions, as matters now stand, must be tried by the House of Commons themselves, as they claim the right and exercise the power of being the only judges of their own privileges. But perhaps it might, nevertheless, be an improvement, and no way injurious to their privileges, to erect a new Court of Record for the trying of them, as well as those of the House of Lords: the judges to be on the same foot as in the other courts, their jurisdiction marked out, and the forms of trial settled. The king himself is not the sole judge of his own privileges and prerogative: why then should either of the inferior branches of the legislature have such a power? A court of parliamentary privileges might prevent the waste of much precious <span style="font-size: x-small;">[66] </span>time lost to legislation; and its proceedings would probably be more efficient than those of election committees.<br />
<b>50</b>. In every parish, throughout each county, there should be kept, by proper parish officers, under the checque of the minister, a correct roll of the names of all the competent men within the same. This roll should be compleated afresh, before the 1st day of May in every year; taking in the names of all those persons who might arrive at the age of competency on or before the 1st day of June.<br />
<b>51</b>. From these rolls, the Sheriff of the County, (to whom copies of them should be immediately transmitted) should make out a county roll; correcting it and to compleating it annually before the 1st day of June.<br />
<b>52</b>. The whole House of Commons should be chosen on the 1st day of June in every year, except it fell on a Saturday or a Sunday, In either of those cases, on the Monday next after.<br />
<b>53.</b> Both in county, and town elections, the commons should all vote <i>by parishes; </i>and the elections should in all places begin in the morning, between 6 and 8 o'clock. The minister (if one in the parish) assisted by the other parish officers to take the poll, and to make his report of the same, signed by himself and his assistants, to the sheriff.<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[67]</span> N. B. This regulation would keep the people all peaceably at their own homes, save them expences, and prevent the shocking debaucheries so common at our present elections. It would also put a sure period to all riots and disorderly proceedings: because the success of a riotous party in one parish, would contribute little or nothing to the general success of the candidate they should espouse. But these effects are all obvious.<br />
<b>54.</b> The parish reports should, by the respective constables, be all delivered to the Sheriff of the County, assisted by a Bench of Justices of the Peace (not fewer than five) on such day, and at such place, within the county, as the sheriff should appoint, not being later than the last day of June.* The constable to attest upon oath, if required, the signing of the minister and other parish officers; which, for that reason should be done in his presence.<br />
<b>55.</b> From the whole collection of parish reports the Sheriff, assisted as aforesaid, should make out his general county report: not only distinguishing those candidates who appeared to be duly elected members of the parliament; but setting down alto the name of every other,<br />
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* The three ridings of Yorkshire might elect their members separately; and other large counties might be subdivided. The senior justice on the bench might, in those cases, officiate for the Sheriff, where he could not be present in person.</blockquote>
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<br /><span style="font-size: x-small;">[69]</span> and over against them respectively, the number of lawful suffrages in favour of each.<br />
<b>56.</b> In all cities and towns, the chief magistrate to officiate as sheriff; and be properly assisted by inferior magistrates.<br />
<b>57</b><i>. </i>All the general reports should be transmitted by the several Sheriffs and chief magistrates, to the clerk of the crown, on or before the 14th day of July.<br />
<b>58.</b> Every candidate should be obliged to signify in writing, to the Sheriff or chief magistrate of the county or place to which he offered his services, such his intention and offer, after a prescribed form, and never later than the 1st day of May, being a month before the election. At the same time he should transmit an affidavit of his qualification, after a prescribed form also. For a county member the qualification should be a landed estate; and 4001. <i>per ann. </i>might be sufficient: for London it might be the same; or a property in the kingdom of 12000l. ; for other cities and towns 3001, <i>per ann. </i>in land, or 90001. in other property; clear of all debts and demands.<br />
<b>59. </b>The names of all these candidates should be immediately published by the several sheriffs and chief magistrates throughout their districts; and a list of them also should be delivered to the constable of every parish, on or before the 20th day of May<span style="font-size: x-small;">.</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[70]</span><br />
<b>60</b>. It should be made unlawful for any poll to be taken otherwise than by ballot. This would prevent undue influence, personal offence, and self reproach. But it would not prevent that influence which ought to follow worth, wisdom and a right use of wealth. Gentlemen so distinguished, would always be sure of being elected when they should offer themselves; and their recommendations of others would also have due weight. A seat in the house of commons would then be an honour: and an honour not to be obtained for merit at Newmarket, the gaming table, or in a cotillon. The following mode of balloting, being very simple, might answer the purpose. Before the minister and other parish officers taking the poll, place three jars or other vessels, one of them being <i>white, </i>one <i>red </i>and one <i>black; </i>and give to every voter, the names of all the candidates, each on a separate paper. Let the voter put in the <i>white </i>vessel as many of these candidates names, as there are representatives to be chosen; and into the <i>red </i>vessel let him put the names of the remaining candidates. But if there should be any one or more candidates for whom he should not choose to give any favourable vote at all, he should put their names into the <i>black </i>vessel. Let the names deposited within the <i>white </i>and <i>red </i>vessels be made into two separate lists; with the number of the suffrages for each <span style="font-size: x-small;">[71]</span>candidate over against his name: and let both the lists be audibly and distinctly read over to all the people present. The names in the <i>black </i>vessel should be burnt, in the presence of the people, unopened.<br />
<b>61.</b> The several Sheriffs and chief magistrates should also make their general reports of the non-elected candidates, as well as of the members chosen; together with the number of suffrages in favour of each.<br />
<b>62</b>. Let there be no re-elections within the year: but, in case of a member's dying or vacating his seat in the house, let the speaker summon to parliament in his stead, him, amongst the non-elected candidates for the same county or town, who shall have the greatest number of suffrages in his favour. But, in case of that list being exhausted, and a vacancy in the house Rill remaining, leave it unfilled till the next election.<br />
N. B. Should this happen, though it is not likely, the shortness of the parliament will prevent any ill consequences ensuing. The electors will still have several representatives in the house. Besides, in such a parliament as we here propose, there will be a different kind of attendance on their duty from what we now experience, and we may be certain that neither the common business nor essential interests of their constituents will be neglected, on account of the absence of a few members. <span style="font-size: x-small;">[72]</span><br />
<b>63.</b> Provided there should ever be a deficiency of candidates by the time prescribed, viz. 1st May; for giving any county or town its proportion of members, and providing also for the successions mentioned in the foregoing article, to the amount of <i>one </i>non-elected candidate to every <i>three </i>members, I would propose to remedy that defect thus:— Let every voter be allowed to give in as many additional names of his own choosing as may be wanting, and put them into the <i>white </i>or the <i>red </i>vessel, as he should prefer one to the other in his own mind.* But it should be necessary that these <i>involuntary </i>candidates (if I may use that liberty of expression) should reside within the county or town of the <i>electors, </i>and be qualified for the representation; or else their nomination to be set aside by the sheriff and his assistant magistrates. Such involuntary persons, being either originally elected members, or called up afterwards to fill a vacancy, should be obliged to do parliamentary duty, on condition of being paid two guineas <i>per diem </i>during parliamentary attendance, and one shilling a mile travelling expences by their<br />
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*As, in such a case, the people of different parishes, throughout a county would doubtless nominate a considerable variety of gentlemen, this provision would effectually secure both the requisite number of members, and amply provide a succession, ready to fill such vacancies as might happen within the year.</blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[73] </span>constituents; the same to be raised by a rate for that purpose.*<br />
N. B. Practising physicians, surgeons, apothecaries, and attorneys at law; shop-keepers, and sick persons should be exempted.<br />
<b>64.</b> Whenever the numbers of the suffrages in any election should be equal, the decision should be made by lot; the justices preparing, and the sheriff drawing, the same.<br />
<b>65</b>. Every man being intitled to vote somewhere, none should vote in more places than one: (See § 17) nor should any one inrol himself in a new place, without producing a certificate, in due form, of his name having been erased from the former roll.<br />
<b>66.</b> For the cities of London and Westminster and for the borough of Southwark, no man ought to be competent to vote or to be inrolled as a voting inhabitant, who had a home, or occupied any house or lodging whatsoever in the country; excepting merchants, dealers and chapmen, and shop-keepers.<br />
N. B. These places constantly overflow with people who are from their own homes and parishes. It is therefore fit some restraint of this kind should be practised. Not, however, that any breach of this rule could ever<br />
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* They would be all known to the Sheriff, though their names should not be sent to him on a separate list because of their not having been in his own original list of candidates sent to the parishes before the election.</blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[74]</span> be of any ill consequence; so long as all the elections throughout the kingdom were carrying on at the same instant.<br />
<b>67</b>. In London, and all other populous cities or towns, the parishes, if too large, should be so subdivided, as to have the elections always over in one day.<br />
<b>68</b>. Let it be made part of the very constitution of parliament always to meet without any summons at Westminster (except the king in a case of necessity should appoint any other place) upon <i>a fixed day </i>within one certain week of November, provided his majesty had not assembled them sooner; and again, upon <i>one fixed </i><i>day </i>in January; and to sit each time for <i>a </i><i>certain limited term, </i>and so much longer, as his majesty should have occasion for their attendance: not, however, later than till the 20th day of May.<br />
N. B. In order to the securing of these points, every form and engagement the most sacred that could be devised should be made use of by the respective parties. In the first place, every candidate should, together with the affidavit of his qualification, (§ 58) transmit also (and every time he became a candidate) to the sheriff, another oath; in which he should have sworn that, provided he should become a member of parliament in consequence of the ensuing election; he neither would sit nor act himself as a member of the same, nor give his consent for any other <span style="font-size: x-small;">[75]</span> so to do, longer than the 20th day of May next following. Secondly, it should be an indispensable requisite, in order to constitute a legal election, that he who presided at the poll should make proclamation; that 'the competent men then and there assembled were to proceed to give their votes towards an election of fit persons to represent themselves and all the competent men in the county (or otherwise as the case might be) to which they belonged, in a parliament which was to <i>cease, determine </i>and <i>expire </i>on the 20th day of May next following.' And an attestation of this proclamation having been made should be part of the constable's oath (§ 54) before the sheriff and his assistant magistrates; and in their general report of the election, the term for which the representatives were chosen should be particularly specified. I call it <i>report, </i>and not <i>return, </i>because then, the parliament would not be chosen in consequence of the <i>king's writs to the sheriffs, </i>&c. but in consequence of the general law and constitution of parliaments, arising from the right of the commons spontaneously to appoint, and send up, their representatives "twice in the year, or oftener, if need should be, to treat of the government of God's people; how they should keep themselves from sin, should live in quiet, and should receive right;" according to that "which was ordained" by <i>Alfred </i>the best of all<span style="font-size: x-small;"> [76]</span> our kings except his present majesty "for a perpetual usage." Nor would it, in my opinion, be too much were the king required, not only at his coronation, but annually, on the first day of meeting his parliament, and before he entered the house of lords, to take an oath, in presence of some of the members of the lower house, that he never would attempt to prevent the appointed sittings of parliament, nor give his assent to any law for prolonging either the then present, or any other future, parliament beyond its proper and limited term of a year wanting eleven days, But, to return;<br />
<b>69.</b> Let all parish rolls be truly and carefully kept, on pain of some considerable penalty. The names to be regularly numbered, and no alteration to be made of their numerical order, on account of names legally erased, until the expiration of seven years. At the commencement of every eighth year, a new roll to be made out; omitting the erased names on the former roll, and numbering the new roll as at first. The general county roll to be renewed and freshly numbered in like manner, and at the same time.<br />
<b>70.</b> All rolls should be kept on paper of a fixed size, printed in a form prescribed by law. And the same should be regulated with regard to the paper to be made use of at elections, for setting down the names of the candidates.<span style="font-size: x-small;">[77]</span><br />
<b>71 </b>. All place men and all military men (except of the militia) as being representatives of, and subject to influence from, the <i>crown, </i>should be totally ineligible to sit as representatives of the <i>commons: </i>but a certain number from the civil department, as well as from. the army and navy, should be intitled to a place in the house, and allowed the same freedom of speech as the members; though by no means permitted to vote.<br />
No pensioner of the crown (except such as had obtained their pensions for life, and to whom they were given with the express consent or approbation of a house of commons;) no person enjoying any eleemosynary stipend at the will of another, (a very near relation excepted) should be eligible. Nor, any clergyman in holy orders; nor Irish peers; they both having duties elsewhere which they ought not to neglect. Quitting such duties, is no recommendation of them to the important trust of being our legislators. Nor, perhaps, would it be improper to exclude the heirs apparent to peerages: but of that, I am not fixed in my opinion.<br />
<b>72</b>. Thus, then, have I done my best to sketch out a new parliamentary plan: let others alter it at their pleasure; provided only that they <i>mend it. </i>Where, now, is the impracticability of making our representation <i>equal; </i>where the difficulty, the expence, or<br />trouble of <i>annual </i>elections! For my own part <span style="font-size: x-small;">[78]</span> I think none but old women can suppose them; and none but men of very bad principles and the very worst designs, can still urge their existence. I am sure that a village constable would be ashamed to acknowledge himself incapable of conducing the whole of it: and I know that the laws by which we now raise our militia, are attended with more difficulties and more trouble ten times over. But that the execution of such a plan will be opposed by the court and its tools, I likewise have no doubt. And I can easily foresee, that, for want of an honest and <i>direct </i>objection to it, they will indirectly attack it, by an artful vindication, as they will pretend, of the royal prerogative, upon which, according to their doctrines, it incroaches. I think; it, therefore, necessary, before I dismiss the subject, to speak a little to that point.<br />
<b>73</b>. As I wish to give every <i>honest </i>doubter all reasonable satisfaction, at the same time that I would shew a proper attention to all that the court can object to my proposed abridgment of the prerogative, I will begin with taking Judge Blackstone's opinion on the point in question. "As to the manner and time of assembling;" says he, "the parliament is regularly to be summoned by the king's writ or letter, issued out of chancery by advice of the privy council, at least forty days before it begins to sit. It is a branch of the royal prerogative that no parliament <span style="font-size: x-small;">[79] </span>can be convened by its own authority, or by the authority of any, except the king alone. And this prerogative <i>is </i><i>founded upon </i><i>very good reason. </i>For, supposing it had a right to meet spontaneously, without being called together; it, is impossible to conceive that all the members, and each of the houses, would agree unanimously upon the proper time and place of meeting: and if half of the members met, and half absented themselves, who shall determine which is really the legislative body, the part assembled, or that which stays away? It is therefore necessary that the parliament should be called together at a determinate time and place: and highly becoming its dignity and independence, that it should be called together by none but one of its own constituent parts: and, of the three constituent parts, this office can only appertain to the king: as he is a single person, whose will may be uniform and steady; the first person in the nation, being superior to both houses in dignity; and the only branch of the legislature that has a separate existence, and is capable of performing any act at a time when no parliament is in being." But what does all this amount to, which can any way shew the impropriety of the parliament's meeting at a determinate time and place". previously agreed on, <i>by all</i> <span style="font-size: x-small;">[80] </span>the branches of the legislature ? If "it be highly becoming its dignity and independence, that it should be called together by none but <i>one of </i>its constituent parts," surely its dignity will be still better provided for, when it shall come together by the unanimous agreement <i>of </i>all the <i>three. </i>So much of the prerogative as can be <i>of any </i><i>use, </i>will fill be left to the crown, should the regulation I propose become part of the constitution of parliament: the king may still summon his parliament, at any time <i>before </i>its appointed meeting; he may keep it assembled <i>beyond the fixed period </i>for its sitting; and, after its dismission, <i>he may call it again, </i>if occasion require, and keep it in attendance the full period of its existence.<br />
<b>74.</b> Let any man but consider our very multifarious national business, and reflect upon the prodigious number of bills which are<br />passed in every session of parliament; and then say, whether or not some <i>certain </i>parliamentary attendance be not absolutely necessary. Let him also consider of what utility and convenience it would be to the public, always to know the times of its meetings; in order that all persons, being interested in any bills which were to come before the houses, might prepare themselves accordingly: let him, moreover, call to mind that, as kings <span style="font-size: x-small;">[81]</span> have heretofore governed <i>without </i>parliaments for a long time, they may possibly attempt to do so again; if we do not take care to prevent them; and I think he will hold it ridiculous, to talk of its being a prerogative of the king, to have the fittings of parliaments <i>entirely </i>at his mercy. Prerogative is "a power of doing public good <i>without a </i>rule." This evidently implies that its <i>only </i>sphere of action, is in those cases alone, where the law <i>cannot </i>provide a proper rule; for, to suppose that prerogative could in any case be allowed, where such a rule <i>could </i>be provided, would be to admit that prerogative is as good as law. This, however, is no doctrine of the English constitution. The <i>aula regia, </i>erected by <i>William the conqueror, </i>followed the king's person in all his progresses and expeditions;* and <i>consequently,</i> sat at <i>his pleasure; </i>till <i>magna charta </i>removed the grievance, by confining it to a <i>determinate place, </i>in Westminster Hall; where of course it became not only a stationary, but a <i>regular </i>judicature. And we are informed that it was through " fear of the <i>annual </i>parliaments" of those days, that this <i>aula regia </i>was erected in the royal palace, and vested with a portion of that power which, -till then, the <i>wittena gemote, </i>or parliament,<br />
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*Blackstone's Com. vol. 3, p. 38.</blockquote>
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[82] had been possessed of. It must be in the nature of every tyrant, however successful, to dread an annual parliament truly representing the whole body of commons: while, on the other hand, such a council will always be most acceptable, to a prince of genuine virtue and magnanimity; who, like his present majesty, wishes to be the father of a free people; and therefore will rather desire to know their <i>real </i><i>sentiments </i>and <i>interests, </i>than to be deceived by the lying flatteries and misrepresentations of sycophants and public robbers. Conceiving, as I do, that some of the meetings of parliament ought to be regular and certain, and by no means to depend on the will of the king; it is natural that I should deny it to be the, prerogative of the crown, to<i> dissolve </i>a parliament, meaning only an <i>annual </i>parliament, before it should have sat a sufficient time for ordering the public<br />affairs. We very well know how the power of<i> dissolving </i>has heretofore been practised. If the king is to have a power to <i>prevent a </i>parliament from assembling; and likewise, when assembled, a power to <i>dissolve. </i>it again; is not this sufficient for rendering a parliament a mere cypher in government? A power that should <i>never </i>be made use of, <i>ought not to exist.</i>No matter, as to the probabilities of such an abuse. But we know that it is <i>possible; </i>because it <i>has </i>happened. The commons have <span style="font-size: x-small;">[83]</span> <i>a right </i>to consult with the other two branches of the legislature, every year, or oftner, if need be, on public affairs; and they have a <i>right </i>also to counsel the king on all matters of state; to enquire into abuses, and to call ministers to account: hence, it ought not to be in the power of the sovereign to prevent them. For them to have <i>a </i><i>right </i>to do all these things; and for him to <i>have </i><i>a power to </i><i>deprive </i>them of the means of exercising this right, is a contradiction.— But the very idea of a power in the crown to dissolve at pleasure an <i>annual </i>parliament, is particularly irreconcileable with reason.* By its negative, it can effectually prevent any house of commons from doing any legislative injury to the constitution, should it at any time manifest such a disposition; and the commons at large, to <i>whom </i><i>alone </i>it belongs to <i>dismiss their own servants, </i>would very soon have an opportunity of discarding them, and appointing more trusty ones in their room. So, though in the judge's opinion, the prerogative of convening the parliament at the pleasure of the king, be " founded upon<i>very good</i><br />
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
* One abuse begets another. While under the imposition of long parliaments, we feel some consolation in vesting the crown with the power of dissolution. But what a wretched condition are the commons in, when they have no way of getting rid of servants who wrong and insult them, but by petitioning the crown!</blockquote>
</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[84] </span>reasons;" there are still <i>much </i><i>better </i>reasons to be given, why it ought to have its <i>fixed, </i>as well as its <i>precarious, </i>sittings.<br />
<b>75.</b> The more we contemplate an annual parliament, and those other barriers of liberty I propose to have erected, the more I am persuaded we shall become attached to them. I am sorry to find Junius no friend to such parliaments. "Whenever," says he, "the question of annual parliaments shall be seriously agitated, I will endeavour (and if I live will assuredly attempt it) to convince the English nation; by arguments to my " understanding unanswerable, that they ought to insist upon a triennial, and banish the idea of an annual parliament." I have been often, and much at a loss, to discover what could have been his reasons for this declaration. The more I have myself contemplated the subject, and drawn comparisons between parliaments of different durations, the more confirmed have I always been in giving the preference to an annual one, provided <i>it </i><i>were properly chosen. </i>Indeed I never could arrive at any other, satisfactory conclusion; but here my mind rests in security, and I find every satisfaction which the case requires or admits of. I hope the able writer abovementioned is still alive, and will no longer delay to favour the public with his sentiments at large on this great question. <span style="font-size: x-small;">[85]</span> Is it it be not full time that it were "seriously agitated," I have formed a wrong opinion; having very seriously discussed it to the best of my poor abilities. Satisfied as I am at present of the wisdom of recurring to annual parliament, I shall very readily change that sentiment in favour of triennial, or even septennial ones, provided any one will convince me by unanswerable arguments that either of them are entitled to a preference. After all our differences in opinion, 'tis truth alone that can do us essential service. He who has any other controversial pursuit, which causes him wilfully to deviate from that, is, in my estimation, a pest to society. Should I presume to guess at the objections of Junius to annual parliaments, I should suppose they probably arose from his previous ideas concerning the impracticability of restoring an equal representation. On that point, perhaps, the reader now agrees with me in thinking, that he had formed but a defective judgment. His error, in that particular, I conceive to be full sufficient for giving birth to others of no small moment, with regard to the most eligible length of parliaments. Were, indeed, no other alteration to be made in our representation, than that which he speaks of with approbation, of " increasing the number of knights of shires;" I confess that an annual parliament, such as we <span style="font-size: x-small;">[86]</span>should then have, and so chosen as it would still be, would be little better than the present. Probably not at all: possibly it might make things worse. Such a parliament, being still within the reach of corruption, would doubtless be corrupted. A very large proportion would still be <i>founded </i>upon corruption: the rotten boroughs would still contaminate the house of commons. Without a much deeper reformation, there would continue to be just as many saleable seats to dispose of in such a parliament, as in any former one. They would most likely, in such a case, be contracted for by a kind of conditional lease, for three, five, seven or more successive years, at a stipulated annual rent, according to the inclinations or views of the lessees. The borough brokers and masters of calculation would soon fix their market price for every supposeable term of years. Should it be in the power of a majority, or even of a considerable number of the members, thus to secure their places in parliament for any proposed time, what would it avail the nation that it were <i>called </i>an annual parliament ? In order to render so great a portion of corruption of no effect in the house, the knights of shires must be increased to a number that would preclude all possibility of sober counsel and debate. But in what conceivable of assembly would it be possible to admit such a degree <span style="font-size: x-small;">[87] </span>of corruption, without a certainty of its producing very ill effects! An annual parliament without an equal representation would be of no use; as, on the other hand, an equal representation without an annual parliament would afford us no security. Together, they would form a palladium of liberty. Venality would be banished, and tyranny bound. Why, in God's name, should we suffer any known and palpable corruption to contaminate the source of legislation!<br />
<b>76</b>. I only agree with a very great number of the best and wisest men of the age; when I say that except parliamentary prostitution be done clean away, the liberties of this country have not long to exist. I have endeavoured to do the duty of a citizen, by attempting to point out the ready means of effecting this great purpose. My fellow citizens must judge how far I have succeeded; and determine for themselves whether they will neglect them and sink into slavery, or adopt them and be free. May that Being who gave us our freedom inspire us with a due sense of so transcendent a blessing, and enable us to transmit it unimpaired to our posterity! <span style="font-size: x-small;">[88]</span><br />
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<b>CONCLUSION.</b></div>
I CANNOT but feel the strongest persuasion that the <i>facility </i>of annually electing our lower house of parliament, and of restoring a full, equal and perfect representation to the commons, is in the foregoing pages demonstrated: and I hope my reader agrees with me, in the idea of its being absolutely necessary to make these reforms immediately. Now it only remains to inspire him with a confidence that they may be effected, even against the whole force and fraud of ministerial opposition; and to adjure him, as he shall answer it hereafter, not to be wanting to <i>his </i>country on this great occasion: but to do his duty to that, I had almost said divine constitution, under which he lives, and under which he looks for peace and protection. No man can plead impotency without confessing disinclination. The poorest peasant of our state, I have shewn to be an important member of it; and that he hath as high a title to liberty as the most illustrious nobleman. I have shewn likewise that, in justice, the voice of the peasant goes as far as that of the richest commoner towards the nomination of a member of a parliament. The name of a peasant will consequently, be of as much value in a petition to<span style="font-size: x-small;"> [89]</span> the throne, or any public act of the commons in their social capacity, as that of any freeholder or borough voter whatever, It will be the signature of a freeman: of a man every way intitled to the protection of the laws, and competent to a share in the framing of them. To vindicate this right is doubtless of the last importance; for liberty, like learning, is best preserved by its being widely diffused through society. <i>Numbers </i>are its health, strength and life. But, to return, let my reader, if he have a wish for reformation, either recollect or read what is proposed in the conclusion of the political disquisitions, concerning a grand national association for restoring the constitution.<br />
It would be impertinent to repeat what is there written. I will only endeavour to throw in my small contribution towards removing the difficulties of carrying such a noble scheme into practice. As soon as leaders worthy of such a cause shall have made themselves known to the public (and such I have reason to believe will soon appear) it may be presumed that they will be provided with a concise and clear state, of the evils flowing from long parliaments; of the injustice and absurdity of such parliaments themselves; of the infinite advantages from their removal; and of the method proposed for this salutary work. They will doubtless lay a representation on <span style="font-size: x-small;">[90] </span>these matters before the king himself, and shew him how fatally he has been misadvised by his ministers. If his majesty's wisdom be in any degree proportioned to his known goodness of heart, he will be awakened as from a dream, and all will go well. He can at his pleasure make any parliaments annual by dissolutions; and, patronized by him, the whole plan for repairing the foundation and the fortifications of liberty will be executed with infinitely less trouble than it cost to pass the act for establishing popery in a British province, or to enact any one of those laws by which we weakly attempted to enslave the colonies. Such an act of wisdom and goodness would place the name of <i>George </i><i>the Third </i>the foremost on the roll of patriot kings: and the gratitude of his people would give him every thing in return short of adoration. He would then be great and powerfull [<i>sic</i>]indeed! But, should it be the misfortune of this country, that its sovereign should have been o effectually blinded to the only causes from which national prosperity, regal dignity and splendour can be derived; should the royal mind be warped by prejudice and unalterably fixed in a preference to certain men and their false principles of government; and should ever so expressly condemn the proposed reformation; yet, it must not be despaired of. If a king will not be a father to his people, they must take <span style="font-size: x-small;">[91]</span> care of themselves. For the sake of more formality, I will suppose our patriot leaders to make their next attempt in the house of commons. But we should be weak indeed to expect any better success in that quarter. Nevertheless such a proceeding would be highly proper: and it would be right to have a compleat bill for the purpose ready to lay upon the table, if <i>permitted. </i>The <i>jocular </i>Lord <i>North, </i>after once more diverting himself and his play-fellows with this 'popular squib,' gives the usual signal, and, it is no no no'd out of the house in an instant, and honour'd at its exit with a horse laugh.* An immediate publication, of it would however enable the people to judge, whether such a bill or such a house were most for their service. And it would then be high time that a national association were forthwith set on foot. But the principles upon which I have proceeded in this essay direct, that it should have a wider basis than that proposed by the author abovementioned. Instead of being confined to 'men of property, and to be subscribed by those only whose names are in any taxbook,' it must take in <i>every </i>man who shall prefer liberty to slavery. A slight reflection on the temper and disposition of the times will teach us, that it ought to be so concerted as not, by any means, to depend upon a<br />
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
*Good God in heaven, how do some men trifle with the fate of this nation ! Further Examination, p. 230.</blockquote>
</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[92] </span><i>coup de main for </i>its success: but so, as to grow into the approbation of the public more and more, as it should be more and more examined. Its intrinsic worth ought to be such, that it might at all times hereafter, though it failed at first, be appealed to as a model for a perfect parliament. Time, and circumstances, and sufferings from misgovernment, would one day or other bring it into use: but any great and sudden national calamity would instantly make all men come into it as into the ark of their preservation.. Our sufferings, if not our reason, are likely enough to drive us into it within a very short period of time; but, should we even allow that every servant of the crown and every member of parliament were an undoubted patriot, yet we could have no excuse whatever for delaying it; because the measure is right in itself, and a duty we owe to posterity; who might behold senators and courtiers of another cast. If we be in earnest to serve our country, we must have patience and perseverance as well as zeal. The patriot does not say to himself, 'I will labour in my country's cause for two or three, or for six or seven years;' and then, if disappointed, ' I will abandon it in vexation or despair:' no — the love of his country he finds .the ruling passion of his soul; and he knows that the duties of patriotism, the aggregate of all the minor social duties, cannot cease but with his vital, breath. It is to be hoped, therefore, <span style="font-size: x-small;">[93] </span>that amongst our leaders no unworthy ambition shall mix with this sacred business, no rashness dictate their counsels: but that wisdom, magnanimity, and an unconquerable spirit of perseverance shall regulate and distinguish their whole conduct. Besides the universality which seems to be essential to the scheme of an association, it must be framed with the utmost simplicity. The motives to it should be set forth as clearly and concisely as possible; the contrast between the evils to be removed and the advantages to be gained should be short and striking; the peasant should be taught to know his own importance; that a majority of the people have at all times a right to correct the government at their own discretion; should be inculcated and proved; and it should likewise be shewn, that a majority will always succeed in any thing they shall seriously and steadily attempt. A hand bill would be sufficient for this purpose. They should be circulated, together with the forms of the association, throughout every parish, and in the greatest abundance. And at the same time draughts of a petition to the throne, for his majesty's concurrence and aid towards procuring the object of the association, should likewise be circulated for subscriptions. But yet there is one measure which, above all others, would be necessary towards the prospering of our undertaking. The people must be <span style="font-size: x-small;">[94]</span>convinced that there is <b>no trick</b> in the business: that the leaders in it will not turn out<i> Pulteneys </i>or <i>F---ds</i>. In order hereto, it will be requisite, that these leaders should jointly subscribe and publish the most explicit declaration of their intentions; and the most sacred engagements that they will before all things persevere till death, both in and out of parliament, towards obtaining the great object of the proposed association, a parliamentary reformation. It were to be wished too they would confine themselves to this <b>one</b> article. It includes all the rest. Without this, nothing else can be obtained; and if they could, would not be worth contending for. But let them not amuse us with general terms and indefinite expressions. Let them say <b>what</b>this reformation shall be:—let them tell it us <b>exactly</b>, in all its particulars. Let us be thoroughly satisfied that we are not to be made the bubbles of their ambition; and when we shall have raised them to the high seats of power, that we shall not find our liberties in as low a condition as before.<br />
An association thus planned, thus patronized, thus conducted, would unite all parties; and soon take in almost the whole of the kingdom: — but why should I say <i>almost, </i>why should I suppose any man base enough, not to be of it? Neither the farmer, nor the mechanic <span style="font-size: x-small;">[95]</span> may perhaps know whether the Americans are right or wrong in opposing government; but <i>every man </i>knows that an assembly of honest men is to be preferred to an assembly of knaves. Hence we should soon see the wide difference between a party struggle, for petitions against addressess, and addresses against petitions; and a national invitation to all men of all parties to take care of their lives, liberties and properties. No man's party will suffer by an annual parliament; because no minister of what party soever can have an influence over it. By annual elections every man will be at liberty to vote for gentlemen of his own party once a year: and he will then find, by the help of very little experience, that men of sense, probity and religion, notwithstanding some immaterial differences of sentiment, are all of one party in politics; and will all agree in serving their country, and in keeping the power of kings and ministers within bounds. "A designing ministry desires no better than that the people's attention be engaged about trifling grievances, such as have employed us since the late peace. This gives them an opportunity of wreathing the yoke around our necks, because it gives them a pretence for increasing the military force. Instructing, petitioning, remonstrating, and the like, are good diversion for a court; because they know, that, in such ways, nothing will be done against their power. A grand national association for obtaining an independent pendent parliament would make them <span style="font-size: x-small;">[96] t</span>remble. For they know, that the nation, if in earnest, would have it, and that with the cessation of their influence in parliament, their power must end."* It will perhaps be said that 'the members of an association can only petition the throne; that 60,000 of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/petmovt.htm">subjects petitioned</a> in the year 1769 for a dissolution of the then parliament,† and were answered only by a royal nod, and that, no nod of approbation; whereupon the said 60,000 persons were obliged to put up quietly with the contempt they met with.' I answer, that an associated nation may do more than petition, or remonstrate either. There is nothing it cannot do but what is naturally impossible. It can level a throne with the earth, and trample authority in the dust. And it can do these things of <i>right. </i>Nothing but its own belief of their expediency to do it service, can preserve them from its destroying hand. But this nation knows too well the excellency of<br />
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<blockquote>
* Pol. Disq. v. 3, p: 455.<br />† <i>Ibid</i>. p. 35. where you will likewise find these words; "It was moved in the house of commons, that, in their address, in answer to the above profound speech" (the king's upon the horned cattle) "the house should declare their intention of enquiring into the causes of the present discontents. Several of the courtly members gravely denied that there was any discontent in the kingdom, though they knew that 60000 had subscribed petitions for dissolution of parliament. They might have argued more plausibly, that there was no parliament then existing. For it will appear presently, that a tenth part of the above number sends in the majority of the house. And is the voluntary petition of 60,000 deserves no regard, surely the bought votes of 5000 ought to go for nothing.</blockquote>
</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[97]</span> its constitution of government, to think of doing the smallest injury to any branch of it. Associated to a man, the throne, the peerage, the house of representatives would be so far from being in danger, that, to rescue them from abuse, to repair them, to strengthen them, to re-edify and adorn them, could be its sole object.<br />
That such an association may take place, if need be, is my ardent prayer; and I hope there lives not that man upon our isle so unworthy of the society of men, who, if need were, would not subscribe it with his blood.<br />
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Black Dwarf</h1>
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In January 1817, <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRblack.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Jonathan Wooler</a>, a journalist, eastablished a new radical <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRknowledge.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">unstamped</a>journal, the Black Dwarf. When the journal first appeared in January 1817 it was an eight page newspaper but it later became a 32 page pamphlet and cost 4d. (1)</div>
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Wooler argued that the real freedom of Englishmen lay in their power and their will to uphold their liberties, not throught the Constitution which was simply the "recorded merits of our ancestors", but by deeds. He warned "the higher orders think the best mode is to destroy the Constitution altogether and then their cause can run no further risk." (2)</div>
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This was a period of time it was possible to make a living from being a radical publisher. "The means of production of the printed page were sufficiently cheap to mean that neither capital nor advertising revenue gave much advantage; while the successful Radicalism, for the first time, a profession which could maintain its own full-time agitators." (3)</div>
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<figure style="color: #7d7dff; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-top: 35px; text-align: center;"><img alt="The Black Dwarf (5th January, 1820)" height="400" src="https://spartacus-educational.com/00blackDw.jpg" style="border: 0px; height: auto; max-width: 100%;" width="543" /><figcaption style="font-size: 13px; line-height: 20px; margin: 10px; padding: 10px;">The Black Dwarf (5th January, 1820) </figcaption></figure><br />
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<a href="http://as.vanderbilt.edu/history/bio/james-epstein" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">James Epstein</a> has pointed out: "<em>The Black Dwarf</em> was one of the most influential radical journals of the post-war years. The journal's tone was satiric; its politics were those of radical constitutionalism. Wooler was a gifted writer known for his habit of directly typesetting his articles without first committing them to writing. Among his contributions to the journal were regular letters from the character named the Black Dwarf to various fictional correspondents." (4)</div>
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Within a few months it reached a circulation of 12,000 and received the backing of the reform movement's senior politician, Major <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRcartwright.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Cartwright</a>. The newspaper gave its support to Cartwright's <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRhampden.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Hampden Clubs</a>. Cartwright main objective was to unite middle class moderates with radical members of the working class. (5) It has been argued by <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/HIStompson.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">E. P. Thompson</a> that during this period Wooler became one of the main leaders of the reform movement. (6)</div>
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<figure style="color: #7d7dff; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-top: 35px; text-align: center;"><img alt="Cartoon attacking the radicals. It shows Henry Hunt in the centre, the Black Dwarf (Thomas Jonathan Wooler) and a Pig (Tomas Spence)" height="415" src="https://spartacus-educational.com/00blackDw1.png" style="border: 0px; height: auto; max-width: 100%;" width="550" /><figcaption style="font-size: 13px; line-height: 20px; margin: 10px; padding: 10px;">Cartoon attacking the radicals demanding parliamentary reform. It shows <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRhunt.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry Orator Hunt</a><br />in the centre, next to him is the Black Dwarf (<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRblack.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Wooler</a>) and a pig dressed<br />as Napoleon (<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRspence.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Spence</a>) </figcaption></figure><br />
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Wooler compared these clubs to the work of the <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/REquakers.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Quakers</a>: "Those who condemn clubs either do not understand what they can accomplish, or they wish nothing to be done... Let us look at, and emulate the patient resolution of the Quakers. They have conquered without arms - without violence - without threats. They conquered by union." (7)</div>
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Thomas Wooler was arrested in early May 1817 and faced two trials for seditious libel for two articles published in the third and tenth numbers of the Black Dwarf. Wooler was tried at Guildhall before Justice <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Abbott,_1st_Baron_Tenterden" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Charles Abbott</a> and two special juries on 5th June. The attorney-general, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Shepherd" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Samuel Shepherd</a>, led the prosecution. Wooler defended himself brilliantly, with advice from <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Pearson" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Charles Pearson</a>, the young City radical. He was eventually acquitted of the charges. (8)</div>
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Wooler joined forces with <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRcobbett.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">William Cobbett</a> to attack <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/IRowen.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Robert Owen</a> who was attempting to create a model community in <a href="http://www.newlanark.org/index2.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">New Lanark</a>. In August 1817, Wooler wrote: "It is very amusing to hear Mr Owen talk of re-moralizing the poor. Does he not think that the rich are a little more in want of re-moralizing; and particularly that class of them that has contributed to demoralize the poor, if they are demoralized, by supporting measures which have made them poor, and which now continue them poor and wretched? Talk of the poor being demoralized! It is their would-be masters that create all the evils that afflict the poor, and all the depravity that pretended philanthropists pretend to regret."</div>
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Wooler went on to argue that the real problem was capitalism: "Let him abandon the labourer to his own protection; cease to oppress him, and the poor man would scorn to hold any fictitious dependence upon the rich. Give him a fair price for his labour, and do not take two-thirds of a depreciated remuneration back from him again in the shape of taxes. Lower the extravagance of the great. Tax those real luxuries, enormous fortunes obtained without merit. Reduce the herd of locusts that prey upon the honey of the hive, and think they do the bees a most essential service by robbing them. The working bee can always find a hive. Do not take from them what they can earn, to supply the wants of those who will earn nothing. Do this; and the poor will not want your splendid erections for the cultivation of misery and the subjugation of the mind." (9)</div>
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<figure style="color: #7d7dff; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-top: 35px; text-align: center;"><img alt="George Cruikshank, Funeral Pile,published in 1820. Thomas JonathanWooler is the one with the bellows." height="431" src="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRblackPR.JPG" style="border: 0px; height: auto; max-width: 100%;" width="255" /><figcaption style="font-size: 13px; line-height: 20px; margin: 10px; padding: 10px;"><a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRcruikshank.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">George Cruikshank</a>, <i>Funeral Pile</i>, published in 1820.<br />Thomas Jonathan Wooler is the one with the bellows.</figcaption></figure><br />
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It is estimated that 18 people were <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRdeaths.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">killed</a> and about 500 were wounded during a meeting calling for parliamentary reform on 16th August, 1819. (10) After the <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRpeterloo.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Peterloo Massacre</a>, the Home Secretary, <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRsidmouth.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Sidmout</a>h, sent a letter of congratulations to the Manchester magistrates for the action they had taken. He also sent a letter to <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRliverpool.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Liverpool</a>, the Prime Minister, arguing that the government needed to take firm action. (11)</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
When Parliament reassembled on 23rd November, 1819, Sidmouth announced details of what later became known as the <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRsix.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Six Acts</a>. The main objective of this legislation was the "curbing radical journals and meeting as well as the danger of armed insurrection". (12)</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Wooler was arrested for taking part in the campaign to elect Sir <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sir_Charles_Wolseley,_7th_Baronet" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Charles Wolseley</a> to represent <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITbirmingham.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Birmingham</a> in the <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Pcommons.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">House of Commons</a>. As Birmingham had not been given permission to have an election, Wooler and his fellow campaigners were charged with "forming a seditious conspiracy to elect a representative to Parliament without lawful authority". Wooler was found guilty and sentenced to eighteen months imprisonment. (13)</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
On his release from prison Wooler modified the tome of the Black Dwarf in an effort to comply with the terms of the <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRsix.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Six Acts</a>. As a result he lost circulation of those like <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRcarlile.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Carlile</a>, the editor of <i><a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRrepublican.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Republican</a></i>, who refused to reduce his radicalism. This was a successful strategy and he was able to outsell pro-government newspapers such as <i><a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRtimes.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Times</a></i>. (14)</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
To survive, Wooler had to rely on financial help from Major <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRcartwright.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Cartwright</a>. However, on Cartwright's death on 23rd September 1824, he was forced to close the newspaper down. He wrote in the final edition that there was no longer a "public devotedly attached to the cause of parliamentary reform". Whereas in the past they had demanded reform, now they only "clamoured for bread". (15)</div>
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<section id="source" style="position: relative;"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h2 style="font-size: 24px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 10px;">
Primary Sources</h2>
</header><section class="cite" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(1) <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRblack.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Wooler</a>, <i><a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Black_%20Dwarf.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Black Dwarf</a> </i>(5th March 1817)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
I have always thought that clubs of every description were the most important means of collecting and condensing that general, free, unpacked, and unbiased opinion of the public voice, which you say is essential... The man who would divide the public, in effect destroys the public mind.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(2) <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRblack.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Wooler</a>, <i><a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Black_%20Dwarf.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Black Dwarf</a></i> (20th August 1817)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
The principal justification of Mr Owen's pretensions are that he has succeeded in changing, as he calls it, the moral habits of the persons under his employment in a manufactory at Lanark, in Scotland. For all the good he has done in that respect, he deserves the highest thanks. It is much to be wished, that all who live by the labour of the poor would pay as much attention to their wants and to their interests as Mr Owen did to those under his care at Lanark.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
But it is very amusing to hear Mr Owen talk of re-moralizing the poor. Does he not think that the rich are a little more in want of re-moralizing; and particularly that class of them that has contributed to demoralize the poor, if they are demoralized, by supporting measures which have made them poor, and which now continue them poor and wretched?</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Talk of the poor being demoralized! It is their would-be masters that create all the evils that afflict the poor, and all the depravity that pretended philanthropists pretend to regret.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
In one point of view Mr Owen's scheme might be productive of some good. Let him abandon the labourer to his own protection; cease to oppress him, and the poor man would scorn to hold any fictitious dependence upon the rich. Give him a fair price for his labour, and do not take two-thirds of a depreciated remuneration back from him again in the shape of taxes. Lower the extravagance of the great. Tax those real luxuries, enormous fortunes obtained without merit. Reduce the herd of locusts that prey upon the honey of the hive, and think they do the bees a most essential service by robbing them. The working bee can always find a hive. Do not take from them what they can earn, to supply the wants of those who will earn nothing. Do this; and the poor will not want your splendid erections for the cultivation of misery and the subjugation of the mind.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(3) <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRblack.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Wooler</a>, <i><a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Black_%20Dwarf.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Black Dwarf</a> </i>(28th July 1819)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Whatever oppression or despotism militates against, or is the ruin of the one, it must in the end be the destruction of the other; we therefore entreat them... it should be too late, to stand forward and espouse the constitutional rights of the people, by obtaining a radical reform in the system of representation, which alone can save both the trading and labouring classes from ruin.</div>
</blockquote>
</section></section><section id="activities" style="padding-bottom: 25px; position: relative;"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h2 style="font-size: 20px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 10px;">
Student Activities</h2>
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<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Twork.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Child Labour Simulation</a> (<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Twork4.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Teacher Notes</a>)</div>
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<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ExamIR1.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Arkwright and the Factory System</a> (<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/EXAManswerIR2.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Answer Commentary</a>)</div>
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<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ExamIR3.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Robert Owen and New Lanark</a> (<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/EXAManswerIR3.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Answer Commentary</a>)</div>
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<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ExamIR4.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">James Watt and Steam Power</a> (<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/EXAManswerIR4.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Answer Commentary</a>)</div>
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<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ExamIR5.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Domestic System</a> (<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/EXAManswerIR5.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Answer Commentary</a>)</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ExamIR6.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Luddites</a> (<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/EXAManswerIR6.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Answer Commentary</a>)</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ExamIR7.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Handloom Weavers</a> (<a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/EXAManswerIR7.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Answer Commentary</a>)</div>
</section><section id="references" style="padding-bottom: 25px; position: relative;"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h2 style="font-size: 24px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 10px;">
References</h2>
</header><h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(1) <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Stanley-Harrison/e/B001KIFT4I/ref=dp_byline_cont_book_1" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Stanley Harrison</a>, <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/d/Books/Poor-Mens-Guardians-Survey-Democratic-Working-class-Press/0853153019/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1484760994&sr=1-1&keywords=Stanley+Harrison%2C+Poor+Men%27s+Guardians" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank"><em>Poor Men's Guardians</em></a> (1974) page 46</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(2) <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRblack.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Wooler</a>, <i><a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Black_%20Dwarf.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Black Dwarf</a></i><em> </em>(29th January, 1817)</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(3) <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/HIStompson.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">E. P. Thompson</a>, <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/Making-English-Working-Penguin-History/dp/0140136037/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1262626644&sr=1-1" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">The Making of the English Working Class</a></i> (1963) page 740</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(4) <a href="http://as.vanderbilt.edu/history/bio/james-epstein" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">James Epstein</a>, <em><a href="http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/29952" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Thomas Wooler : Oxford Dictionary of National Biography</a></em> (2004-2014)</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(5) <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_Royle" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Edward Royle</a> and <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/HISwalvin.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">James Walvin</a>, <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/English-Radicals-Reformers-1760-1848-Edward/dp/0813114713/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1484703734&sr=1-1&keywords=English+Radicals+and+Reformers+1760-1848" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank"><em>English Radicals and Reformers 1760-1848</em></a> (1982) page 120</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(6) <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/HIStompson.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">E. P. Thompson</a>, <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/Making-English-Working-Penguin-History/dp/0140136037/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1262626644&sr=1-1" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">The Making of the English Working Class</a></i> (1963) page 685</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(7) <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRblack.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Wooler</a>, <i><a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Black_%20Dwarf.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Black Dwarf</a></i> (9th September, 1818)</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(8) <a href="http://as.vanderbilt.edu/history/bio/james-epstein" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">James Epstein</a>, <em><a href="http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/29952" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Thomas Wooler : Oxford Dictionary of National Biography</a></em> (2004-2014)</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(9) <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRblack.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Wooler</a>, <i><a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Black_%20Dwarf.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Black Dwarf</a></i> (20th August 1817)</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(10) <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martin_Wainwright" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Martin Wainwright</a>, <a href="http://arts.guardian.co.uk/art/news/story/0,,2147877,00.html" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank"><em>The Guardian</em></a> (13th August, 2007)</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(11) <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRsidmouth.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Sidmouth</a>, letter to <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRliverpool.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Liverpool</a> (1st October, 1819)</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(12) <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/J._F._C._Harrison" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">J. F. C. Harrison</a>, <a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=J.+F.+C.+Harrison%2C+The+Common+People" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank"><em>The Common People</em></a> (1984) page 257</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(13) <a href="http://as.vanderbilt.edu/history/bio/james-epstein" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">James Epstein</a>, <em><a href="http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/29952" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Thomas Wooler : Oxford Dictionary of National Biography</a></em> (2004-2014)</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(14) <a href="http://www.oxforddnb.com/search/results/contributors.jsp?contributorId=5068" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Philip W. Martin</a>, <em><a href="http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/4685?docPos=8" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Richard Carlile : Oxford Dictionary of National Biography</a></em> (2004-2014)</h4>
<h4 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(15) <a class="ajax" href="https://spartacus-educational.com/HIStompson.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">E. P. Thompson</a>, <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/Making-English-Working-Penguin-History/dp/0140136037/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1262626644&sr=1-1" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">The Making of the English Working Class</a></i> (1963) page 891</h4>
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London Corresponding Society</h1>
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In January 1792 a group of four men, including <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRhardy.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Hardy</a>, a <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a> shoemaker, began meeting to discuss the possibility of forming a group of working men in order to campaign for the vote. On the 25th January 1792 they held a public meeting on parliamentary reform. Only eight people attended but the men decided to form a group called the London Corresponding Society. Early members included <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRthelwall.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Thelwall</a>, <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRtooke.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Horne Tooke</a>, <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRgerrald.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Joseph Gerrald</a>, <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Sequiano.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Olaudah Equiano</a> and <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRmargarot.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Maurice Margarot</a>.</div>
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As well as campaigning for the vote, the strategy was to create links with other reforming groups in Britain. <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRhardy.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Hardy</a> was appointed as treasurer and secretary of the organisation. The society passed a series of resolutions and after being printed on handbills, they were distributed to the public. These resolutions also included statements attacking the government's foreign policy. A petition was started and by May 1793, 6,000 members of the public had signed saying they supported the resolutions of the London Corresponding Society.</div>
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By the summer of 1793 the London Corresponding Society had made contact with parliamentary reform groups in <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester</a>, <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITsheffield.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Sheffield</a>, <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITnottingham.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Nottingham</a>, <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITderby.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Derby</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stockport" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Stockport</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tewkesbury" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Tewksbury</a>. They also had meetings with the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRsocietyC.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Society for Constitutional Information</a>, an organisation formed by Major <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRcartwright.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Cartwright</a>. At the end of 1793 <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRmuir.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Muir</a> and the supporters of parliamentary reform in Scotland began to organise a convention in <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITedinburgh.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Edinburgh</a>. The Society sent two delegates <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRgerrald.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Joseph Gerrald</a> and <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRmargarot.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Maurice Maragot</a>, but the men and other leaders of the convention were arrested and tried for sedition. Several of the men, including Gerrald and Maragot, were sentenced to fourteen years transportation.</div>
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<figure style="color: #7d7dff; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-top: 35px; text-align: center;"><img alt="James Gillray, Corresponding Society Meeting (October, 1795)" height="361" src="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRcorresponding.JPG" style="border: 0px; height: auto; max-width: 100%;" width="425" /><figcaption style="font-size: 13px; line-height: 20px; margin: 10px; padding: 10px;"><a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRgillray.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">James Gillray</a>, Corresponding Society Meeting (October, 1795)</figcaption></figure><br />
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The reformers were determined not to be beaten and <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRhardy.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Hardy</a>,<a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRtooke.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"> John Horne Tooke</a> and <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRthelwall.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Thelwall</a> began to organise another convention. When the authorities heard what was happening, Hardy and the other two men were arrested and committed to the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/LONtower.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Tower of London</a> and charged with high treason. The men's trial began at the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/LONold.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Old Bailey</a> on 28th October, 1794. The prosecution, led by Lord Eldon, argued that the leaders of the London Corresponding Society were guilty of treason as they organised meetings where people were encouraged to disobey King and Parliament. However, the prosecution was unable to provide any evidence that Hardy and his co-defendants had attempted to do this and the jury returned a verdict of "Not Guilty".</div>
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The government continued to persecute supporters of parliamentary reform. <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRgagging.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Habeas Corpus</a> was suspended in 1794, enabling the government to detain prisoners without trial. In 1797 <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/REromilly.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Samuel Romilly</a> successfully defended John Binns, against a charge of seditious words.</div>
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The <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seditious_Meetings_Act_1795" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Seditious Meetings Act</a> made the organisation of parliamentary reform gatherings extremely difficult. Finally, in 1799, the government persuaded Parliament to pass a Corresponding Societies Act. It was now illegal for the London Corresponding Society to meet and the organisation came to an end.</div>
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<section id="source" style="position: relative;"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h2 style="font-size: 24px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 10px;">
Primary Sources</h2>
</header><section class="cite" id="source-section0" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(1) Resolutions passed by the London Corresponding Society in January, 1793.</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
(I) That nothing but a fair, adequate and annually renovated representation in Parliament, can ensure the freedom of this country.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
(II) That we are fully convinced, a thorough Parliamentary Reform, would remove every grievance under which we labour.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
(III) That we will never give up the pursuit of such Parliamentary Reform.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
(IV) That if it be a part of the power of the king to declare war when and against whom he pleases, we are convinced that such power must have been granted to him under the condition, that he should ever be subservient to the national advantage.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
(V) That the present war against France, and the existing alliance with the Germantic Powers, so far as it relates to the prosecution of that war, has hitherto produced, and is likely to produce nothing but national calamity, if not utter ruin.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
(VI) That it appears to us that the wars in which Great Britain has engaged, within the last hundred years, have cost her upwards of three hundred and seventy million! not to mention the private misery occasioned thereby, or the lives sacrificed.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
(VII) That we are persuaded the majority, if not the whole of those wars, originated in Cabinet intrigue, rather than absolute necessity.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
(VIII) That every nation has an unalienable right to choose the mode in which it will be governed, and that it is an act of tyranny and oppression in any other nation to interfere with, or attempt to control their choice.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
(IX) That peace being the greatest blessing, ought to be sought most diligently by every wise government.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
(X) That we do exhort every well wisher to this country, not to delay in improving himself in constitutional knowledge.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section1" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(2) The secretary of the Tewksbury Corresponding Society sent a letter to <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRhardy.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Hardy</a> in July, 1794.</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
The burning of Thomas Paine's effigy, together with the effects of the present war, has done more good to the cause than the most substantial arguments for universal suffrage.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section2" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(3) Lord Braxfield explained why he had to sentence <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRmuir.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Muir</a> and the other leaders of the Convention in Edinburgh to be transported to Australia for fourteen years.</h4>
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<header class="title" style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; transition: color 0.5s ease 0s; width: 360px;"><h1 style="font-size: 24px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 10px;">
Manchester</h1>
</header><figure class="main_image" style="color: #7d7dff; float: left; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; max-width: 35%; padding: 5px 10px 10px 7px; text-align: center;"><img alt="Manchester" height="258" src="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITtownsmedieval.JPG" style="border: 0px; height: auto; max-width: 100%;" width="168" /></figure><br />
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In AD 79 the Romans built a fort on the east bank of the River Irwell called <i>Mancunium</i>. In the 14th century the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Textiles.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">textile trade</a> was enhanced when Flemish <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TEXweaving.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">weavers</a> settled in the area.</div>
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The transformation from a market town to a major city began in 1761 when the Duke of Bridgewater canal began to bring cheap coal to Manchester. By the end of the 18th century Manchester had established itself as the centre of the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TEXcotton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">cotton industry</a> in Lancashire. The merchants brought the raw cotton from <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liverpool</a>, sold it to small-time masters in Manchester who then passed it to the spinners working in the cottages. In the 1770s the invention of machines such as the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TEXjenny.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Spinning Jenny</a> and the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TEXframe.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Water Frame</a>completely changed the way that cotton goods were produced.</div>
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The machines in the first <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Textiles.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">textile factories</a> were driven by water-power and were therefore built in villages besides fast-flowing streams. By 1790 there were about a hundred and fifty water-powered cotton spinning factories in Britain.<a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/IRarkwright.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"></a></div>
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<a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/IRarkwright.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Arkwright</a> was quick to see the significance of the Rotary Steam-Engine invented by <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/SCwatt.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">James Watt</a>and in 1783 he began using the machine in his Cromford factory. Others followed his lead and by 1800 there were over 500 of Watt's machines in Britain's mines and factories. With the invention of Watt's steam-engine, factories no longer had to be built close to fast-flowing rivers and streams. Entrepreneurs now tended to build factories where there was a good supply of labour and coal.</div>
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<figure style="color: #7d7dff; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-top: 35px; text-align: center;"><img alt="Manchester in 1750" height="241" src="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchesterIT.jpg" style="border: 0px; height: auto; max-width: 100%;" width="600" /><figcaption style="font-size: 13px; line-height: 20px; margin: 10px; padding: 10px;">Manchester in 1750</figcaption></figure><aside id="mob-ad2" style="height: 50px; margin: 20px auto; width: 320px;"><div class="adunit display-block" data-adunit="dfpMobileContent" data-dimensions="320x50" data-google-query-id="CNPJn_GL-N4CFSSN7Qods-AAeA" id="adslot2">
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Manchester became the obvious place to build textile factories. Large warehouses were also built to store and display the spun yarn and finished cloth. The town's population grew rapidly. With neighbouring Salford, Manchester had about 25,000 inhabitants in 1772. By 1800 the population had grown to 95,000. The rich manufacturers built large houses around the Mosley Street area. At first the cheap housing for the factory workers were confined to New Cross and Newtown. However, as the population grew, close-packed houses were built next to factories all over Manchester.</div>
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The <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/RAstockton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Stockton & Darlington</a> line opened in 1825 successfully reduced the cost of transporting coal from 18s. to 8s. 6d. a ton. It soon became clear that large profits could be made by building railways. A group of businessmen in Manchester and <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liverpool</a>led by <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/RAjames.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">William James</a> recruited <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/RAstephensonG.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">George Stephenson</a>to build them a railway.</div>
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The <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/RAliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liverpool & Manchester</a> railway was opened on 15th September, 1830. The prime minister, the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRwellington.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Duke of Wellington</a>, and a large number of important people attended the opening ceremony that included a procession of eight locomotives. Large crowds assembled along the line and when the train entered <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester</a> the passenger carriages were pelted with stones by weavers, who remembered the Duke of Wellington's involvement in the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRpeterloo.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Peterloo Massacre</a> and his strong opposition to the the proposed <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PR1832.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">1832 Reform Act</a>.</div>
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The <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/RAliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liverpool & Manchester</a> railway was a great success. In 1831 the company transported 445,047 passengers. Receipts were £155,702 with profits of £71,098. By 1844 receipts had reached £258,892 with profits of £136,688. During this period shareholders were regularly paid out an annual dividend of £10 for every £100 invested.</div>
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The railway rapidly increased the population of Manchester. By 1851 over 455,000 people were living in the city. Housing conditions were appalling. It was reported that in some parts of the city the number of toilets averaged only two to two hundred and fifty people. Only forty per cent of the children living in this area reached their fifth year.</div>
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Manchester is famous for its libraries. The library founded by Humphrey Chetham (1580-1653) was the first free public library in Britain. <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRbrotherton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Joseph Brotherton</a>, a local MP, played an important role in 1849 in helping Salford become the first municipal authority in Britain to establish a library, museum and art gallery. The following year Brotherton joined <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TUewart.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">William Ewart</a> in persuading Parliament to pass the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Llibrary.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Public Libraries Act</a>.</div>
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In 1846 <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TEXowens.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Owens</a>, a successful <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester</a> cotton merchant, died and left most of his wealth to help establish a further education college for men that would not have: "to submit to any test whatsoever of, their religious opinions". His <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRunitarian.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Unitarian</a> friends, <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/IRfielden.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Fielden</a> and <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TEXashton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Ashton</a>, also raised money for the venture and arranged to purchase the former home of <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRcobden.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Cobden</a>, in Quay Street, Deansgate. This became the first premises of <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/EDowens.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Owens College</a> when it was opened in 1851.</div>
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The <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/REnonconformists.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Nonconformist</a> business community in <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester</a> continued to raise money for the project and supported by <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/JscottCP.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Charles Prestwich Scott</a>, the editor of the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRguardian.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"><i>Manchester Guardian</i></a>, the trustees were able to arrange the building of new premises at Oxford Street. Designed by Alfred Waterhouse, the new <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/EDowens.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Owens College</a> was opened in 1873. Seven years later, the college, along with those in <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liverpool</a> and <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITleeds.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Leeds</a>, became Victoria University (<a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/EDmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester University</a> after 1902).</div>
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<section id="source" style="position: relative;"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h2 style="font-size: 24px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 10px;">
Primary Sources</h2>
</header><section class="cite" id="source-section0" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(1) Eric Thomas Svedenstierna, <i>Tour of Great Britain</i>(1802)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
I travelled in the company of Mr. Bourne from Liverpool to Manchester. This town has extended extraordinarily, especially in the last fifteen years, through its cotton manufactures. Several circumstances have united to favour the growth of the cotton industry, among which the general use of the fine, white and light cotton fabric, which has almost supplanted silk throughout Europe, may deserve first place. Next to this comes the invention of the spinning machines. In almost all these machines are driven by steam engines. With such a large demand for coal, it is no small advantage that at even the present high prices, Manchester can have coal at about 50 per cent cheaper than the coal cost a little over 40 years ago, before the Duke of Bridgewater's Canal was finished, from whose coal mines practically the whole of Manchester is supplied.</div>
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</section><section class="cite" id="source-section1" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(2) Alexis de Tocqueville was a French aristocrat who visited Manchester in 1835.</h4>
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<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
A sort of black smoke covers the city. Under this half-daylight 300,000 human beings are ceaselessly at work. The homes of the poor are scattered haphazard around the factories. From this filthy sewer pure gold flows. In Manchester civilised man is turned back almost into a savage.</div>
</blockquote>
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(3) James Kay-Shuttleworth, wrote an account of Manchester in 1832.</h4>
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Frequently, the inspectors found two or more families crowded into one small house and often one family lived in a damp cellar where twelve or sixteen persons were crowded. Children are ill-fed, dirty, ill-clothed, exposed to cold and neglect; and in consequence, more than one-half of the off-spring die before they have completed their fifth year.</div>
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</section><section class="cite" id="source-section3" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(4) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRprentice.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Archibald Prentice</a>, <i>Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Manchester</i> (1851)</h4>
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<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
In this year, 1817, the history of which we are now passing, there occurred an astounding instance of the indifference of the inhabitants of Manchester to an important public right. There had long been a wooden bridge, free to all foot passengers, connecting Manchester with Salford, of very great convenience to crowds of working people, who had to pass to their meals or their work several times a day, from the one township to the other. A number of gentlemen met and resolved, that instead of the old wooden bridge there should be a handsome stone one thrown over the Irwell; and very great was the laudation poured out upon them for their public spirit. A joint-stock company was formed, and an act of parliament was obtained, giving powers to take down the old bridge; but instead of a clause retaining the long established public right, there was one empowering the collection of the toll of a halfpenny from. every foot passenger!</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section4" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(5) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PHchadwick.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Edwin Chadwick</a>, <i>The Sanitary Conditions of the Labouring Population</i> (1842)</h4>
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<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
It is an appalling fact that, of all who are born of the labouring classes in Manchester, more than 57& die before they attain five years of age; that is, before they can be engaged in factory labour, or in any other labour whatsoever.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section5" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(6) Dr. Roberton, a Manchester surgeon, wrote a letter to the Parliamentary Committee on the Health of Towns in 1840.</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
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Manchester is a huge overgrown village, built according to no definite plan. The factories have sprung up along the rivers Irk, Irwell and Medlock, and the Rochdale Canal. The homes of the work<a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/" itemprop="url" rel="internal" style="background-color: #333333; color: #ffd966; font-size: 15px; outline: 0px; text-align: center; text-decoration-line: none; white-space: nowrap;"><img src="https://spartacus-educational.com/img/spartacus-title.png" style="border: 0px; height: auto; margin: auto; max-height: 36px; max-width: 100%; min-height: auto; min-width: auto; width: auto;" /></a></div>
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<header class="title" style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; transition: color 0.5s ease 0s; width: 360px;"><h1 style="font-size: 24px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 10px;">
Manchester</h1>
</header><figure class="main_image" style="color: #7d7dff; float: left; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; max-width: 35%; padding: 5px 10px 10px 7px; text-align: center;"><img alt="Manchester" height="258" src="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITtownsmedieval.JPG" style="border: 0px; height: auto; max-width: 100%;" width="168" /></figure><br />
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In AD 79 the Romans built a fort on the east bank of the River Irwell called <i>Mancunium</i>. In the 14th century the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Textiles.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">textile trade</a> was enhanced when Flemish <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TEXweaving.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">weavers</a> settled in the area.</div>
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The transformation from a market town to a major city began in 1761 when the Duke of Bridgewater canal began to bring cheap coal to Manchester. By the end of the 18th century Manchester had established itself as the centre of the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TEXcotton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">cotton industry</a> in Lancashire. The merchants brought the raw cotton from <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liverpool</a>, sold it to small-time masters in Manchester who then passed it to the spinners working in the cottages. In the 1770s the invention of machines such as the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TEXjenny.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Spinning Jenny</a> and the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TEXframe.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Water Frame</a>completely changed the way that cotton goods were produced.</div>
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The machines in the first <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Textiles.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">textile factories</a> were driven by water-power and were therefore built in villages besides fast-flowing streams. By 1790 there were about a hundred and fifty water-powered cotton spinning factories in Britain.<a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/IRarkwright.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"></a></div>
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<a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/IRarkwright.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Arkwright</a> was quick to see the significance of the Rotary Steam-Engine invented by <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/SCwatt.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">James Watt</a>and in 1783 he began using the machine in his Cromford factory. Others followed his lead and by 1800 there were over 500 of Watt's machines in Britain's mines and factories. With the invention of Watt's steam-engine, factories no longer had to be built close to fast-flowing rivers and streams. Entrepreneurs now tended to build factories where there was a good supply of labour and coal.</div>
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<figure style="color: #7d7dff; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-top: 35px; text-align: center;"><img alt="Manchester in 1750" height="241" src="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchesterIT.jpg" style="border: 0px; height: auto; max-width: 100%;" width="600" /><figcaption style="font-size: 13px; line-height: 20px; margin: 10px; padding: 10px;">Manchester in 1750</figcaption></figure><aside id="mob-ad2" style="height: 50px; margin: 20px auto; width: 320px;"><div class="adunit display-block" data-adunit="dfpMobileContent" data-dimensions="320x50" data-google-query-id="CNPJn_GL-N4CFSSN7Qods-AAeA" id="adslot2">
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Manchester became the obvious place to build textile factories. Large warehouses were also built to store and display the spun yarn and finished cloth. The town's population grew rapidly. With neighbouring Salford, Manchester had about 25,000 inhabitants in 1772. By 1800 the population had grown to 95,000. The rich manufacturers built large houses around the Mosley Street area. At first the cheap housing for the factory workers were confined to New Cross and Newtown. However, as the population grew, close-packed houses were built next to factories all over Manchester.</div>
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The <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/RAstockton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Stockton & Darlington</a> line opened in 1825 successfully reduced the cost of transporting coal from 18s. to 8s. 6d. a ton. It soon became clear that large profits could be made by building railways. A group of businessmen in Manchester and <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liverpool</a>led by <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/RAjames.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">William James</a> recruited <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/RAstephensonG.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">George Stephenson</a>to build them a railway.</div>
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The <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/RAliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liverpool & Manchester</a> railway was opened on 15th September, 1830. The prime minister, the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRwellington.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Duke of Wellington</a>, and a large number of important people attended the opening ceremony that included a procession of eight locomotives. Large crowds assembled along the line and when the train entered <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester</a> the passenger carriages were pelted with stones by weavers, who remembered the Duke of Wellington's involvement in the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRpeterloo.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Peterloo Massacre</a> and his strong opposition to the the proposed <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PR1832.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">1832 Reform Act</a>.</div>
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The <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/RAliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liverpool & Manchester</a> railway was a great success. In 1831 the company transported 445,047 passengers. Receipts were £155,702 with profits of £71,098. By 1844 receipts had reached £258,892 with profits of £136,688. During this period shareholders were regularly paid out an annual dividend of £10 for every £100 invested.</div>
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The railway rapidly increased the population of Manchester. By 1851 over 455,000 people were living in the city. Housing conditions were appalling. It was reported that in some parts of the city the number of toilets averaged only two to two hundred and fifty people. Only forty per cent of the children living in this area reached their fifth year.</div>
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Manchester is famous for its libraries. The library founded by Humphrey Chetham (1580-1653) was the first free public library in Britain. <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRbrotherton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Joseph Brotherton</a>, a local MP, played an important role in 1849 in helping Salford become the first municipal authority in Britain to establish a library, museum and art gallery. The following year Brotherton joined <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TUewart.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">William Ewart</a> in persuading Parliament to pass the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Llibrary.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Public Libraries Act</a>.</div>
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In 1846 <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TEXowens.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Owens</a>, a successful <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester</a> cotton merchant, died and left most of his wealth to help establish a further education college for men that would not have: "to submit to any test whatsoever of, their religious opinions". His <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRunitarian.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Unitarian</a> friends, <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/IRfielden.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Fielden</a> and <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TEXashton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Ashton</a>, also raised money for the venture and arranged to purchase the former home of <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRcobden.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Cobden</a>, in Quay Street, Deansgate. This became the first premises of <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/EDowens.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Owens College</a> when it was opened in 1851.</div>
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The <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/REnonconformists.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Nonconformist</a> business community in <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester</a> continued to raise money for the project and supported by <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/JscottCP.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Charles Prestwich Scott</a>, the editor of the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRguardian.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"><i>Manchester Guardian</i></a>, the trustees were able to arrange the building of new premises at Oxford Street. Designed by Alfred Waterhouse, the new <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/EDowens.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Owens College</a> was opened in 1873. Seven years later, the college, along with those in <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liverpool</a> and <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITleeds.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Leeds</a>, became Victoria University (<a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/EDmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester University</a> after 1902).</div>
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<section id="source" style="position: relative;"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h2 style="font-size: 24px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 10px;">
Primary Sources</h2>
</header><section class="cite" id="source-section0" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(1) Eric Thomas Svedenstierna, <i>Tour of Great Britain</i>(1802)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
I travelled in the company of Mr. Bourne from Liverpool to Manchester. This town has extended extraordinarily, especially in the last fifteen years, through its cotton manufactures. Several circumstances have united to favour the growth of the cotton industry, among which the general use of the fine, white and light cotton fabric, which has almost supplanted silk throughout Europe, may deserve first place. Next to this comes the invention of the spinning machines. In almost all these machines are driven by steam engines. With such a large demand for coal, it is no small advantage that at even the present high prices, Manchester can have coal at about 50 per cent cheaper than the coal cost a little over 40 years ago, before the Duke of Bridgewater's Canal was finished, from whose coal mines practically the whole of Manchester is supplied.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section1" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(2) Alexis de Tocqueville was a French aristocrat who visited Manchester in 1835.</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
A sort of black smoke covers the city. Under this half-daylight 300,000 human beings are ceaselessly at work. The homes of the poor are scattered haphazard around the factories. From this filthy sewer pure gold flows. In Manchester civilised man is turned back almost into a savage.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section2" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(3) James Kay-Shuttleworth, wrote an account of Manchester in 1832.</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Frequently, the inspectors found two or more families crowded into one small house and often one family lived in a damp cellar where twelve or sixteen persons were crowded. Children are ill-fed, dirty, ill-clothed, exposed to cold and neglect; and in consequence, more than one-half of the off-spring die before they have completed their fifth year.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section3" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(4) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRprentice.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Archibald Prentice</a>, <i>Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Manchester</i> (1851)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
In this year, 1817, the history of which we are now passing, there occurred an astounding instance of the indifference of the inhabitants of Manchester to an important public right. There had long been a wooden bridge, free to all foot passengers, connecting Manchester with Salford, of very great convenience to crowds of working people, who had to pass to their meals or their work several times a day, from the one township to the other. A number of gentlemen met and resolved, that instead of the old wooden bridge there should be a handsome stone one thrown over the Irwell; and very great was the laudation poured out upon them for their public spirit. A joint-stock company was formed, and an act of parliament was obtained, giving powers to take down the old bridge; but instead of a clause retaining the long established public right, there was one empowering the collection of the toll of a halfpenny from. every foot passenger!</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section4" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(5) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PHchadwick.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Edwin Chadwick</a>, <i>The Sanitary Conditions of the Labouring Population</i> (1842)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
It is an appalling fact that, of all who are born of the labouring classes in Manchester, more than 57& die before they attain five years of age; that is, before they can be engaged in factory labour, or in any other labour whatsoever.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section5" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(6) Dr. Roberton, a Manchester surgeon, wrote a letter to the Parliamentary Committee on the Health of Towns in 1840.</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Manchester is a huge overgrown village, built according to no definite plan. The factories have sprung up along the rivers Irk, Irwell and Medlock, and the Rochdale Canal. The homes of the work-people have been built in the factory districts. The interests and convenience of the manufacturers have determined the growth of the town and the manner of that growth, while the comfort, health and happiness have not been considered. Manchester has no public park or other ground where the population can walk and breathe the fresh air. Every advantage has been sacrificed to the getting of money.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section6" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(7) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRprentice.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Archibald Prentice</a>, <i>Manchester Times </i>(20th July, 1844)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
The houses of the operatives are cluttered together with more regard for the saving of ground-rent than for the comfort and health of their inhabitants. In many districts the crowding of houses into narrow, dark, ill-drained and ill-ventilated alleys and lanes; and the cramming of persons into these miserable dwellings is frightful to contemplate.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section7" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(8) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jgaskell.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Gaskell</a>, <i>Mary Barton: A Tale of Manchester Life</i> (1848)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Berry Street was unpaved; and down the middle a gutter forced its way, every now and then forming pools in the holes with which the street abounded. Never was the old Edinburgh cry of "Gardez l'eau!' more necessary than in the street. As they passed, women from their doors tossed household slops of every description into the gutter; they ran into the next pool, which over-flowed and stagnated.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
You went down one step from this foul area into the cellar in which a family of human beings lived. It was very dark inside. The window-panes many of them were broken and stuffed with rags, which was reason enough for the dusky light that pervaded the place at mid-day. After the account I have given of the state of the street, no one can be surprised that on going into the cellar inhabited by Davenport, the smell was so foetid as almost to knock the two men down. Quickly recovering themselves, as those inured to such things do, they began to penetrate the thick darkness of the place, and to see three or four little children rolling on the damp, nay wet brick floor, through which the stagnant, filthy moisture of the street oozed up; the fireplace was empty and black; the wife sat on the husband's lair, and cried in the dark loneliness.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section8" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(9) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jreach.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Angus Reach</a>, <i><a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jchronicle.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Morning Chronicle</a></i> (1849)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
The traveller by railway is made aware of his approach to the great northern seats of industry by the dull leaden-coloured sky, tainted by thousands of ever smoking chimneys, which broods over the distance. The stations along the line are more closely planted, showing that the country is more and more thickly peopled. Then, small manufacturing villages begin to appear, each consisting of two or three irregular streets clustered around the mill, as in former times cottages were clustered round the castle.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
You shoot by town after town - the outlying satellites of the great cotton metropolis. They have all similar features - they are all little Manchesters. Huge, shapeless, unsightly mills, with their countless rows of windows, their towering shafts, their jets of waste steam continually puffing in panting gushes from the brown grimy wall. Some dozen or so of miles so characterised, you enter the Queen of the cotton cities - and then amid smoke and noise, and the hum of never ceasing toil, you are borne over the roofs to the terminus platform. You stand in Manchester.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
There is a smoky brown sky over head - smoky brown streets all round long piles of warehouses, many of them with pillared and stately fronts - great grimy mills, the leviathans of ugly architecture, with their smoke-pouring shafts. There are streets of all kinds - some with glittering shops and vast hotels, others grim and little frequented - formed of rows and stacks of warehouses; many mean and distressingly monotonous visas of uniform brick houses.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
There are swarms of mechanics and artisans in their distinguishing fustian - of factory operatives, in general undersized, sallow-looking men - and of factory girls somewhat stunted and paled, but smart and active-looking with dingy dresses and dark shawls, speckled with flakes of cotton wool, wreathed round their heads.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section9" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(10) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jreach.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Angus Reach</a>, <i><a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jchronicle.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Morning Chronicle</a></i> (1849)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Abel Heywood, of Oldham Street, is one of the most active and enterprising citizens of Manchester, who supplies not only the smaller booksellers of the town, but those throughout the country, with the cheap works most favoured by the poorer reading classes. The contents of Mr. Heywood's shop are significant. Masses of penny novels and comic song and recitation books are jumbled with a sectarian pamphlets and democratic essays. Educational books abound in every variety.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
The sale of <i>Punch</i> is 1,200. The <i>Family Friend</i> sells 1,500 monthly at twopence; the Family Economist 5,000 monthly at 1d. Abel Heywood informed me that the sale of cheap books has decidedly increased in consequence of the Ten Hours Bill. The same assertion was made by another extensive but much smaller bookseller in the vicinity of Garrett Street.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section10" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(11) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jreach.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Angus Reach</a>, <i><a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jchronicle.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Morning Chronicle</a></i> (1849)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
The lowest, most filthy, most unhealthy, and most wicked locality in Manchester is called Angel Meadow. It lies off the Oldham Road, is full of cellars and is inhabited by prostitutes, their bullies, thieves, cadgers, vagrants, tramps, and, in the very worst sites of filth, and darkness. My guide was sub-inspector of police - an excellent conductor in one respect, but disadvantageous in another, seeing that his presence spread panic wherever he went. Many of the people that night visited had, doubtless, ample cause to be nervous touching the presence of one of the guardians of the law.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
There were no Irish in the houses we visited. They live in more wretched places still - the cellars. We descended to one. The place was dark, except for the glare of the small fire. You could not stand without stooping in the room, which might be about twelve feet by eight. There were at least a dozen men, women, and children, on stools or squatted on the stone floor round the fire, and the heat and smells were oppressive. This not being a lodging cellar, the police had no control over the number of its inmates, who slept huddled on the stones, or on masses of rags, shavings and straw, which were littered about.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Half the people who lived in the den, had not yet returned, being still out hawking lucifers, matches and besoms. They were all Irish from Westport, in the county of Mayo. After leaving, a woman followed me into the street to know if I had come from Westport and was greatly disappointed at being answered in the negative.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section11" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(12) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRprentice.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Archibald Prentice</a>, <i>Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Manchester</i> (1851)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
The volumes of smoke which, in spite of legislation to the contrary, continually issue from factory chimneys, and form a complete cloud over Manchester, certainly make it less desirable- as a place of residence than it is as a place of business; and the enjoyment of the inhabitants would be greatly increased, could they breathe a purer atmosphere, and have a brighter and more frequent sight of the sun. But, to counterbalance the disadvantage, they have the privilege of walking unrestrainedly through the fine fields of the vicinity; and thousands and tens of thousands, whose avocations render fresh air and exercise - an absolute necessity of life, avail themselves of the right of footway through the meadows, and corn-fields, and parks in the immediate neighbourhood. There are so many pleasant footpaths, that a pedestrian might walk completely round the town in a circle, which would seldom exceed a radius of two miles from the Exchange, and in which he would scarcely ever have occasion to encounter the noise, bustle, and dust of a public cart road or paved street. The beautifully undulating country between the valley of the Irk and Cheetham Hill; the fine valley of the Irwell, with its verdant meadows; the slope from Pendleton to the plain,</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section12" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(13) As a young girl in the 1890s <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/WpankhurstS.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Sylvia Pankhurst</a>went with her father <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TUpankhurst.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Pankhurst</a>, when he was campaigning for the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Pilp.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Independent Labour Party</a>in <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester</a>.</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Often I went on Sunday mornings with my father to the dingy streets of Ancoats, Gorton, Hulme, and other working-class districts. Standing on a chair or soap-box, pleading the cause of the people with passionate earnestness, he stirred me, as perhaps he stirred no other auditor, though I saw tears in the faces of the people about him. Those endless rows of smoke-begrimed little houses, with never a tree or a flower in sight, how bitterly their ugliness smote me! Many a time in spring, as I gazed upon them, those two red may trees in our garden at home would rise up in my mind, almost menacing in their beauty; and I would ask myself whether it could be just that I should live in Victoria Park, and go well fed and warmly clad, whilst the children of these grey slums were lacking the very necessities of life. The misery of the poor, as I heard my father plead for it, and saw it revealed in the pinched faces of his audiences, awoke in me a maddening sense of impotence; and there were moments when I had an impulse to dash my head against the dreary walls of those squalid streets. which, commencing between the extremities of Hulme and</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Chorlton-upon-Medlock, extends south and west over the greater part of Cheshire; all this scenery, which in any country would be admired, but which has a hundred additional charms to him who is condemned, day after day, month after month, and year after year, to toil in the dirt and smoke of a great town - all this delightful scenery lies open to the pedestrian; and while he strays along through the open field, or wooded park, or the narrow and retired lane, and breathes the pure air of heaven, he feels that all these fields, and parks, and lanes, are as open to him, and to those who hang on his arm, or play by his side, as if they were his own, to have and to hold, as long as trees grow or water runs.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section13" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(14) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/FWWwells.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Ida Wells</a> visited Manchester in 1894. She wrote about the experience in her autobiography, <i>Crusade for Justice</i> (1928)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Liverpool has few manufacturing interests. Her importance is derived from her situation as a seaport; her life is purely commercial, and her wealth is derived from handling the produce of other towns and countries.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Manchester on the other hand is an enormous manufacturing centre. There are nearly five hundred cotton spinning firms in and about the city, and these own over eighteen million spindles, more than one-third of all those in Great Britain. There are chemical works and great engineering factories, and the export and import trade of these industries is of great magnitude. Liverpool and the railroads made these burdens too grievous to be borne, besides diverting this trade from Manchester, and the ship canal is the result.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
The largest ships bringing produce, cotton and iron to the markets and mills, need not now wait in vexatious delay outside Liverpool to be docked but steaming up the canal, reach Manchester as quickly as they can be unloaded from vessels and on the railroads in Liverpool. In return manufacturers can ship machinery and cotton goods to all parts of the world, direct from Manchester factories at far less cost and delay. Where there was formerly a small stream of water winding in and out toward the sea, there is now a broad, deep canal, twice the width of the Suez Canal, and any two of the largest vessels can sail together abreast along its water.</div>
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</section><section class="cite" id="source-section6" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(7) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRprentice.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Archibald Prentice</a>, <i>Manchester Times </i>(20th July, 1844)</h4>
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The houses of the operatives are cluttered together with more regard for the saving of ground-rent than for the comfort and health of their inhabitants. In many districts the crowding of houses into narrow, dark, ill-drained and ill-ventilated alleys and lanes; and the cramming of persons into these miserable dwellings is frightful to contemplate.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section7" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(8) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jgaskell.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Gaskell</a>, <i>Mary Barton: A Tale of Manchester Life</i> (1848)</h4>
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<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Berry Street was unpaved; and down the middle a gutter forced its way, every now and then forming pools in the holes with which the street abounded. Never was the old Edinburgh cry of "Gardez l'eau!' more necessary than in the street. As they passed, women from their doors tossed household slops of every description into the gutter; they ran into the next pool, which over-flowed and stagnated.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
You went down one step from this foul area into the cellar in which a family of human beings lived. It was very dark inside. The window-panes many of them were broken and stuffed with rags, which was reason enough for the dusky light that pervaded the place at mid-day. After the account I have given of the state of the street, no one can be surprised that on going into the cellar inhabited by Davenport, the smell was so foetid as almost to knock the two men down. Quickly recovering themselves, as those inured to such things do, they began to penetrate the thick darkness of the place, and to see three or four little children rolling on the damp, nay wet brick floor, through which the stagnant, filthy moisture of the street oozed up; the fireplace was empty and black; the wife sat on the husband's lair, and cried in the dark loneliness.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section8" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(9) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jreach.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Angus Reach</a>, <i><a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jchronicle.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Morning Chronicle</a></i> (1849)</h4>
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<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
The traveller by railway is made aware of his approach to the great northern seats of industry by the dull leaden-coloured sky, tainted by thousands of ever smoking chimneys, which broods over the distance. The stations along the line are more closely planted, showing that the country is more and more thickly peopled. Then, small manufacturing villages begin to appear, each consisting of two or three irregular streets clustered around the mill, as in former times cottages were clustered round the castle.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
You shoot by town after town - the outlying satellites of the great cotton metropolis. They have all similar features - they are all little Manchesters. Huge, shapeless, unsightly mills, with their countless rows of windows, their towering shafts, their jets of waste steam continually puffing in panting gushes from the brown grimy wall. Some dozen or so of miles so characterised, you enter the Queen of the cotton cities - and then amid smoke and noise, and the hum of never ceasing toil, you are borne over the roofs to the terminus platform. You stand in Manchester.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
There is a smoky brown sky over head - smoky brown streets all round long piles of warehouses, many of them with pillared and stately fronts - great grimy mills, the leviathans of ugly architecture, with their smoke-pouring shafts. There are streets of all kinds - some with glittering shops and vast hotels, others grim and little frequented - formed of rows and stacks of warehouses; many mean and distressingly monotonous visas of uniform brick houses.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
There are swarms of mechanics and artisans in their distinguishing fustian - of factory operatives, in general undersized, sallow-looking men - and of factory girls somewhat stunted and paled, but smart and active-looking with dingy dresses and dark shawls, speckled with flakes of cotton wool, wreathed round their heads.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section9" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(10) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jreach.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Angus Reach</a>, <i><a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jchronicle.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Morning Chronicle</a></i> (1849)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Abel Heywood, of Oldham Street, is one of the most active and enterprising citizens of Manchester, who supplies not only the smaller booksellers of the town, but those throughout the country, with the cheap works most favoured by the poorer reading classes. The contents of Mr. Heywood's shop are significant. Masses of penny novels and comic song and recitation books are jumbled with a sectarian pamphlets and democratic essays. Educational books abound in every variety.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
The sale of <i>Punch</i> is 1,200. The <i>Family Friend</i> sells 1,500 monthly at twopence; the Family Economist 5,000 monthly at 1d. Abel Heywood informed me that the sale of cheap books has decidedly increased in consequence of the Ten Hours Bill. The same assertion was made by another extensive but much smaller bookseller in the vicinity of Garrett Street.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section10" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(11) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jreach.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Angus Reach</a>, <i><a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Jchronicle.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Morning Chronicle</a></i> (1849)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
The lowest, most filthy, most unhealthy, and most wicked locality in Manchester is called Angel Meadow. It lies off the Oldham Road, is full of cellars and is inhabited by prostitutes, their bullies, thieves, cadgers, vagrants, tramps, and, in the very worst sites of filth, and darkness. My guide was sub-inspector of police - an excellent conductor in one respect, but disadvantageous in another, seeing that his presence spread panic wherever he went. Many of the people that night visited had, doubtless, ample cause to be nervous touching the presence of one of the guardians of the law.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
There were no Irish in the houses we visited. They live in more wretched places still - the cellars. We descended to one. The place was dark, except for the glare of the small fire. You could not stand without stooping in the room, which might be about twelve feet by eight. There were at least a dozen men, women, and children, on stools or squatted on the stone floor round the fire, and the heat and smells were oppressive. This not being a lodging cellar, the police had no control over the number of its inmates, who slept huddled on the stones, or on masses of rags, shavings and straw, which were littered about.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Half the people who lived in the den, had not yet returned, being still out hawking lucifers, matches and besoms. They were all Irish from Westport, in the county of Mayo. After leaving, a woman followed me into the street to know if I had come from Westport and was greatly disappointed at being answered in the negative.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section11" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(12) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/PRprentice.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Archibald Prentice</a>, <i>Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Manchester</i> (1851)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
The volumes of smoke which, in spite of legislation to the contrary, continually issue from factory chimneys, and form a complete cloud over Manchester, certainly make it less desirable- as a place of residence than it is as a place of business; and the enjoyment of the inhabitants would be greatly increased, could they breathe a purer atmosphere, and have a brighter and more frequent sight of the sun. But, to counterbalance the disadvantage, they have the privilege of walking unrestrainedly through the fine fields of the vicinity; and thousands and tens of thousands, whose avocations render fresh air and exercise - an absolute necessity of life, avail themselves of the right of footway through the meadows, and corn-fields, and parks in the immediate neighbourhood. There are so many pleasant footpaths, that a pedestrian might walk completely round the town in a circle, which would seldom exceed a radius of two miles from the Exchange, and in which he would scarcely ever have occasion to encounter the noise, bustle, and dust of a public cart road or paved street. The beautifully undulating country between the valley of the Irk and Cheetham Hill; the fine valley of the Irwell, with its verdant meadows; the slope from Pendleton to the plain,</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section12" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(13) As a young girl in the 1890s <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/WpankhurstS.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Sylvia Pankhurst</a>went with her father <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/TUpankhurst.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Pankhurst</a>, when he was campaigning for the <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/Pilp.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Independent Labour Party</a>in <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester</a>.</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Often I went on Sunday mornings with my father to the dingy streets of Ancoats, Gorton, Hulme, and other working-class districts. Standing on a chair or soap-box, pleading the cause of the people with passionate earnestness, he stirred me, as perhaps he stirred no other auditor, though I saw tears in the faces of the people about him. Those endless rows of smoke-begrimed little houses, with never a tree or a flower in sight, how bitterly their ugliness smote me! Many a time in spring, as I gazed upon them, those two red may trees in our garden at home would rise up in my mind, almost menacing in their beauty; and I would ask myself whether it could be just that I should live in Victoria Park, and go well fed and warmly clad, whilst the children of these grey slums were lacking the very necessities of life. The misery of the poor, as I heard my father plead for it, and saw it revealed in the pinched faces of his audiences, awoke in me a maddening sense of impotence; and there were moments when I had an impulse to dash my head against the dreary walls of those squalid streets. which, commencing between the extremities of Hulme and</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Chorlton-upon-Medlock, extends south and west over the greater part of Cheshire; all this scenery, which in any country would be admired, but which has a hundred additional charms to him who is condemned, day after day, month after month, and year after year, to toil in the dirt and smoke of a great town - all this delightful scenery lies open to the pedestrian; and while he strays along through the open field, or wooded park, or the narrow and retired lane, and breathes the pure air of heaven, he feels that all these fields, and parks, and lanes, are as open to him, and to those who hang on his arm, or play by his side, as if they were his own, to have and to hold, as long as trees grow or water runs.</div>
</blockquote>
</section><section class="cite" id="source-section13" itemprop="citation"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h4 style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: #7d7dff; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 15px 0px 2px;">
(14) <a href="https://spartacus-educational.com/FWWwells.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Ida Wells</a> visited Manchester in 1894. She wrote about the experience in her autobiography, <i>Crusade for Justice</i> (1928)</h4>
</header><blockquote style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px 5px 0px 2px;">
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Liverpool has few manufacturing interests. Her importance is derived from her situation as a seaport; her life is purely commercial, and her wealth is derived from handling the produce of other towns and countries.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
Manchester on the other hand is an enormous manufacturing centre. There are nearly five hundred cotton spinning firms in and about the city, and these own over eighteen million spindles, more than one-third of all those in Great Britain. There are chemical works and great engineering factories, and the export and import trade of these industries is of great magnitude. Liverpool and the railroads made these burdens too grievous to be borne, besides diverting this trade from Manchester, and the ship canal is the result.</div>
<div style="font-size: 14px; padding: 0px 10px 1px 5px;">
The largest ships bringing produce, cotton and iron to the markets and mills, need not now wait in vexatious delay outside Liverpool to be docked but steaming up the canal, reach Manchester as quickly as they can be unloaded from vessels and on the railroads in Liverpool. In return manufacturers can ship machinery and cotton goods to all parts of the world, direct from Manchester factories at far less cost and delay. Where there was formerly a small stream of water winding in and out toward the sea, there is now a broad, deep canal, twice the width of the Suez Canal, and any two of the largest vessels can sail together abreast along its water.</div>
</blockquote>
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<iframe aria-hidden="true" id="oauth2relay886759836" name="oauth2relay886759836" src="https://accounts.google.com/o/oauth2/postmessageRelay?parent=https%3A%2F%2Fspartacus-educational.com&jsh=m%3B%2F_%2Fscs%2Fapps-static%2F_%2Fjs%2Fk%3Doz.gapi.en_GB.BAEyTchql-I.O%2Fam%3DQQ%2Frt%3Dj%2Fd%3D1%2Frs%3DAGLTcCN9vg6xmiJpDn5aoVhxoJEZw22ygg%2Fm%3D__features__#rpctoken=637265264&forcesecure=1" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Noto Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; height: 1px; position: absolute; top: -100px; width: 1px;" tabindex="-1"></iframe>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6187580317170021458.post-2999632975002097482018-08-28T04:02:00.000-07:002018-08-28T04:11:17.905-07:00Irish Affairs in the Age of George III 1760-1820<br />
<br />
<br />
<h2>
Irish Affairs in the Age of George III: Topic Page</h2>
<div>
<h2>
Ireland from 1760-1830</h2>
<h3>
Selective Time Chart</h3>
<h2>
<table border="1" cellpadding="7" cellspacing="1"><tbody>
<tr><td>1760s</td><td>beginning of expansion of corn growing</td></tr>
<tr><td>1768</td><td><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/graftmin.htm">Grafton's government</a> announced that the Lord Lieutenant was required to reside in Dublin<br />
Octennial Act</td></tr>
<tr><td>1778</td><td>Catholics allowed to own land if they took an oath of allegiance</td></tr>
<tr><td>1780</td><td>population of 4 million (est.)<br />
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/grattan.htm">Henry Grattan</a>'s "Declaration of Independence" was opposed by the Irish parliament as 'inexpedient'</td></tr>
<tr><td height="72">1782</td><td height="72"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/rocky2s.htm">Rockingham</a> repeals Poyning's Law and the Irish Declaratory Act<br />
Grattan's parliament established in Dublin<br />
Irish judges were granted the same security of tenure as their English counterparts</td></tr>
<tr><td>1780s/90s</td><td>conflict between Protestant Peep O'Day Boys and Catholic Defenders</td></tr>
<tr><td>1791</td><td>Society of United Irishmen founded by <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/tone.htm">Theobald Wolfe Tone</a> and others in Belfast for religious equality and radical reform</td></tr>
<tr><td>1792</td><td><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/catheman.htm">Catholic Relief Act</a> removes restrictions on Roman Catholics in education, marriage and the professions they could follow.</td></tr>
<tr><td>1794-5</td><td><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/fitz-2.htm">Earl Fitzwilliam</a> becomes viceroy of Ireland and commits the government to Catholic Relief<br />
First 'Orange Society' founded in response to sectarian fighting</td></tr>
<tr><td>1795</td><td>a state-aided seminary was established at <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/peelire.htm#maynooth">Maynooth </a>to provide Catholic clerical training</td></tr>
<tr><td>1798</td><td>abortive rebellion by the United Irishmen</td></tr>
<tr><td>1799</td><td>Act sets up virtual martial law in Ireland</td></tr>
<tr><td>1800</td><td><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/1801act.htm">Act of Union</a> abolishes Dublin parliament, allows Irish MPs to sit at Westminster and ends trade barriers</td></tr>
<tr><td>1812-18</td><td><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/peelbio.htm">Peel</a> is <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/peelcema.htm">Chief Secretary for Ireland</a></td></tr>
<tr><td>1814</td><td>formation of the Peace Preservation Corps</td></tr>
<tr><td>1815</td><td>end of the French Wars leads to <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/c-laws.htm">collapse of corn prices</a>, beginning of expansion of pastoral farming and of substantial Irish emigration</td></tr>
<tr><td>1816</td><td>partial failure of potato crop produces famine conditions in parts of Ireland. Relief Committees set up.</td></tr>
<tr><td>1810s/20s</td><td>collapse of domestic textile industry<br />
increasing poverty and reliance on potato for subsistence</td></tr>
<tr><td>1816</td><td>Ejectment Act makes process for legal eviction easier</td></tr>
<tr><td>1817</td><td>near-famine and mass immigration increase. (Details <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/ire1817.htm">here)</a></td></tr>
<tr><td>1821</td><td>population about 6.7 million</td></tr>
<tr><td>1820s-1845</td><td>widespread rural unrest (Whiteboyism)</td></tr>
<tr><td>1822</td><td>formation of the Irish County Constabulary<br />
further failure of potato crop. Major public works programme started to provide employment</td></tr>
<tr><td>1823</td><td><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/oconnell.htm">O'Connell</a>'s <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/cathass.htm">Catholic Association</a> formed to fight for the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/cetopic.htm">right of Catholics</a> to sit as MPs and hold public office (emancipation)</td></tr>
<tr><td>1826</td><td>Subletting Act attempts to stamp out subletting</td></tr>
<tr><td>1828</td><td>O'Connell elected at the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/clare-el.htm">County Clare election</a></td></tr>
<tr><td>1829</td><td><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/catheman.htm">Catholic Emancipation Act</a></td></tr>
<tr><td>1831</td><td>National Board of Education was set up to promote a national system of elementary, secular schooling to attack widespread illiteracy and ignorance (both of which were perceived as caused of backwardness and unruliness)</td></tr>
<tr><td>1836</td><td>Irish Constabulary founded<br />
potato famine</td></tr>
<tr><td>1838</td><td>Poor Law introduced to Ireland<br />
Tithes Act removes a popular source of grievance</td></tr>
<tr><td>1840</td><td>'Young Ireland' founded</td></tr>
<tr><td>1841</td><td>population about 8.2 million<br />
O'Connell's National Repeal Association established</td></tr>
<tr><td>1844</td><td>Young Ireland movement breaks away from O'Connell<br />
Devonshire Commission report</td></tr>
<tr><td>1845</td><td>Maynooth grant increased<br />
Irish National Education Board formed</td></tr>
<tr><td>1845-49</td><td><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/famine.htm">1845 partial failure of potato crop</a><br />
1846-9 complete failure of crop leads to widespread deaths, evictions and emigration</td></tr>
<tr><td>1848</td><td>Young Ireland's abortive rebellion</td></tr>
<tr><td>1849</td><td>Encumbered Estates Act leads to massive land sales</td></tr>
<tr><td>1849</td><td>Tenant League formed demanding the 'Three F's'</td></tr>
<tr><td>1851</td><td>population 6.4 million<br />
first meeting of the Catholic Defence Association</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</h2>
<h2>
Famine and emigration hit Ireland: 1817</h2>
<h2>
<div style="font-size: medium; font-weight: 400;">
There were bad harvests in <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland.htm">Ireland </a>in 1815 and 1816, resulting in near-famine conditions in 1817. Consequently, emigration levels increased dramatically. During the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france.htm">French Wars</a>, the Irish economy had thrived since the country supplied much of the foodstuff required by the British army. The demand for food had increased employment in Ireland; however, at the end of the wars in 1815, with the Battle of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/waterloo.htm">Waterloo</a>, the Irish economy had been hit by depression. Unemployment increased at a time when soldiers and sailors were being demobilised, causing further <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/distress.htm">distress</a>.</div>
<div style="font-size: medium; font-weight: 400;">
Shipowners took advantage of the situation, offering low prices and passage to places such as New Brunswick and Quebec, where the Irish could go for only £5 instead of the £10 needed to sail to America. However, many Irish emigrants went to Scotland and England because it was cheaper. Since shortage of money was a major problem, the few shillings needed to sail to Liverpool was all most emigrants could afford. Most emigrants were labourers or servants. The trend towards emigration to escape the abject poverty in Ireland was to continue throughout the nineteenth century.</div>
</h2>
<h2>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/swift.htm">Jonathan Swift</a>: 'A Modest Proposal' (1729)</h2>
<table border="1" cellspacing="1"><tbody>
<tr><td><h4>
This piece was written as irony, in response to the English attitude to the Irish. It was <b><u>NOT</u></b> intended to be taken as a serious suggestion.</h4>
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
The number of souls in this Kingdom [<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland.htm">Ireland] </a>being usually reckoned one million and a half, of these I calculate there may be about two hundred thousand couple whose wives are breeders; from which number I subtract thirty thousand couples who are able to maintain their own children, although I apprehend there cannot be so many, under the present distresses of the Kingdom; but this being granted, there will remain an hundred and seventy thousand breeders. I again subtract fifty thousand, for those women who miscarry, or whose children die by accident, or disease within the year. there only remain an hundred and twenty thousand children of poor parents annually born. The question therefore is, how this number shall be reared, and provided for, which, as I have already said; under the present situation of affairs, is utterly impossible by all the methods hitherto proposed; for we can neither employ them in handicraft or agriculture; we neither build houses (I mean in the country) nor cultivate land. They can very seldom pick up a livelihood by stealing till they arrive at six years old, except where they are of towardly parts, although, I confess, they learn the rudiments much earlier; during which time they can however be properly looked upon only as probationers, as 1 have been informed by a principal gentleman in the County of Cavan, who protested to me, that he never knew above one or two instances under the age of six, even in a part of the Kingdom so renowned for the quickest proficiency in that art.<br />
I am assured by our merchants, that a boy or a girl before twelve years old, is no saleable commodity, and even when they come to this age, they will not yield above three pounds, or three pounds and half a crown at most, on the Exchange; which cannot turn to account either to the parents or Kingdom, the charge of nutriment and rags having been at least four times that value. I shall now therefore humbly propose my own thoughts which I hope will not be liable to the least objection.<br />
I have been assured by a very knowing American of my acquaintance in London, that a young healthy child well nursed is at a year old a most delicious nourishing and wholesome food, whether stewed, roasted, baked, or boiled; and I make no doubt that it will equally serve in a fricassee, or a ragout.<br />
1 do therefore humbly offer it to public consideration, that of the hundred and twenty thousand children, already computed, twenty thousand may be reserved for breed, whereof only one fourth part to be males, which is more than we allow to sheep, black-cattle, or swine, and my reason is that these children are seldom the fruits of marriage, a circumstance not much regarded by our savages, therefore, one male will be sufficient to serve four females. That the remaining hundred thousand may at a year old be offered in sale to the persons of quality, and fortune, through the kingdom, always advising the mother to let them suck plentifully in the last month, so as to render them plump, and fat for a good table. A child will make two dishes at an entertainment for friends, and when the family dines alone, the fore or hind quarter will make a reasonable dish, and seasoned with a little pepper or salt will be very good boiled on the fourth day, especially in winter.<br />
1 have reckoned upon a medium, that a child just born will weigh 12 pounds, and in a solar year, if tolerably nursed, increaseth to 28 pounds.<br />
I grant this food will be somewhat dear, and therefore very proper for landlords, who, as they have already devoured most of the parents seem to have the best title to the children.<br />
Infant's flesh will be in season throughout the year, but more plentiful in March, and a little before and after; for we are told by a grave author, an eminent French physician, that fish being a prolific diet, there are more children born in Roman Catholic countries about nine months after Lent than at any other season, therefore reckoning a year after Lent, the markets will be more glutted than usual, because the number of Popish infants, is at least three to one in this kingdom, and therefore it will have one other collateral advantage, by lessening the number of Papists among us.<br />
I have already computed the charge of nursing a beggar's child (in which list I reckon all cottagers, labourers, and four-fifths of the farmers) to be about two shillings per annum, rags included; and I believe no gentleman would repine to give ten shillings for the carcass of a good fat child, which, as I have said will make four good dishes of excellent nutritive meat, when he hath only some particular friend, or his own family to dine with him. Thus the squire will learn to be a good landlord, and grow popular among his tenants, the mother will have eight shillings neat profit, and be fit for work till she produces another child.<br />
Those who are more thrifty (as I must confess the times require) may flay the carcass; the skin of which, artificially dressed, will make admirable gloves for ladies, and summer boots for fine gentlemen.<br />
<h2>
Land-holding in Ireland 1760-1880</h2>
Much of this document is taken from Michael Winstanley's excellent exposition, <i>Ireland and the Land Question, 1800-1922</i> (Lancaster Pamphlets, 2007)<br />
<hr />
As in many instances of Irish history, there is a myth and a reality.<br />
<b>The myth</b><br />
In the case of land holding, the myth is that Ireland was under the domination of the English aristocracy and that the country had been divided up into huge estates. These had been handed over to English and Scottish Protestant supporters of the English monarch since <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/ireview.htm">Elizabeth I</a>, in the attempt to subdue Ireland and abolish Roman Catholicism in Britain. Most noble landowners were absentees, employing agents in Ireland. The Irish could rent farms - they became "tenants at will": <i>i.e.</i> they had no security of tenure. They could be (and were) evicted as soon as their rents fell into arrears. After 1780 rack-renting became very common because of population growth. Estates were often poorly managed, with much sub-letting of land. Tenants had no incentive to improve their land or houses because then the rent would be raised and if they could not pay or fell into arrears, they would be evicted without compensation for the work they had done.<br />
<b>The reality</b><br />
Although substantially correct, the view that Irish land was owned exclusively by English Protestants or by families with strong personal and material connections with England also needs to be qualified. At the very least, it must be appreciated that many of the great landed estates owned by Protestant absentees were in Ulster and the east of Ireland and not all of these men were grasping landlords. For example, the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/rocky.htm">Marquis of Rockingham</a> - who owned vast estates in Wicklow - was a caring man who did his best for his Irish tenants.<br />
<h3>
Landowners</h3>
Until about 1900 the greater part of the land in Ireland (97% in 1870) was owned by men who rented it out to tenant farmers rather than cultivating it themselves. As in England, the individual wealth of members of the land-owning class varied considerably, depending on the size, quality and location of properties. Smaller landlords in the east, in Ulster or on the outskirts of towns were more favourably placed than the owners of tracts of infertile bog in the west. There were probably fewer than 10,000 proprietors of 100 or more acres in 1830 but this number included many who owned relatively small estates and a few aristocratic magnates.<br />
In 1870 302 proprietors (1.5% of the total) owned 33.7% of the land, and 50% of the country was in the hands of 750 families. At the other end of the scale, 15,527 (80.5%) owned between them only 19.3% of the land.<br />
Absenteeism is also commonly accepted to have been a universal practice in Ireland and detrimental to the country's progress. Its alleged universality and supposedly unfavourable consequences can be queried. Absenteeism was prevalent in England too: large tracts of the north of England were devoid of resident landowners, and in parts of Lincolnshire in the mid-Nineteenth century only 7% of parishes had permanently resident substantial landowners. If a man owned several estates, by definition if he was living on one of them he was an absentee on all the others. Before 1845 an estimated 33% to 50% of Irish landowners were absentees, and a substantial portion of these were internal absentees (i.e. landlords who lived elsewhere in Ireland). Half the country was owned by men who lived on or near their estates.<br />
Absenteeism did not necessarily bring about inefficient estate management or rack-renting. Most substantial proprietors employed land stewards to manage their lands. When these men's enthusiasm for efficiency, maximisation of rental income or both overcame their caution or humanity, aggrieved tenants could and did turn to the absentee as an appeal judge. Permanent absentees were usually the larger and possibly more financially secure landowners who may have had less reason to raise rents and more funds to improve their estates. Some of the most infamous landlords who experienced the full force of tenant opposition during the Land War crisis of 1879-82 were permanently resident on their estates. The fiercest critics of absentees for much of the century were not farmers but resident landlords who felt that they were unfairly expected to shoulder unpalatable, time-consuming, local, social and political responsibilities for which they received no reward and scant recognition.<br />
During the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries the British government had confiscated a great deal of land owned by Catholics and enacted penal laws restricting land-ownership to Protestants. Although some of these Acts had been repealed, starting in 1778, few Catholics purchased land before the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/famine.htm">famine</a> because estates were too expensive. The situation was eased somewhat by the 1849 Encumbered Estates Act. Almost without exception landowners were in debt. During the famine, landlords' incomes collapsed as thousands of small tenants defaulted on their rent, and this was accompanied by a huge rise in outgoings.<br />
The system of poor relief introduced into Ireland in 1838 was financed out of local rates, a tax levied on occupiers of property. The poor were exempted from paying this if the property they inhabited was valued at less than £4 p.a. for rental purposes; the landlords were committed to paying their rates. Consequently the cost of relieving the destitution after 1845 fell on the landlords. In an attempt to reduce the number of paupers in areas for which they were responsible, landlords resorted to eviction.<br />
<h3>
Tenants</h3>
It is commonplace to portray Ireland as a country of peasants, poor subsistence farmers eking out a precarious existence on small patches of land, generally planted with potatoes, and uninvolved in the market economy except in so far as they were obliged to pay rent to landlords and taxes to Church and State. In reality rural society was far more complex than this, with no clear distinctions between classes and significant variations between regions and time.<br />
The majority of the population in pre-famine Ireland had little or no access to land. They lived in appalling conditions. 40% of Irish houses in 1841 were one room mud cabins with natural earth floors, no windows and no chimneys. Furniture and cooking facilities in these hovels were primitive. Their inhabitants' diet was monotonous and increasingly inadequate. Apart from beggars and paupers, virtually landless labourers (cottiers) occupied the lowest rung on the social ladder: there were 596,000 of them in the 1841 Census, and they comprised the largest single occupational/social group in the country. They faced a shrinking demand for their services after the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france.htm">French Wars</a> as domestic industry declined and corn-growing contracted. Before 1838, irregularly employed married men relied on small potato plots for survival. These were often rented on a yearly basis from local farmers and paid for by labour services, a system known as <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/conacre.htm">conacre</a>.<br />
Smallholders numbered 408,000 in 1841. Of these 65,000 had holdings of less than 1 acre, and were virtually indistinguishable from the cottiers. Many had to rely on access to income from elsewhere, such as peat-digging or using waste-land for common grazing, domestic industry (which was declining anyway), kelp collecting, fishing (where possible) or seasonal work on large farms. Smallholders with between 6 and 15 acres were classed as small farmers. Whatever the size of their holdings, virtually none had written agreements with their landlords to give them legal security of tenure. The sad plight of these groups dominates contemporary and much historical writing, but they did not constitute the entire population, and their numbers and economic significance declined from the mid-century.<br />
Some 453,000 were returned in the 1841 Census as "Farmers" and ranked as men of some standing and wealth. They had a comfortable standard of living, participated in local and national politics, supported and financed the Catholic Church, arranged beneficial marriages for their children and provided social leadership in the absence of local landowners. Sometimes they were also landlords to the smallholders and cottiers, subletting land which they rented on long leases from the landowner.<br />
<b>Examples of how small the holdings became:</b><br />
<ul><b></b>
<li>in 1770 a farm was let to one family. By 1845 there were over 300 inhabitants, most of them sub-tenants of the original leaseholder.</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>in 1843 there were 12,529 tenants on the Trinity College estate, but only 1% of these paid their rent to the college; 45% were sub-tenants of this small number and over 52% were sub-tenants of the sub-tenants.</li>
</ul>
Throughout the Nineteenth Century, Connaught and Ulster had much higher proportions of smallholders than Munster and Leinster. The land in the west was infertile and had unreliable communications, and conditions there closely matched the popular image of peasant Ireland.<br />
Anti-landlord propaganda which portrayed tenants as powerless victims of landlord oppression had been a major influence on both political and historical approaches to the subject. Landlords traditionally have been found guilty of several related crimes against the Irish tenants. The rents they charged have generally been considered to have been excessively high, bordering on legalised robbery. Even if their tenants paid these extortionate rents they are reputed to have lived under permanent threat of eviction, without notice or reason, since landlords regularly resorted to widespread and indiscriminate clearances. Such practices were not only morally indefensible but also economically ruinous, starving the countryside of capital, eroding the tenant farmers' incentive to invest. Ireland's poverty, even the famine itself was, therefore, the ultimate responsibility of the land-owning class.<br />
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<b>However</b> pastoral farming offered less scope for investment, and investment was restricted by landlords' indebtedness and the persistence in some areas of small-scale, uneconomic holdings. By making the financial transactions between landlord and tenant one-directional, it gave credibility to the image of the landlord as a non-productive parasite. There is insufficient information of the level of evictions in the first half of the Nineteenth Century from which to make generalisations. Evictions were not frequent until after 1815, and many were probably carried out by the larger tenant farmers who had sub-let their holdings. Landowners often found it difficult or distasteful to resort to massive evictions. Concerned landlords realised that in the absence of other employment, those deprived of access to land would have no means of survival. Some offered dispossessed tenants free of subsidised passages to North America, or attempted to encourage local industry. Others simply tried to stop sub-letting.<br />
It now seems that the wholesale clearances and forced evictions which occurred in the Highlands of Scotland at this time were not repeated in Ireland. During the famine years and the Land War of 1879-82 evictions were common, although at other times the widely reported threats of ejectment were intended to be, and were generally accepted as final demands for payment, and were treated as such. Few were actually translated into eviction.<br />
Although tenants had no legally binding, written agreements which guaranteed security of tenure, most came to expect to be able to retain possession of their farms so long as they paid their rents. The legislation of 1870 and 1881, therefore, effectively gave legal backing to practices which already existed.<br />
While it is impossible to refute the findings of such detailed official enquiries as the Devonshire Commission of 1844 which stressed the poverty and misery of the majority of the Irish people, it would be wrong to assume that all of the population suffered or that conditions remained unchanged in subsequent decades. The tenant farmers for whom <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/gladston.htm">Gladstone</a> sought justice after 1870 were far from exploited or impoverished.</div>
<center>
<table><tbody>
<tr valign="top"><td><b>PRIMARY SOURCES</b> </td><td><b>INFORMATION PAGES</b> </td></tr>
<tr valign="top"><td><ul>
<li>Transcripts of the Williamite Penal Laws can be found <a href="http://www.law.umn.edu/irishlaw">here</a>.(University of Minnesota Law Library)</li>
<li>Jonathan Swift's <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/ireswift.htm">Modest Proposal</a></i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/ireswift.htm"> </a>(1729)</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/1801act.htm">Act of Union</a> (1801)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/catheman.htm">Catholic Emancipation Act</a> (1829)</li>
</ul>
<br />
<br /></td><td><ul>
<li><a align="top" href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/iretime.htm">Select Timeline</a> 1760-1850</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/ireview.htm">Overview</a> 1760-1789</li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/penal.htm">Williamite Penal Laws</a></li>
<li>Famine and emigration, <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/ire1817.htm">1817</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/ire-land.htm">Land-holding in Ireland</a> 1760-1880</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/irehist.htm">Ireland 1760-89</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/flood.htm">Henry Flood</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/grattan.htm">Henry Grattan</a></li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/voluntee.htm">Volunteer Movement</a></li>
<li>The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/rocky.htm">Marquis of Rockingham</a> and the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/wicklowv.htm">Wicklow Volunteers</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/cetopic.htm">Catholic Emancipation</a> question (topic page)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/comparison.htm">How and why</a> was the'Irish Question' different in the 1840s from that of the 1780s? (essay plan grid)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/eng-ire.htm">A Comparison </a>of England and Ireland in 1760: political, social and economic</li>
</ul>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
<br /></div>
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</center>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6187580317170021458.post-36098561696926115792018-08-28T03:38:00.004-07:002018-10-27T17:20:24.260-07:00Corresponding Societies Major John Cartwright<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<h2>
Corresponding Societies</h2>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/u/1/null" name="#SCI">There had</a> been attempts to increase the number of voters in Britain since the 1760s but these efforts had come to nothing. The Society for the Promotion of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/revclub.htm">Constitutional Information</a> had been established by<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/cartwright.htm">Major John Cartwright</a> in 1784 as part of the campaign for parliamentary reform but with the onset of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france.htm">French Wars</a> many of the reform clubs had ceased to operate.<br />
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/paine.htm">Thomas Paine</a> encouraged the re-establishment of the Society for the Promotion of Constitutional Information in 1791. The result was the setting up of Corresponding Societies throughout Britain, the first one appearing in <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/sheffcorr.htm">Sheffield</a>, followed in the next month by the London Corresponding Society. The Corresponding Societies represented a substantial minority of the working population and their aims were to<br />
<ul>
<li>spread democratic propaganda</li>
<li>issue cheap copies of Thomas Paine's <i>Rights of Man</i></li>
<li>educate ordinary people about their democratic rights through the press, meetings, itinerant speakers and discussions</li>
<li>rouse public opinion in favour of parliamentary reform</li>
</ul>
The London Corresponding Society attracted many ex-Wilkesites and craftsmen, and the Societies became a feature of the unrepresented industrial towns Other societies existed in Manchester, Leeds and Edinburgh for example. The Corresponding Societies printed pamphlets, held meetings and corresponded with France, sending delegates to advise the National Assembly and welcoming and entertaining French delegates. They also adopted French fashions and called each other 'Citizen'.<br />
Up to 1793 when Britain became involved in the French Wars, the Government saw no harm in the Corresponding Societies but nevertheless kept its eyes and spies on them although it took little action against them. In 1793 the Societies hit trouble, their members being seen as traitors, French agents and a threat to law and order. The word 'reform' became suspected as treasonable and people wanting reform were labelled 'English Jacobins'. Their numbers were small and most of them were peaceful moderate reformers.<br />
The Corresponding Societies were only just beginning to ask for social and economic reform; the industrial revolution was in its infancy and so were the demands for reform in living and working conditions. Many Corresponding Societies were also local trade clubs with subscriptions of 1d per week They fulfilled not only a political function but also acted as friendly societies. Men like Wyvill and Wilkes were philosophical radicals who wanted constitutional reform for its own sake whereas many working men wanted constitutional reform as a first step towards social and economic betterment for themselves and their families.<br />
Demands for reform were if long-standing in Britain. It had its roots in <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/wilkes.htm">Wilkes</a> and learned from the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/countyas.htm">County Associations</a>. The French Revolution merely invigorated, but did not cause, the growing English reform movement. It did give a new dimension because it helped put a democratic emphasis on its demands. The main appeal of the reform movement was to the lower orders, particularly skilled craftsmen and artisans rather than to labourers. The reformers demanded, like <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/cartwright.htm">Major John Cartwright</a> and John <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/horne-t.htm">Horne-Tooke</a>,<br />
<ul>
<li>universal Manhood Suffrage</li>
<li>secret Ballot</li>
<li>annual General Elections</li>
</ul>
By 1792, enough Corresponding Societies existed for them to call a National Convention in Edinburgh in December that year.<br />
<br />
<h2>
The Sheffield Corresponding Society</h2>
The first and most active <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/corrsoc.htm">Corresponding Society</a> was in <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/sheff.htm">Sheffield</a>, set up December 1791, by five "mechanics". The aim of the society was political reform and it became the centre of propaganda at the press of Joseph Gales, editor of the <i>Sheffield Register</i>. Sheffield's society also sent out 'missionaries' who organised societies in Leeds, <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/birmham.htm">Birmingham</a> and Coventry. <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/paine.htm">Paine</a>'s <i>Rights of Man</i> was widely read; there was much support for <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france.htm">French Revolution</a> and it was common to find the use of 'Citizen' as a form of address.<br />
The Sheffield Corresponding Society had over 2,000 members by 1792 and was always bigger than <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/corrsoc.htm">London Corresponding Society</a>, founded January 1792 by <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/hardy.htm">Thomas Hardy</a>, a shoemaker. Sheffield had a large population of skilled craftsmen but there was little political power for the majority: the people wanted parliamentary representation and political rights. The town had no MP.<br />
Sheffield's main industries werethe manufacture of cutlery and edge tools, the making of implement handles and silver plate production. There was also a thriving silver trade and Sheffield was given its own assay office in 1773. The population of the town grew rapidly during the period of the industrial revolution. In 1790 there were 25,000 people living there but by 1820 this had risen to 40,000.<br />
The working classes comprised artisans, the owners of small cutlery manufacturing units (known locally as 'little mesters') and a growing group of permanent journeymen who could not rise to be masters because of the increase in merchant capitalists. At the outbreak of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france/frevchro.htm">French Revolution</a>, Sheffield was fertile ground for radical ideas and the growth of popular political clubs. In the 1790's many violent popular disturbances and political agitations occurred in Sheffield. For example, in 1791 several thousand people were involved in anti-enclosure riots and attempted to burn down the residence of Vicar of Sheffield. The riots lasted three days. There were also cries of 'No King', 'No Taxes' and 'No <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/c-laws.htm">Corn Bill</a>'. The scale of the violence led to the permanent billeting of troops in the town. The soldiers were unpopular and violent clashes between troops and. mob occurred in 1792 and 1796. During the widespread social unrest, Sheffield was considered' to be the 'storm centre' of trouble,<br />
In the autumn of 1792 there were popular street demonstrations celebrating French victory at Valmy over Prussia and in 1793, 10,000 Sheffielders signed a petition for reform that was rejected by Parliament as 'insolent'. In December 1793 the Sheffield and Leeds delegates to the Scottish Convention were arrested by the Government. In May and June 1794 there were more arrests and trials when it was revealed that one Davidson, Gale's journeyman printer, had offered to sell pikes to London Corresponding Society.<br />
Consequent upon the problems experienced by the Sheffield Corresponding Society, plans to hold an English Convention were postponed and Gales fled to <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america.htm">America</a>. As late as December 1795, large meetings were held in the town although membership of the Society declined. This decline coincided with a 'leftward' shift in its policy although the popularity of the Corresponding Society rose and fell with distress and prosperity in the town. By 1795 the adverse effect of the war was being felt in Sheffield's trades and bread prices reached an all-time high. Troops were called out to control the crowds, killing two people and wounding several more. The Corresponding Society did continue its activities after this, but mainly in secret.<br />
<br />
<h2>
The County Associations 1779</h2>
In 1779, besides all his other problems, <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/northtop.htm">Lord North's ministry</a> faced difficulties with the country gentlemen - the backbone of agricultural England, parliament and popular opinion - when Christopher Wyvill set up the County Association. The country gentlemen formed the bulk of the electorate in the counties: they were the conservative element of the constitution. These men had borne the brunt of taxation since about 1756, paying for wars and the National Debt through the Land Tax which stood at 4/- in the £. By 1779 the National Debt stood at £167 millions and further taxation was needed to repay the loans. Land, property and trade were all taxed. Those paying the taxes were receiving no returns because the war was being lost.<br />
Christopher Wyvill, a Yorkshire clergyman and landowner, set up the Yorkshire County Association in 1779. This was the gentleman's equivalent of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/corrsoc.htm">Cartwright's Society</a> for the Promotion of Constitutional Information.<br />
The aim of the Yorkshire County Association was to petition parliament to<br />
<ul>
<li>complain about the expensive war and incompetent government</li>
<li>demand parliamentary reform, including</li>
<ul>
<li>annual general elections</li>
<li>an extra 100 county MPs (who would be more independent of the government than borough MPs)</li>
</ul>
</ul>
Although Wyvill thought that he controlled the Yorkshire Association, and although <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/rocky.htm">Rockingham</a> was not directly involved, it is interesting to note that of the Yorkshire Association's Committee of 61, some 48 were committed Rockingham <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/whig.htm">Whigs</a>. The secretary of the Association, Stephen Croft, was <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/rockmem.html">Rockingham</a>'s political agent in York. There is a large collection of correspondence between Rockingham and Croft which discusses the business of the Yorkshire Association; almost all of Rockingham's advice/ suggestions/comments reappear in the Minutes of Association meetings courtesy of Croft.<br />
Wyvill's Association was copied by another twelve counties. Wyvill set up a London headquarters for his Associations where petitions could be received and submitted to parliament and from whence MPs could be lobbied. Wyvill also intended that the Associations would select only parliamentary candidates who subscribed to the "Articles of Association" for the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/election.htm">election</a> of 1780. Wyvill got the support of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/cjfox.htm">Fox</a>(who chaired some meetings) and the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/pitt-e.htm">Pittites</a> led by <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/shelburn.htm">Shelburne</a>. The Association was potentially the most dangerous occurrence for the government because government relied on the country gentry for support. The gentry provided a model and precedent for the developing working classes to follow.<br />
The demands of the Associations were out of touch: the industrial towns of the north were growing and had no parliamentary representation. For example, <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/sheff.htm">Sheffield</a>, with a population of 32,000, had no MP. The industrial revolution was beginning to create a new socially and politically underprivileged group which was starting to feel its collective strength. The squirearchy apparently was unaware of the demands from the new working classes for representation and political rights.<br />
Following the 1780 <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/gordon.htm">Gordon Riots</a> [see also <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/gordon.htm">Lord George Gordon</a>], the County Associations moderated their activities. They saw the effects of crowd action being used in support of political aims and became worried and realised that the County Associations could spark off violence, since obviously politics were no longer the sole prerogative of gentlemen. There were new, active elements in political life, so the County Associations withdrew and took on a much lower profile. This was the first and last time that the country gentlemen opposed the government in this way and it is very rare to find them calling out the crowd to get popular support. Riots created a fear of reform. This was the beginning of the end of the acceptance of reform by the established political classes because of the fear of mob rule.<br />
<br />
<h2>
The Gordon Riots, June 1780</h2>
In 1778 <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/savile.htm">Sir George Savile</a> had successfully introduced a <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/cetopic.htm">Catholic Relief Act</a>, which was part of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/whig.htm">Whig</a> tradition of religious toleration. It absolved <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/catholic.htm">Roman Catholics</a> from taking the religious oath on joining the army - and helped to boost the size of the British army, necessary in the face of war against <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america.htm">America</a>, France and Spain. The legislation was passed by <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/northtop.htm">Lord North's ministry</a>.<br />
<div align="right">
<img align="right" src="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/images/gordon.jpg" hspace="7" style="filter: url("http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/gordon.htm#hc_extension_off");" /><span style="font-size: x-small;">Lord George Gordon</span></div>
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/gordon.htm">Lord George Gordon</a>, a powerful and extreme Protestant, set up the Protestant Association in 1780, demanding the repeal of the Catholic Relief Act. He spread fears of "Popery" and royal absolutism; he suggested that Roman Catholics in the British army, especially the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/irehist.htm">Irish</a>, might join forces with their French and Spanish co-religionists and attack England. He saw the Catholic Relief Act as a threat to Anglicanism and since being a Roman Catholic was equated to being a traitor (an idea going back to Elizabeth I and the belief that a person could not be loyal to the English monarch and the Pope at the same time) his Association attracted extremists. Much anti-Catholic feeling was roused.<br />
The high point was in June 1780 when a crowd some 60,000 strong marched to the House of Commons to present a petition for the repeal of the Catholic Relief Act. The crowd included a riotous element and the whole event got out of hand. The mob took over London for a week. The London homes of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/rocky.htm">Rockingham</a>, Devonshire, <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/mansfld.htm">Mansfield</a> and Savile (the main advocates of the legislation) were attacked; those of Mansfield and Savile were burned and the others had to be defended by the militia.<br />
The mob looted, burned, waved placards, attacked Catholic churches and presbyteries and the persons and homes of leading Catholics. It took a week for the government to collect enough militia and troops to quash the riots. The mob attacked prisons and freed prisoners. Eventually <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/george3.htm">George III</a> insisted that the troops should be called out.<br />
<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/wilkes.htm">John Wilkes</a> was in command of the troops outside the Bank of England and ordered his men to fire on the crowd. This marked the end of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/ssbr.htm">Wilkesite movement</a>.<br />
The result of the riots was:<br />
<ul>
<li>290 dead</li>
<li>100 Roman Catholic buildings (churches, presbyteries, private homes) looted and/or burned (indicating some element of social protest)</li>
<li>£70,000 paid in compensation to individuals</li>
<li>£30,000 worth of damage to public buildings</li>
<li>25 ringleaders were hanged</li>
<li>Lord George Gordon was found "Not Guilty" of treason and got off scot free</li>
</ul>
<div>
<h2>
The 'Hell Fire Club'</h2>
West Wycombe, a village in the Chiltern Hills, was where the Dashwood family owned its landed estate. West Wycombe Park is a typical Palladian building. Above West Wycombe is a steep hill at the top of which is St. Lawrence’s church, built by the Dashwoods and next to it is the huge flint mausoleum of the Dashwood family. Sir Francis Dashwood founded the "Order of the Knights of St. Francis of Wycombe": it is better known as the Hellfire Club.<br />
Below the mausoleum is the entrance to the West Wycombe caves, carved to look like the entrance to a Gothic church. The caves were enlarged by Sir Francis Dashwood in the 1750s in order to create work for the local men who were unemployed because of a succession of harvest failures. The chalk from the caves was used for building part of the road to London but Sir Francis also had the caves cut in intricate patterns. The caves crossed a stream of water known as the 'River Styx', a reference to the Greek mythological river of Hades, over which the souls of the dead were ferried by Charon.<br />
The Hell Fire Club initially was based at Medmenham Abbey which Sir Francis bought and converted into an erotic garden. The members of the Hell-Fire club took part in mock religious ceremonies and used masks and costumes to allow them to indulge in varying degrees of debauchery. Medmenham gained some notoriety so the Hell Fire club moved to a more secluded site at West Wycombe caves. Members of the club included Sir Francis Dashwood, the Earl of Sandwich, Thomas Potter (the son of the Archbishop of Canterbury), <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/wilkes.htm">John Wilkes</a>, William Hogarth, the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/bute.htm">Earl of Bute</a>, the Marquis of Granby, the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/freddie.htm">Prince of Wales</a> and possibly Benjamin Franklin and Horace Walpole. It was alleged that the 'monks' took prostitutes down the Thames from London in barges to act as masked 'nuns'. The members of the Club also were accused of celebrating the Black Mass over the naked bodies of aristocratic ladies, one of whom was Lady Mary Montagu Wortley, the mother-in-law of the Earl of Bute.</div>
<h2>
John Stuart, third Earl of Bute (1713-92)</h2>
<img align="left" src="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/images/bute.gif" hspace="7" />The Earl of Bute was born in Edinburgh on 25 May 1713 although the family home was on the Isle of Bute. He was the eldest son and second of eight children born to the second Earl of Bute and his wife Anne Campbell. In 1736 he married Mary Wortley Montagu and they had five sons and six daughters. Not all Scottish Peers were entitled to a seat in the House of Lords so they elected sixteen of their number to represent them. Bute was elected as one of the Scottish Peers in April 1736, May 1761, April 1768 and November 1774. Between 1741 and 1761 he did not sit in the House of Lords. Bute was the first Scottish born British Prime Minister and the first <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/tory.htm">Tory</a> to be PM after the Glorious Revolution. Along with a number of other prominent politicians of the day, such as the Earl of Sandwich and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/wilkes.htm">John Wilkes</a>, Bute was a member of Sir Francis Dashwood's "Hell Fire Club".<br />
Bute was educated at Eton and the University of Leiden in the Netherlands, where he was awarded a Degree in civil and public law. He did not undertake the Grand Tour as most of his contemporaries did. Bute was tall, slim and was deemed to be very handsome. He was renowned for his "fine pair of legs", of which he was very vain. He was passionately interested in botany and studied the subject extensively, along with making studies of agriculture and architecture. Prior to his marriage, he was not wealthy and his father-in-law (who was a miser) unsuccessfully attempted to prevent the marriage. Bute acquired all his wife's wealth upon his marriage, in accordance with the law at that time.<br />
In 1747 Bute was introduced to <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/freddie.htm">Frederick</a>, Prince of Wales whilst attending Egham races. Bute was asked to make up a foursome at cards; this saw the start of a friendship with the Prince of Wales that laid the foundations of Bute's future personal and political career. In 1751 the Prince of Wales died and the dowager Princess Augusta began to rely heavily on the advice of Bute, to the point where rumours abounded that the two were more than just "friends".<br />
In 1754, Bute bought a house on Kew Green in London and built an extension to accommodate his botanical library. The house had a private gate into the grounds of Kew Palace where he helped Princess Augusta to create Kew Gardens. The following year, Bute was appointed "finishing tutor" to Prince George, the future <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/george3.htm">George III</a>. In 1756, Bute was appointed Groom of the Stole in Prince George's household. On the accession of George III in 1760, Bute became a Privy Counsellor and the following year he was made Secretary of State for the Northern Department . In May 1762 he became <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/butemin.htm">Prime Minister</a> and in December of that year began the "<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/massacre.htm">Massacre of the Pelhamite Innocents</a>" in which the Dukes of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/newcastl.htm">Newcastle</a> and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/grafton.htm">Grafton</a> and the Marquis of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/rocky.htm">Rockingham</a> were dismissed from their Lord Lieutenancies. In April 1763, Bute resigned as PM, on the grounds that he had always said he would stay in office until <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/p-paris.htm">peace</a> was achieved. He was relieved to give up public office because he had not had the support of his colleagues, he was extremely unpopular with the public and was greatly disliked in parliament.<br />
Bute bought the Luton Hoo estate in Bedfordshire in 1763 and went to live there towards the end of that year although he continued to sit in the House of Lords. However, ill health caused him to travel in Europe between 1768 and 1771. In 1773 he bought land near Christchurch in Hampshire and built Highcliffe House, overlooking the sea. In 1780, he retired from parliament because of his age - he was 67. In November 1790 he slipped and fell about 30 feet down the cliffs at Highcliffe whilst collecting plants. This fall is thought to have contributed to his death in March 1792.<br />
<h2>
Frederick, Prince of Wales ( 1707-1751)</h2>
<img align="left" src="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/images/freddie.gif" hspace="7" /><br />
Frederick Louis was the eldest son of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/george2.htm">George II</a> and his wife Caroline of Ansbach, and was the father of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/george3.htm">George III</a>. Having been educated in Hanover, finally Frederick was brought to England in 1728 and since then had been a source of trouble for his parents. The royal couple were desperately afraid of their eldest son gaining popularity at their expense so they tried to keep him under control. As Prince of Wales, George II considered a scheme for excluding Frederick from the English throne and sending him to rule Hanover so that George's second son, William, could succeed him as King. Frederick was neglected and despised by his parents so he found his friends in opposition circles where he was used as a means of attacking the government and monarchy.<br />
Frederick's marriage to Princess Augusta of Saxe-Gotha in 1736 was arranged by George II and the prince argued that, as a married man he should receive an allowance of £100,000 from the Civil List. He was still receiving the same sum of £50,000 that he had had as a bachelor, even though George II had been granted an extra £100,000 on condition that this was the amount given to Prince Frederick on his marriage. Frederick quarrelled with his father over the allowance and when the increase was denied him, he persuaded his political friends to introduce a motion into the House of Commons for an address to the King to increase the allowance.<br />
George II saw Frederick's actions as a direct attack on the authority of the king; it resulted in every MP having to choose between father and son. The queen was furious: when she saw Frederick from her dressing-room window, she is reported to have said,<br />
<blockquote>
"Look! There he goes! That wretch! That villain! I wish the ground would open at this moment and sink the monster to the lowest hole in Hell!"</blockquote>
In the event, the motion was defeated - but only by thirty votes. However, the breach between Frederick and his parents was complete.<br />
Queen Caroline pretended to believe that Frederick was impotent, despite evidence to the contrary. In 1737, when she was told that Princess Augusta was pregnant, Caroline expressed fears that a foundling child might be brought into the Royal Family. The king and queen wanted the baby to be born at Hampton court, their country residence. In what can be seen as little more than a determination to defy his parents, Frederick took his wife, already in labour with their first child (a girl), from Hampton Court to St James' to prevent the baby from being delivered under his parents' roof. As a result of this action, Frederick was banished from court and a public announcement was made that whoever continued to pay their court to the Prince and Princess would not be received by the King and Queen.<br />
On 20 November 1737, Queen Caroline died. In life, she is reputed to have said of her eldest son,<br />
<blockquote>
"My dear first born is the greatest ass, and the greatest liar, and the greatest canaille, and the greatest beast, in the whole world, and I most heartily wish he was out of it."</blockquote>
As she lay on her death bed, she is reported as saying,<br />
<blockquote>
"At least I shall have one comfort in having my eyes eternally closed - I shall never see that monster again."</blockquote>
The king refused to allow Frederick to see his mother before she died, saying to Lord Hervey,<br />
<blockquote>
"Bid him go about his business for his poor mother is not in a condition to see him act his false, whining, cringing tricks now, nor am I in a humour to bear his impertinence; and bid him trouble me with no more messages, but get out of my house."</blockquote>
Hervey's memoirs show Frederick as little less than a monster: undutiful to his parents, unfaithful to his mistresses and disloyal to his friends.<br />
Excluded from the royal palaces, Frederick set up establishments at Leicester House and Carlton Gardens. In his private life, Frederick seems to have been an affectionate husband and father. He was fond of amateur theatricals and took part in family plays. He was concerned about the welfare of his nine children, particularly about their progress at school.<br />
Leicester House became the focus for the parliamentary opposition, centred on the "king to come". The political "outs" supported the Prince of Wales with a view to the future in mind when they might become members of the government: they became known as the "Leicester House Set". This group harried the government until <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/walpole-r.htm">Walpole</a> was forced to resign in 1742 but the new PM, Henry Pelham undermined the parliamentary opposition by offering government posts to the leading members of the Leicester House Set. The last years of Frederick's life were spent in pointless opposition to the government and his party became the last home of the politically bankrupt. It is because of his failure in politics that Frederick became known as "Poor Fred".<br />
In 1750, Frederick was planning his first ministry and drafts of his own speeches and political programme in anticipation of his father's death. However, fate overtook Poor Fred. On 6 March 1751 he told a friend that he had caught a cold - which caused no further comment. On 15 March, Frederick was reported to be "out of danger" but his illness continued. On 20 March, he died. It is believed that his death was connected to an accident he had whilst playing cricket: he was hit by the ball. His father, George II outlived his eldest son, dying in 1760.<br />
<h2>
Major John Cartwright (1740-1824)</h2>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Adapted from Sir Lesley Stephen & Sir Sidney Lee (eds.), <i>Dictionary of National Biography</i>: from the earliest times to 1900 (London, Oxford University Press, 1949). The original biography was written by Edward Smith in 1886.</span><br />
<hr />
Johnn Cartwright, a political reformer, was descended from an old Nottinghamshire family, and was the third son of William Cartwright of Marnham, and Anne, daughter of George Cartwright of Ossington. He was born on 17 September 1740 and was educated at a grammar school in Newark and at a private academy in Heath, Yorkshire. In 1780 Cartwright married Miss Anne Katharine Dashwood, of a Lincolnshire family. They had no children and his wife died on 21 December 1834. She was buried by her husband in the churchyard of Finchley, Middlesex.<br />
At about the age of eighteen (c. 1758) he entered the navy and saw some active service under the command of Lord Howe. He devised some improvements in gun exercise, afterwards incorporated in Falconer's <i>Marine Dictionary</i>. Cartwright rapidly rose in the service, and in 1766 was appointed first lieutenant of the <i>Guernsey</i> on the Newfoundland station. The following year he was made deputy commissary to the Vice-Admiralty court there. Here he took the lead in a short exploring expedition. He returned from Newfoundland in 1770 in impaired health. He thought constantly about the improvement of naval efficiency, and for several years he tried to draw the attention of the government to plans for a perpetual supply of timber for the navy.<br />
In about 1775 Cartwright began publicly to assert his opinions on political matters in <i>A Letter to <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/burke.htm">Edmund Burke</a>, controverting the Principles of American Government laid down in his lately published speech on American Taxation</i>, and in a tract on <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america.htm">American independence</a>. Two years later his sympathies hindered him from joining Lord Howe's command in North America, and a stop was thus put to his professional advancement. In 1775 Cartwright had been appointed as a Major to the Nottinghamshire militia. He now began a series of writings on reform in parliament: his most famous pamphlet was <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/choice.htm">Take your Choice</a> </i>(1776). From the first he advocated annual parliaments, universal suffrage, and the ballot. His extreme notions hindered his acceptance by the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/whig.htm">Whigs</a>, but his position as a country gentleman ensured him respect. He was frequently in correspondence with Edmund Burke and other leaders of opinion. In 1780 Cartwright began the agitation which earned for him the title of the Father of Reform. A county meeting in Nottingham was succeeded in March of that year by the historic meeting at Westminster, on which occasion the leaders of the Whig opposition met Cartwright and his friends, and passed resolutions on the inadequate representation of the people of England. Shortly afterwards, he founded the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/corrsoc.htm">Society for Constitutional Information</a>. He stood for parliament on a number of occasions: he contested Nottinghamshire in 1780 and Boston in 1806 and 1807, and was nominated for Westminster in 1818 and 1819. He was unsuccessful on every occasion.<br />
Meanwhile he was actively engaged in agricultural pursuits and laying down practical hints for the encouragement of the farming interest. He was likewise in active co-operation with Clarkson, Granville Sharp, and the other <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/antislav.htm">anti-slavery</a> leaders. During the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france.htm">alarmist period</a> Cartwright ran personal risk. Having attended a public meeting to celebrate the taking of the Bastille, his promotion in the militia was withheld, and his commission at length cancelled.<br />
In about 1800 a plan was started for erecting a naval temple which should record the feats of British seamen. Cartwright produced one which was considered to be far ahead of any other project. Drawings were publicly exhibited at a house in Pall Mall, and an elaborate quarto volume remains as a record of the scheme, and, indeed, as the only part of it which was ever carried out (<i>The Trident, or the National Policy of Naval Celebration; describing a Hieronauticon, or Naval Temple</i>). In 1803-4 Cartwright renewed his representations relative to the defenceless state of the country, particularly in the eastern counties, and produced one of his more important works, under the title of <i>England's Ægis; or, the Military Energies of the Constitution</i>.<br />
He contributed many papers to <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/cobbett.htm">Cobbett</a>'s <i>Register</i> on this and other topics. He continued to publish numerous writings, of which the more important were: <i>The Comparison: in which Mock Reform, Half Reform, and Constitutional Reform are considered; or, who are the Statesmen to preserve our Laws and Liberties</i> (1810); <i>Six Letters to the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/tavistoc.htm">Marquis of Tavistock</a>, on a Reform of the Commons House of Parliament</i> ( 1812); <i>The English Constitution produced and illustrated</i> (1823). He also devoted himself during the later years of his life to the cause of Spanish patriotism; and in 1821, at a time when the Greeks were making their struggle for independence, he aided the public subscriptions both in money and by his pen in <i>Hints to the Greeks</i> (a study of pikes, in default of bayonets). In 1813 he was arrested in the course of a political tour, but soon released; and in 1820 was tried for sedition and fined £100.<br />
In 1805 Cartwright left his Lincolnshire home and went to London, residing for some time at Enfield. In 1810 he removed to James Street, Buckingham Gate, and in 1819 to Burton Crescent, where he resided till his death on 23 September 1824. A monument was erected to his memory in the garden opposite. Cartwright was one of the most generous-minded public men of his time. He was tender to his opponents, forgiving to detractors, and always open-handed. He saved persons from drowning, at the risk of his own life, on four different occasions. His writings are excessively dry to the ordinary reader, and quite significant of the enthusiast who could be earnest without being inflammatory. ‘He was cheerful, agreeable, and full of curious anecdote. He was, however, in political matters, exceedingly troublesome, and sometimes exceedingly absurd,’ according to <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/place.htm">Francis Place</a>.<br />
Other testimony of his contemporaries seems to show the accuracy of this opinion. Over eighty tracts or other writings, besides the above-mentioned, were published by him, a list of which is given in the biography by his niece. Those which expressed a full statement of his views are: <i>Give us our Rights: or, a letter to the present electors of Middlesex and the Metropolis, showing what those rights are</i>, <i>&c</i>’. (1782); T<i>he Commonwealth in Danger: with an introduction, containing remarks on some late writings of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/young.htm">Arthur Young</a></i> (1795). The rest of them are mere reiterations.<br />
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<h1>
Take Your Choice</h1>
<h3>
by Major John Cartwright, 1776</h3>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">I have changed the 'long S' to a modern 's' throughout this document; all other spellings are as they appear in the book. Some are indicated with [<i>sic</i>] but most are not. I have marked the note references with an asterisk and put the notes at the bottom of each page of the original text. The original page numbers precede the text of the relevant page and are indicated in square brackets. I did proof read the text but can't swear to having picked up all the gremlins. If you spot any howlers of spelling/transcript errors, please do let me know.</span><br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[v]</span> PREFACE<br />
<br />
The wisest men and most accomplished writers have endeavoured to bespeak the indulgence of the public by prefaces. A proportionable diffidence in the author of the following sheets, would wholly consign them to oblivion, was not that sentiment over-ruled by a sense of duty, which tells him that he ought to risk every thing, except the reproaches of his own heart, in order to serve his country. He believes, that he hath pointed out some essential considerations in the question here discussed, which have hitherto been overlooked; and that his fellow citizens have been with-held from exerting themselves, in pursuit of the important object of it, through a persuasion that insuperable difficulties lay in the way. He can assure them that no such difficulties exist. They have none to contend with, but the selfishness and injustice of a set of individuals amongst themselves who make only a <i>three thousandth part</i> of their own number. If this shall prove an insuperable difficulty, <span style="font-size: x-small;">[vi]</span> he shall cease to pride himself in being a Briton. That the salvation of the ruin of his country, depends upon the right or wrong opinion and conduct of the <b>commons</b>, with regard to this <b>one</b> subject, he thinks will be apparent to every reflecting man who shall thoroughly consider it. In this discussion, he does not expect that he shall please either of our two grand national parties; because he flatters neither. His best hopes, indeed, are from the <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/whig.htm">whigs</a></i>; because their creed, <i>would they but be true to it</i>, is the creed of free men: but if <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/tory.htm">Tories</a></i> and<i> <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/religion/catholic.htm">Papists</a></i> will, in earnest, set about repairing<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/18c-con.htm"> the constitution</a>, he will embrace them, and be of their party. He will, probably, be called an enthusiast. He shall not however be shocked at such an appellation; because he believes that no man, in these days, can labour for the benefit of mankind upon disinterested principles, without being reckoned an enthusiast; — perhaps a Quixote. He will not, however, be called a slave. Neither shall any one say that he is the friend of tyrants. By some, he may perhaps be charged with want of respect, when he speaks of the <span style="font-size: x-small;">[vii] </span>House of Commons. To them he answers; that, towards the constitutional part of that house, no man living bears higher respect than himself. He esteems it, he venerates, he reveres it. In his estimation, there is more honour and dignity in sitting there as the real representative of two or three thousand free men, and the immediate guardians of public liberty; than having place amongst nobles, or being seated on an hereditary throne itself. But, if there be any part of that house which is not constitutional, he scruples not to acknowledge, that it moves, and ever will move, his indignation and contempt, and excite his abhorrence. And he knows of no obligation which a Briton is under, not to expose and condemn any thing whatever in the legislature of his country, which is a palpable departure from the constitution, and threatening to public freedom. With regard to the House of Commons, he would sacrifice a great deal, to be able to prove his own words a libel. He pretends not to write to philosophers and men of letters, so much as to his fellow citizens at large. For the former, the abstract elements of parliamentary science <span style="font-size: x-small;">[viii] </span>would be sufficient; and might be contained in three pages. But a more argumentative and explanatory manner, a plainer and indeed a coarser language is necessary for the unrefined, though sensible, bulk of the people. 'Tis them he wishes to inform, to move, to direct, towards the security of their liberties; which he apprehends to be in danger. Let his work, then, be considered in that light; and, if esteemed a necessary one which better writers have neglected, let it be read with candour, and meet with the indulgence due to an useful, though inelegant performance.<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[ix]</span> INTRODUCTION<br />
<b>Having </b>proposed to urge upon you, my countrymen! a reformation, both as to the length, and as to the constituting of your parliaments; it seems but proper, previously to state some of the inconveniencies and evils, which I apprehend to be the necessary consequences of, and inseparable from, our present rotten parliamentary system.<br />
All men will grant, that the lower house of parliament is <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/election.htm">elected</a> by only a handful of the commons, instead of the whole; and this, chiefly by bribery and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/parlrep.htm">undue influence</a>. Men who will employ such means are villains; and those who dupe their constituents by lying promises, are far from honest men. An assembly of such men is <i>founded </i>on<i> iniquity:</i> consequently, the fountain of legislation is poisoned. Every stream, how much soever mixed, as it flows with justice and patriotism, will still have poison in its composition.<br />
Nor will it be denied me, that, in consequence of the long duration of a parliament, the members, as soon as seated, feel themselves too independent on the opinion and good will of their constituents, even where their suffrages have not been extorted nor bought; and that, of course, they despise them.<br />
From the first of these data, it will follow, that we are subject to have the House of <span style="font-size: x-small;">[x] </span>Commons filled by men of every bad description that can be thought of, and that strict integrity, which ought to be the strongest of all recommendations, amounts to a positive exclusion; except it happen indeed to be united with a capital fortune and great county connections.<br />
From the first and second jointly; our representatives, who are in fact our deputed servants, are taught to assume the carriage and haughtiness of despotic masters; to think themselves unaccountable for their conduct; and to neglect their duty.<br />
Whether, indeed, the house of commons be in a great measure filled with idle school-boys, insignificant coxcombs, led-captains and toad-eaters, profligates, gamblers, bankrupts, beggars, contractors, commissaries, public plunderers, ministerial dependants, hirelings, and wretches, that would sell their country, or deny their God for a guinea, let every one judge for himself. And whether the kind of business very often brought before the house, and the usual manner of conduction it, do not bespeak this to be the case; I likewise leave every man to form his own opinion: particularly that independent and noble-minded few, who experience the constant mortification of voting and speaking without even a hope of being able thereby to serve their country.<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[xi] </span>But without insisting on these things as fact, and only admitting the possibility of them from the combined causes already assigned, of long parliaments, undue influence and bribery, it is natural to expect, as indeed all experience shews it must happen, that a country, whose affairs are <i>subject to fall</i> into such hands must be ruined, sooner or later, by those very men who shall be in the office of its guardians and preservers; except it shall make an alteration in this particular.<br />
And accordingly, we find our own country in a condition which shews that its affairs have long been in such hands. It has passed through all the stages of abuse, and is at length arrived at a precipice tremendous to look from. The current of corruption is smooth and flattering; and it meanders for a while through scenes not unpleasant to the careless passengers: but it is deceitful, and sure to terminate in a Niagarian fall; and to wash its navigators headlong in to the abyss of slavery and wretchedness, unless they take warning in time and will manfully exert themselves. Our giddy vessel of state is swiftly gliding down this current; and, by the velocity with which the passing shores of our fair provinces fly from our wondering eyes and are lost to sight, we may know that we are in the dreadful vortex, and we may hear the very roaring of the cataract. But yet, we need not perish, except by the character of our <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xii] </span>nation hath forsaken us. The English sailor, whether naval or political, is imprudent and thoughtless enough, God knows; but when dangers surround him, or an enemy comes in sight, he shews that he is neither a coward nor a lubber; he knows how to deal with either of them. We should, on this occasion do no more than right, were we to begin our work with putting the law of <i>Oleron</i> in execution, by throwing overboard our <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/northmin.htm">besotted pilots</a>: but but that I think, there will be more magnanimity in suffering even those wretches to share in the general preservation.<br />
But, dropping these metaphors, let us proceed with the proposed detail of the most material public inconveniencies and evils which may be attributed to the usage of long parliaments.<br />
<ol type="I">
<li>The kingdom, under long (and always meaning corrupt) parliaments, hath been proverbial for making war without wisdom , and peace without policy. and yet, one of the pretences against annual parliaments hath been that they would occasion such ministerial instability and incertitude of national councils, that foreign powers would not confide in your treaties nor alliances. But this, so far as <i>we</i>have any business with the argument, is diametrically opposite to the truth. annual parliaments will always adhere to the true interests of the nation; and upon all <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xiii] </span>alliances formed upon that basis, foreigners would most assuredly rely, sooner than upon the faith of kings. But annual parliaments would not, it is true, suffer ministers to negociate away the blood and treasure of this kingdom, in order to flatter the weaknesses or partialities of the prince; nor to gratify their own avarice or ambition. Such parliaments would, moreover, give stability and permanency to administrations; by extinguishing party and faction, and leaving a minister of state nothing to do but to attend to the duties of his office and the preparing of plans for the public good. He would not longer have the greatest part of his time taken up in forming and conduction one faction, and opposing the rest; nor would his station then have those charms for an unprincipled man which it has at present. It would only be desirable to men of a generous ambition for serving their country by their personal labours, and who could content themselves with no more power than should be consistent with the liberties of their fellow citizens. Such men would be too estimable in the opinion of the public, and consequently in the judgment of an annual parliament, ever to be disturbed with an ill-intended opposition to their wise and honest measure. Opposition, from which alone we find protection against tyranny in the present corrupt state of things, is in itself an evil: but one that would <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xiv]</span> vanish together with long parliaments; for to them it owes its being, and with them must die. An annual parliament properly chosen, would not be composed of two or three contending factions, each aiming at power by the overthrow of its rivals; but would be in fact, as in theory it is called, a national council. The opinion of every individual (making some allowances for oratory) would have its weight, in proportion to its solidity: and it would be the desire of a very great majority of the members to assist the minister in perfecting his plans of government by sage advice; not to oppose nor to support, right or wrong, according to pay or party.</li>
<li>It has been owing to the constant sacrifices which have been made of the national interests to the separate interests of the court, that so many continental connections and subsidiary engagements have been formed by our ministers under the sanction of long parliaments. Besides the lavish waste of money which have been occasioned, the demands upon us for <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america.htm">troops</a>, have brought us to imagine a very considerable army necessary to us. Hence in a great measure it is, that our military establishment is so large, and so kept up, as to be but half a step from a <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/b-rights.htm">standing army</a> in the worst sense of those words.</li>
<li>And it has been in order to answer ministerial, not national purposes, that <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/britarmy.htm">an army</a> has been kept in our colonies during <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xv]</span> peace. So far from their being for the protection of the colonies against the irruptions of the savages, the troops never were seen upon the borders; but were quartered in the chief towns along the sea coast, for the tyrannical purpose of keeping the people in awe.</li>
<li>Our country, fertile as it is by nature, enriched by commerce, and inhabited by a people characteristically active and industrious, is nevertheless mortgaged like the estate of a prodigal. We groan under the burthen of an enormous debt; no less than 137 millions sterling; while our ministers are still going on in the ways of waste and profusion. This debt is not only a grievous evil in itself; but it is a fruitful parent of other evils. Amongst the most considerable, are its making so many people creatures of the crown, by being dependent for a livelihood on the manifold arrangements respecting our funds. Hereby a very powerful and united party is formed against every reformation in finance. Money'd property in the funds also converts whole herds of men into drones, who contribute nothing towards the public stock; but, on the contrary, are a dead weight on the industry of the nation.</li>
<br />Under annual parliaments (always supposing them to have contained a full representation of the commons) these evils would not have been known: or if any temporary <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xvi] </span>debt had been unavoidably contracted, it would as certainly have been speedily discharged. The nation would consequently be in no danger of bankruptcy from any untoward event, as it is at present; and would have been at all times ready to repel the attacks of its enemies. But the <i>feelings</i> of the great bulk of the <i>nation</i>, are not the same with the <i>feelings of long parliaments</i> founded in corruption; nor will the <i>language</i> of such parliaments to their prince, ever express <i>the sense of the people</i>.
<li>Are not our sanguinary statues, by which we year by year spill rivers of blood, a reproach to the political knowledge, to the humanity, to the religion of our island? And are not our <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/prison.htm">prisons</a> and our treatment of prisoners shocking and foolish?</li>
<li>Are we not suffering from the distress and idleness of the poor, and from a visible depopulation; and do we not leave millions of acres uncultivated?</li>
<li>Is not the metropolis and the whole kingdom over-run with vagrants and beggars, notwithstanding our astonishing provisions against want?</li>
<li>Is not every city, town and village, crowded with alehouses, those hotbeds of idleness and vice? And are not gaming and adultery, amongst the higher ranks of the people, become such enormities in a civilized <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xvii]</span> community, as to cry aloud for the attention of the legislature?*</li>
<li>Are we not alienating the affections of the people from the crown by injuries and insults? Are we not grieving and provoking peaceable subjects, and thereby nourishing sects and schisms by adhering to their detriment to trifles and to nonsense in church government; instead of sacrificing them to good sense and charity, and forming a new pale for our church on the foundations of reason and truth?</li>
</ol>
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But when will any national evil every be taken into consideration, and corrected by the <i>spontaneous</i> act of a long parliament? Men who are too ignorant to legislate for a tavern club, or who are voluptuaries and debauchees, or whose whole thought are engrossed by the loaves and fishes, are they<br />
<blockquote>
*When I had fed them to the full, they then committed adultery, and assembled themselves by troops in the harlots houses. They were as fed horses in the morning; everyone neighed after his neighbour's wife. Shall I not visit for these things? saith the Lord: and shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this? Jeremiah, c. 5; which is entitled, The judgments of God upon the <i>Jews</i>for their <i>manifold corruption</i>. But we are <i>Christians</i>; and it hath moreover pleased the Lord, to raise up the Earl of Chesterfield (see his letter Dec. 3, 1763) in these our days, to declare it in the house of Jacob and publish it in Judah, that <i>adultery</i> (see several of his letters) and <i>treason to our country</i>, (see vol. II. let. 161) are amongst the virtues of a senator, and the proper pleasures of a man of fashion.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[xviii]</span> to watch over the good of a great nation, to remark its deviations into political error, and to recal it by wise institutions? Is it not known by too melancholy an experience, that the proposer of any individual improvement, is first received with the coldness of a miser to a beggar or alms; and if his zeal for the public be too strong to be damped by such usage, that he is then opposed and baited in parliament as a mad enthusiast? Who can tell me of any the least improvement in our laws and policy that hath been made of late years by long parliaments, which has not been the sole effect of some very spirited exertion in individuals favoured by the circumstances of the day, and backed by some pressing and urgent evil which could no longer be endured? What sort of an idea does this give one of <i>a national council</i>? 10, 100, 1000, 10,000. But to recite, one by one the evils proceeding from long parliaments, would require volumes. And it is to be noted that there is not a public evil existing, which would have been prevented or would now be remedied by an annual, that ought not to be placed to the account of a long parliament. The reader, if he wishes to go deep into that enquiry, will do well to peruse the political disquisitions of the late Mr. Burgh. I will only further say in general, that, to the extreme venality of the boroughs and the prostitution in parliament, to the barefaced <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xix]</span> pillage of the public treasure practised by ministers, and their preferring men without the smallest regard to decency in point of character, are originally owing without doubt, that sordid devotion to avarice which hath generally infected the people from the highest to the lowest, and that almost universal insensibility to the public good which accompanies it. Instead of counteracting the natural ill effects of luxury proceeding from wealth and prosperity, and giving it a beneficial turn by wise and humane laws; it has been the business of <i>government</i> (which "in almost every age and country", says Burgh, "has been the principal <i>grievance</i> of the people") to debauch and corrupt the manners and morals of the people by every possible invention; in order to remove every obstacle in the way to absolute power. It beats up and bids high for volunteers in iniquity. The greater felons, who are ready at its command to destroy their country, are caressed and rewarded: but little ones, indeed, who take a purse or steal a sheep, are hanged without remorse, for not being proof against example and temptation. Is not everyman taught to sell himself, his honour, his conscience, his soul, for a price! And is not he who hath a scruple, the butt of ministerial ridicule! We should justly esteem that mariner mad, who, in order to carry a leaky ship to the end of a long voyage, should be continually boring <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xx] </span>fresh holes in her bottom. Is there less madness in corrupting the parliament, in order to carry on the business of government? He who knows no better mode of governing than that is fit to govern no where but in the infernal regions.<br />
<br />
This has been more or less the condition of our government ever since we have had long parliaments. "We see the same corrupt or impolitic proceedings going on in the administration of a <i>Harley,</i> a <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/walpole-r.htm">Walpole</a></i>, a<i> Pelham</i>, a <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/pitt-e.htm">Pitt</a></i>, a <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/bute.htm">Bute</a></i>,a <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/grafton.htm">Grafton</a></i>, a <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/north.htm">North</a></i>; and we see every parliament implicitly obeying the orders of the minister. Some ministers we see more criminal, others less; some parliament more slavish, others less; but we see all ministers and all parliaments, <i>the present always excepted</i>, guilty; inexcusably guilty, in suffering the continual and increasing prevalency of corruption, from ministry to ministry, and from parliament to parliament."* But there never has been a time when these descriptions were so applicable as they are at present. Are not men of the most blasted characters the confidential servants of the crown? Are not the scales of council weighted down with ministerial ayes and noes instead of solid and weighty arguments; and is not all parliamentary debate become a mockery? Have not millions of your unoffending brethren in America<br />
<blockquote>
*Pol. Disq. vol III. p. 452.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[xxi]</span><br />
<br />
been devoted by mercenary majorities to slavery or to slaughter? Is not your commerce put to the hazard on a cast, whether or not it shall be ruined? And are you not inviting an unequal war; all to no one end or purpose, but because two or three desperate ideots will have it so, rather than abandon the vicious schemes of ambition they had once formed? Have not defaulters of millions upon millions constantly escaped parliamentary vengeance! And fields who have fattened on the famine and butchery of the inoffensive <i>Asiatics</i>, are they not amongst your legislators, respected and honoured! — What national depravity, what extremes of wickedness, and what public calamities must we not experience, while the fountain of legislation and the springs of government are so impure! —<br />
So ruinous a system needs must, in its progress, grow worse and worse. The chariot of corruption, (if I may be allowed an new metaphor) under the guidance of rotten whigs would soon enough have arrived; without the whip, at the goal of despotism: but now, that furious tories have seized the reins, 'tis lashed onward with impetuous haste; nor do they seem sensible to their danger, though its axles are already on fire with its rapidity. The ministers of the present reign have daringly struck at your most sacred rights, have aimed through the sides <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xxii] </span>of America a deadly blow at the life of your constitution, and have shewn themselves hostile, not only to the being, but to the very name of liberty. The word itself has been proscribed the court; and for any one who dared to upper it, the gentlest appellations have been<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/wilkes.htm">Wilkite</a>, republican and disturber of the peace. Facts recent in every one's memory I have no need to repeat. I will only therefore just mention the atrocious violation of the first principle of the constitution in the never-to-be forgotten business of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/northmin.htm">Middlesex election</a>. An enumeration of all their crimes would shew them to be deserving of the highest punishments. And yet, the sum of all the evils they have brought upon us, added to all those which former ministers had intailed upon the nation, are light and trivial in comparison of the ONE GREAT EVIL OF A LONG PARLIAMENT. Feast the fowls of the air with such ministers, but leave your legislature unreformed; and you will add a few inglorious days to the period of your expiring liberties. succeeding ministers might be more circumspect; but, with the aid of a prostitute parliament, they would at length succeed. "Could we have had every one of our corrupt ministers impeached, and even convicted, would a corrupt parliament filled with their obsequious tools, have punished them? If we did nothing <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xxiii]</span> toward a radical cure of grievances, and obliging the succeeding to be honester than the foregoing; what should we have gained by such prosecutions? The greatest part of the <i>Roman</i> emperors was massacred, and so are many of <i>Asiatic</i> and African<i></i> tyrants,, But did the <i>Romans</i> or do the <i>Turks</i>, and the people of <i>Algiers</i>, gain any additional liberty by the punishment of their oppressors? We know that they did not. Nor shall we by clamouring, nor even by punishing; any more than we stop robbing on the highway by hanging, unless we put it out of the <i>power</i>of ministers to go on abusing us and trampling upon our liberties; and this can only be done by restoring independency to parliament."* It is downright quixotism to imagine, that so long as your parliament remains corrupt, you can ever have a patriot minister: and, except parliament be reformed, 'tis a matter of very great indifference who are <i>in</i> and who are <i>out</i>. I will not utterly deny the possibility of your having a patriot minister prior to a parliamentary reformation, bur I do not myself conceive <i>how</i> such a man is to arrive at such a station. One of that stamp could not go through thick and thin, and wade through all the miry paths that lead to it: nor have I any great expectation of a miraculous conversion of any one, who hath once passed through those ways to<br />
<blockquote>
*Pol Disq. vol. III. p. 452.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[xxiv]</span> the seat of power. Neither do I see the prudence of waiting for so rare a phenomenon as a patriot minister, to do that for you which you can do for yourselves; and thereby put things in such a state, that a patriot minister will no longer be a phenomenon, but a natural and common appearance.<br />
The revolution which expelled the tyrant James from the throne, glorious as it was to the character, and essential to the safety of this nation, was yet a very defective proceeding. It was effected in too anxious a moment, and in too precipitate a manner, to lay a lasting foundation for the security of public freedom and prosperity. <i>William</i> the deliverer was but half the friend to liberty which he pretended to be. Had he been a truly patriot prince, his share in the expulsion of a tyrant would have been his smallest merit; and he would have embraced the opportunity afforded him by his own success and the tide of reformation being set in, to have guarded the constitution against every conceivable danger towards which it had any tendency to be exposed in process of time. when the immortal and blessed <i>Alfred</i> had overthrown the oppressors of his country, he thought the work of a king only begun; and devoted the rest of his reign to the correction abuses, the establishing of justice, and laying the broad foundations of liberty and <span style="font-size: x-small;">[xxv]</span>happiness.*<br />
<blockquote>
* "It is delivered down to us as a proof of the good government of king <i>Alfred</i>; that a maiden bearing a purse of money in her hand might in his reign have gone from one end of the kingdom to the other, without fear of violence either to her person or property. How is it with us? Can a man almost sleep in his bed within the walls of our metropolis; &c." <i>Further Examination, </i>p. 142.</blockquote>
But history shews<i> William</i> to have been a cold-hearted Dutchman, ungrateful to a people who had given him a crown, and more fond of power than of squaring his government with the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/b-rights.htm">principles</a> of the constitution and this was one of the best of our kings. Then put not your trust in princes: neither have confidence in ministers! Whether they covet inordinate power for its own sake, or for the sake of lucre, they will have it if possible. and when one lusts for gold, the other for dominion, they will be reciprocally the pimps to each others passion. The prince will invade the people's property, in order to enrich his minister; the minister will violate their liberties, in order to render his master absolute. For one <i>Alfred</i>, there are a thousand <i>Charles's</i>, for one <i>Falkland</i>, a thousand <i>Walpoles. </i>Trust not, I say in princes nor in ministers; but trust in YOURSELVES, and in representatives chosen by YOURSELVES alone!<br />
<span style="font-size: xx-small;">[1]</span><b> TAKE YOUR CHOICE!</b><br />
SECTION I.<br />
THE human species form an intermediate class, between the angelick and irrational orders of existence. They are intended for a sphere of action and a degree of happiness, in a future state, of which their present faculties can give then no accurate conception: but these only on condition of their having acted virtuously in this life; which their Creator has told them is no more than a state of probation. The first, and great end, then, of their existence, is by the study of wisdom and practice of virtue, to be constantly approximating towards moral perfection; in order to the attainment of that future exaltation and happiness: and the next material, and indeed only remaining point, is, to render themselves, individually and collectively, as happy as possible during their term or mortality <span style="font-size: x-small;">[2] </span>to which they are also invited by the whole law of nature and religion. They have, therefore, necessarily been created FREE. Were it otherwise, neither virtue nor vice, right nor wrong, could be ascribed to their actions; and to talk of happiness, would be to talk nonsense.<br />
Hence, they are doubtless under an eternal obligation to preserve their freedom to the utmost of their power: because, by parting with it, in <i>any degree</i> more or less, they <i>so far</i> deprive themselves of the means of doing their duty, and of performing those actions which the laws of virtue may require of them; and because, they will thereby make themselves, and frequently their posterity, subservient also to the wicked designs of those, to whose power they have submitted. That people, who have suffered their prince to become a tyrant over themselves, soon find themselves employed as the instruments of his lawless will, in extending the limits of tyranny, and spreading devastation amongst their fellow creatures. How base and degrading is such a condition!<br />
<b>2.</b> The all-wise creator hath likewise made men by nature EQUAL, as well as free. They are all of "one flesh," and cast in one mould. There are given to them the same senses, feelings and affections, to inform and to influence; the same passions to actuate; <span style="font-size: x-small;">[3] </span>the same reason to guide; the same moral principle to restrain; and the same free will to determine, all alike.<br />
There are, therefore, no distinctions to be made amongst men, as just causes for the elevation of some above the rest, prior to <i>mutual agreement</i>, how much soever individual may <i>be qualified for or deserve</i>any elevation, he hath no <i>right</i> to it, till it be conferred upon him by his fellows there is perhaps, more occasion to advert to this distinction between <i>desert of authority,</i> and a <i>right to authority</i>, obvious as it is, than maybe commonly imagined. As <i>all</i> elevation depends upon common consent; so it may, consequently, whenever found inconsistent with the common good, be, by common consent, abolished.<br />
Hence we find that it is liberty, not dominion, which is held by <i>divine</i> right. The prince as a <i>man</i> has, in common with other men, a divine right of being exempt from any unnecessary restraints; but, as a <i>king</i>, all his rights are derived from the <i>common consent of the people</i>, of whom he made, prior to his elevation, an individual only equal with the rest. His portion of the sovereign power of the state is greater by many degrees than any other man's; but still it is only a <i>portion</i>, and every man in the community is, in a smaller degree, <i>a joint partaker with him</i> in the sovereign power. If it be the possession of supreme power in states <span style="font-size: x-small;">[4] </span>which constitutes kings, then are a free people a nation of kings; for every man, where there is freedom, has a share in the supreme power.<br />
<b>3. </b>An accidental superiority in muscular strength or personal accomplishments; that fineness of organization and harmony of physical causes from which proceed clearness of intellect, parts and genius; that cultivation of the mind which produces knowledge and wisdom; but, more especially, that rectitude of the heart which constitutes virtue; are all just causes of distinction in society; and have accordingly raised men in all ages and countries to an elevation above their fellow citizens, by common consent. and it is to be noted, that, in no age or country hath <i>common consent</i> ever elevated particular men above their fellows, for either their vices, of follies or infirmities;* or for any other reasons, but in order to promote the common good, or to express the public gratitude for good already received. But <i>kings</i> and <i>ministers</i>do often elevate those very men, who would be the last to whom their fellow citizens would shew such a preference.<br />
<b>4.</b> In small communities only, suited to democratical government in its purity, have all<br />
<blockquote>
* The superstitious and gross prejudices of <i>idolatrous</i> and <i>barbarous</i> nations, may have led them into such absurdities: but that, it is presumed, will not form any solid objection to the justness of this remark.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[5]</span> distinctions been made in favour of merit; and in such alone hath it, therefore, been ever possible for the elevation of particular persons above the rest, to operate, in its full effect for the common weal.<br />
<b>5.</b> But, in larger communities, where this pure democratical or republican form of government cannot be carried into practice, it hath been found expedient to make <i>artificial</i>, as well as natural distinctions amongst men; and even to agree upon<i> hereditary</i> elevations. And, notwithstanding there is herein a departure from strict natural justice; and that, by such means, hereditary virtue is so far from being insured, that such an elevation increases the difficulties of being virtuous, in those who are born to it; yet, these artificial and hereditary elevations have, nevertheless, under judicious regulations, been found by experience, to answer very great and good purposes to large states. The nature of the case, however, makes it apparent, that the powers annexed to all such elevations, which are altogether as we have observed an infringement on rigid justice, ought to be circumscribed by very clear and <i>impassable</i> limitations, and ultimately to depend on the will of the people; who whose benefit and security these elevations have been, or ought to have been contrived. Nay, so far as we have either right or authority to pronounce, the great rule and end of every <i>divine</i> institution which concerns mankind, has <span style="font-size: x-small;">[6]</span> been for the benefit of <i>the species at large</i>; and not the elevation of <i>particular persons</i>. There have been men, however, even <i>Englishmen</i>, who have written books, in order to prove that persons neither wiser nor better, but oftentimes more worthless and despicable than other men, have been elevated for <i>their own sakes</i>; and that drivelers and scoundrels have had a <i>divine</i> right to be the guardians, the guides and lawgivers of mankind. I am myself inclined to believe that the Deity is no respecter of persons. It being a fundamental maxim of the English constitution, that the title and authority of a <i>king</i> depends upon common consent, or the will of the people; it will, I conceive, necessarily follow that all <i>inferior</i> titles and authority, which flow from, and are as it were included in, the regal office, must lie under the same predicament and indeed we have frequently asserted this doctrine by acts of attainder; whereby peerages with all their privileges have been abolished. Not to mention that, with regard to <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ireland/penal.htm">Roman catholics</a>, this power of the people, though mitigated, is constantly in a state of exertion. Though not divested of their titles, they are deprived of their parliamentary authority and privileges. Seeing, then, that all elevations depend on the will of the people, and that common consent never causes <i>unnecessary</i> elevations, nor elevates<i> unworthy</i> objects; we may see how much it is the duty of a king, to<span style="font-size: x-small;"> [7] </span>whom this important power is delegated, to consult, in all the elevations he makes, the <i>good</i> and the <i>pleasure</i> of the people alone. Should he raise men by wholesale to the house of peers, for no other cause than their servility to the court while in the house of commons, he would doubless [<i>sic</i>] betray his trust; and it would be high time to form an <i>impassable limitation</i>, beyond which the number of the peers should never extend. A more numerous peerage than should give respect and dignity to that order of men, than should form a well proportioned council of state and court of judicature, and constitute a due balancing power between the kind and the commons, should never be exceeded. An excess must necessarily operate against the good of the public.<br />
<b>6.</b> When we reflect upon the nature of those artificial and hereditary elevations which obtain in the complicated frames of mixed governments like our own, and duly consider their <i>usual</i> causes, and their attendant circumstances; together with their too common effects upon the frailty of human nature, when, I say, we thus deeply reflect, it becomes apparent to reason, and it is abundantly proved by experience, that it is utterly unsafe for the <i>commons</i> of any community, to intrust in the hands of the few who are thus <i>set apart </i>by heredity, or <i>detached</i> in any degree from the common interest by artificial, elevations, any <span style="font-size: x-small;">[8] </span>of those powers on which more immediately depend the preservation of their liberties. Among these, the powers of the purse have the first place. So sure as the <i>few</i> shall ever obtain the power of taxing, at their discretion, the <i>many</i>; so sure will the latter by in a state of servitude. It is therefore, on the soundest principles of wisdom, that the commons of this kingdom are scrupulously tenacious of the power of the public purse; and exercise the exclusive right of originating, and wholly modelling, every parliamentary act with shall operate in the nature of a tax. When they shall cease to do this, they will cease to be free.<br />
<b>7. </b>The legislative power of our constitution have been intrusted in the hands of a king, nobles, and a limited number of delegates, to be nominated by, and to represent the <i>commons</i>; or that part of the people <i>which remains</i>, after the king and the nobles have been set apart.* Pains have also been taken<br />
<blockquote>
* The neglect of this necessary distinction has in various excellent writers, occasioned obscurity. And others have <i>purposely</i> neglected it, in order to confound. "It is not;" says a most elegant an honest writer, "the three estates, but those whom the <i>people</i> elect, who represent them." Here, he doubtless should have said <i>commons. Appeal to the justice and interests of the people of Great Britain in the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america.htm">present disputes</a> with America</i>. "In a free state, every man, who is supposed a free agent, ought to be, in some measure, his own governor; and therefore a <i>branch</i> at least of the legislative power should <span style="font-size: x-small;">[9]</span> reside in the whole body of the <i>people</i>." Here again it would have been <i>commons</i>. <i>Black. Com. </i>Vol. I. p. 158.<br />
"Surely the nation might have expelled <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/wilkes.htm">Mr. Wilkes</a>, or have struck his name out of the list of committee, had it been assembled, and had it thought proper so to do. What then should hinder the <i>deputies of the nation </i>from dong the same thing?" Here <i>nation</i> is synonymous with <i>people</i>. It is first used properly, and afterwards it artfully calls the <i>commons</i> by the same name. The house of commons are not the deputies of the <i>nation</i> or <i>people</i>, but the deputies of the <i>commons</i> only. <i>Tucker's Tracts</i>, p. 172.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[9]</span> to effect a due poize of the several members of this legislative body, and to define the distinct duties and privileges of each; so that both its separate movements, and its joint operations shall be such, as best to bring about those ends for which it was instituted: namely, the security, prosperity and happiness of the whole.<br />
<b>8.</b> It is confessed by foreigners and boasted by Englishmen, that our constitution of government is the best that hath ever yet been framed by human wisdom. Most of the causes which contribute towards this very superior excellence, are obvious to but slight observers: but, if I mistake not, there is one particular cause, perceived only by the more contemplative, to which it is owing in a pre-eminent degree. I mean that perfect harmony and correspondence which our constitution of government, in its <i>genuine spirit and purity</i>, holds with the great constitution of moral government, called the law of <span style="font-size: x-small;">[10] </span>nature. The excellence of our common law cannot be more strongly expressed, than by its well-known definition, of being "the perfection of human reason. The constitution is a frame of government co-eval with, erected upon, and regulated by, the spirit of the common law of England. It may consequently be defined to be a government agreeable to the perfection of human reason." The <i>uncertainty</i> of our common law is, notwithstanding the ludicrous use often made of those wards, truly <i>glorious</i>. Departing from former precedents and decisions which are any way defective, in order to come nearer and nearer to the perfection of human reason, its determinations continue to vary and to refine, as experience and wisdom dictate. When the perfection of reason, on any point, is once attained; then, and not till then, is our law <i>unalterable</i>.* And until the like perfection, on any point respecting the frame of our government, be arrived at, the like glorious uncertainly belongs to the English constitution. But this uncertainty in the constitution we have no reason to be alarmed at; because it can only operate to its improvement, as the other does to the amendment of the laws. Nay, it is the duty of our<br />
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* An alteration must be for the <i>worse</i> and therefore <i>wrong</i>: and it is absurd to suppose that any legislature can have a <i>right</i> to do <i>wrong</i>.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[11]</span> legislators to declare and to vindicate this uncertainty, and, from time to time, to amend by it our frame of government; which, tho' "<i>agreeable to</i> the perfection of human reason," is but, as yet, in a state of approximation towards that absolute ideal perfection we very properly attribute to it.* This, I say, is the duty of our legislators, as much as it is the duty of our judges to depart from all defective precedents in law decisions, and to establish new ones in their room, more agreeable to truth and right treason. And this improvement of the constitution ought at all times to be made were it only suggested by <i>reason</i>, and not by inconveniences and miseries already felt. A dog, a horse, or an ass will grow wise by <i>experience</i>, and learn to shun what has injured him. And, if, instead of making improvements, any gross abuses, or a perversion of the clearest principles of the constitution were to be practised by these legislators, to the detriment of the people, it would be a language far too mild and forbearing to say only that they <i>neglected</i> their duty. But, should we ever observe them, sedulously to seek out all those points on which no constitutional doctrine had yet been enacted into positive law, than there to make their attacks;<br />
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* Kingstone cause: in which has been over-ruled a defective mode of administering justice, that had been practised 1475 years.</blockquote>
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[12] in order to destroy the constitution itself, and in its stead to render themselves the arbiters of our lives and liberties, would it not be time to act a little for ourselves, instead of continuing wholly to confide in such treacherous agents? We ought at least to act the part of a distrustful master; by requiring them, on the points in question, to make the written law speak the true language of the constitution: and this we ought to do in such a tome, as to convince them that we meant to have our commands punctually obeyed.<br />
<b>9.</b> Whenever we may think such a conduct necessary, and shall seriously take up the matter, these versatile gentlemen will affect to applaud the rectitude of our intentions; but at the same time, they will not be wanting in their kind endeavours, to shew us that we are ignorant of the subject, and have misjudged the measures proper for the occasion. They will, with all imaginary dexterity, shift off, if possible, all suspicion of blame from themselves; and, by an inundation of words to overwhelm the truth, and by the subtilest arts to warp the judgment, they will hope to satisfy us that the gross corruption and misgovernment we have complained of, were mere creatures of the imagination. whatever may happen to be too glaring to be hid by any veil, and they shall condescendingly acknowledge to be wrong in itself, they will take especial care to justify, <span style="font-size: x-small;">[13] </span>or at least to extenuate, by a <i>necessity</i> arising from the licentiousness of the people: and, as far as they shall dare, they will insinuate that the cure of this licentiousness, and consequently of the evils complained of, would be, to arm the crown or themselves with greater and more summary powers. If all these admirable arguments should fail them, they would then be seized with sad apprehensions and horrors at the thoughts of <i>innovations</i>. Every intended improvement of the constitution, and even the restoration of any former salutary practices, would all be, in their artful language, dangerous innovations; and there would be no end of their declamation. Happily for us they have no prescriptive title to infallibility; and therefore they cannot, like his Holiness, absolutely forbid us the use of our reason in matter of government. They will, however, on such an occasion, like all other benevolent impostors their predecessors, do all they can to work on the prejudices of the people, or rather the commons; and to persuade them that things are mighty safe if they would but think so; but that, should they unwisely either remove, or restrict, such faithful and able servants, their affairs must all go to wreck and ruin.<br />
<b>10.</b> Here, I confess, I am afraid of their abilities, and that their arts will meet with too much success. Let the friends of freedom, then, guard against their artifices, and take <span style="font-size: x-small;">[14]</span> care to blunt those weapons with which it is know they will attempt to wound still deeper their bleeding country. With this view, our fellow citizens should be perpetually warned on this delicate point; and taught how to distinguish between what are, and what are not innovations; as well as between innovations which may be dangerous, and innovations which might be eligible. <i>See Polit. Disq. </i>vol. 3. p. 298, 303, 304.<br />
<b>11.</b> Changes and alterations in government which should proceed from caprice, fickleness, or a mere spirit of innovating, without any <i>fixed standard </i>or <i>sure criterion</i>, by which they were to be regulated and might be judged of, would deservedly be thought dangerous, and ought to be rejected as such: but, with a constitution of government 'agreeable to the perfection of human reason' for a standard and criterion, with political maxims the most established, with the clearest informations of <i>common sense</i> upon self-evident propositions, to justify any particular measures concerted for the purpose of obtaining a recovery from any political malady, and the avoiding of a relapse; we might then know, that however novel or unexperienced, such particular measures might be, yet that, so sanctioned, they and the innovations they introduced ought to be adopted: — if, indeed that could be <span style="font-size: x-small;">[15]</span> properly termed an innovation which naturally grew out of the circumstances of the case.<br />
<b>12</b>. It is, however, extremely fortunate for us, that making our parliaments <i>annual</i>, and our representation <i>equal</i>, can neither of them in any sense, nor without a direct falsehood, by stiled innovations. <i>Both of them were the antient practice of the constitution</i>. But parliaments of a longer duration, and that partial representation of the commons we now experience, when first introduced by kingcraft and court policy, and through the supineness of the commons <i>were</i> innovations:— and innovations the more destructive, as they were not greatly suspected of danger. That supineness in the commons brought on a relaxation; and relaxation engendered those impurities which, at first, made only a slight and secret impression on the health of the constitution; then became perceptible and visibly impaired its strength and beauty; but at length, having reduced it to a rotten carcass. I trust, however, that it is not incurable. The body politic (I mean our own) thought, like the natural body it be <i>subject</i> to disease and to death, is yet essentially different from it in this respect;— that, as the body grows weaker and weaker from the successive attacks of disease, though <i>ever so well cured</i>; and, from its first formation is perpetually and inevitably tending towards decay, so on the contrary, the body politic, if but properly cured <span style="font-size: x-small;">[16]</span> of its successive diseases, is renovated each time to a degree of vigour more than pristine, acquiring as it were a continual accession of youth and health, and perpetually adding to its sources of life. Its natural tendency is consequently towards all the immortality which the duration of this world can afford it. It is not corporeal. It is not formed from the dust of the earth. It is purely intellectual; and its life-spring is truth. Truth and intellect are eternal. Perhaps the careless figurative repression of <i>body</i> politic, may have contributed very much to the unphilosophical language commonly used, with regard to the supposed certainty that every state, like a human body, must necessarily perish through infirmities and old age, which <i>I deny</i>. I grant that the best <i>may</i> die of its diseases; and that it is not proof against <i>suicide</i>: but I maintain that it is in its power to live and flourish to the end of time: whereas, health itself cannot preserve the natural body beyond the period of nature: it dies of mere time when no other disease ever touches it.<br />
<b>13</b>. We may now proceed to observe that the <i>whole</i> legislative body, of king, lords, and representatives of the commons, is the full and compleat representative of the <i>people</i>: (§7.) and that our constitution of government, (supposing it labouring under no abuses) is, in its spirit and principle, a <i>perfect</i> institution; being 'agreeable to the <span style="font-size: x-small;">[17]</span> perfection of human reason', and to truth; having a natural tendency towards perpetuity and being rightly calculated to protect the liberty, property, peace and good name of every member of the community. By <i>perfect</i>, I do not mean that which it shall be impossible to pervert, that which fools cannot depart from, nor knaves abuse; and which shall be necessarily <i>exclusive</i> of evil. I believe we may venture to call the law of nature and providence, a <i>perfect institution</i>; and yet we see that it doth not exclude evil; nor <i>necessitate</i> men to be healthy, wise and virtuous. On the other hand, <i>every tyranny</i> hath been <i>necessarily</i> introductive of evil. And in all free governments which have not had the law of nature and the perfection of reason for their fundamentals, there have been causes <i>necessarily</i> introductive of evil, in proportion to their respective defects. And how little soever christianity may be considered as a civil institution, I cannot but regard it as <i>absolutely necessary </i>towards the constituting of a <i>perfect</i> political institution. It reveals some most important truths in morality, which the unaided laws of nature could never have made known to us; and it gives man a knowledge of himself, and a command over his passions, which half-seeing philosophy could never have taught him. Hence, the fates of all the free states and flourishing empires <span style="font-size: x-small;">[18]</span> of antient and former times, are not to be looked upon as infallible proofs that our own shall as assuredly perish in process of time; Besides, it hath fared the same with all defective religious, as well as civil establishments. The idolatry and polytheism of the Assyrians, the Medes, Persians, Greeks and Romans, all perished, as well as their respective empires and constitutions of government. Does it then follow that the religion of the English nation shall also perish. We know it shall not perish. It hath nature and truth for its foundation: those were built on error, and with nature had nothing to do.<br />
<b>14. </b>I have dwelt thus long on the nature and excellence of the English constitution; in order to shew that <i>it is worth all the regard and concern we can possibly feel for it. '</i>Tis the declared opinion of too many, that,'it is vain to attempt a restoration of it from its present corrupt, condition and to oppose its downfall;' that 'it is become ripe for absolute power and must submit; that 'the island must in time become a province to some new empire;' that 'this is the inevitable course of things, and therefore we had better give ourselves no farther trouble, but resign ourselves patiently to our fate.' I deny every word of this shameful language. It inculcates nothing but vice, folly and meanness. Let Englishmen entertain more manly and rational sentiments! Those effeminate and dastardly <span style="font-size: x-small;">[19] </span>notions would of themselves be sufficient to bring us into servitude: for they tell any one who should with to become our tyrant, that we will meet him half way, in order to receive his yoke upon our neck.<br />
<b>15</b>. Having considered the full representation of the whole people, and the benefits to be derived from it; let us now contemplate the representation of the <i>commons </i>alone. The first and most natural idea which will occur to any unprejudiced man, is, that <i>every in</i><i>dividual of them, </i>whether possessed of what is vulgarly called property, or not, ought to have a vote in sending to parliament those men who are to act as his representatives; and who in an especial manner, are to be the guardians <i>of public </i><i>freedom; </i>in which, the poor, surely, as well as the rich have an interest. Although no one of the commons can be originally without a right to this privilege of a free man; yet, indeed, it may be justly forfeited by his offending against the laws.<br />
<b>16. </b>Though a man should have neither lands nor gold, nor herds nor flocks; yet he may have parents and kindred, he may possess a wife and an offspring to be solicitous for. He hath also by birthright a property in the English constitution: which, if not unworthy of such a blessing, will be more dear to him than would be many acres of the soil without it. These are all great stakes to have at risk; and, we must have odd notions of <span style="font-size: x-small;">[20] </span>justice, if we do not allow, that they give him an undoubted right to share in the choice of those trustees, into whose keeping and protection they are to be committed. Is it not sufficient that the possessions of the ploughman and mechanick are so scanty as to afford them but a slender security against penury and want! Shall we add to the unkindness of fortune, the cruelty of oppression and injustice! Considering the great utility and importance of those valuable members of the state by whose manual labours its very existence is preserved, and its dignity and grandeur maintained; and on which depend also the affluence, the ease, and all the elegancies of the most fortunate classes of the people, doubtless we ought most sacredly to secure to them whatever they can can call their own. Their poverty is, surely, the worst of all reasons, for stripping them of their natural rights! Let us rather reconcile to them the many hardships of their condition, by shewing them that it doth not degrade them below the nature of man. If they have not wherewithal to gratify the pride, let them at least retain the dignity of human nature; by knowing they are free, and sharing in the privileges inseparable from liberty. It is certain that every man who labours with his hands, has a <i>property </i>which is of importance to the state: for Mr. Locke has admirably well observed that, "every man has a <span style="font-size: x-small;">[21]</span> property in his own person; the labour of his body and the work of his hands, we may say are properly his." And farther, let it be remembered, that the labouring man or the mechanick can neither have his daily food nor necessaries; nor cloaths to cover him, nor tools to work with, without paying <i>taxes </i>in abundance; and that it is the fundamental principle upon which, above all others respecting property, our liberties depend, that <i>no man </i>shall be <i>taxed </i>but with his own consent, given either by himself or <i>his </i><i>representa</i><i>tive </i><i>in parliament.* </i>Hence we find that, according to <i>the received doctrine of property,</i> no man can be <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/parlrep.htm">without a right to vote</a> for a representative in the legislature.<br />
<b>17</b>. But, after all, surely it is not <i>property — </i>it cannot be the precarious possession of clay fields and piles of brick and stone; nor of sheep and oxen; nor of guineas and shillings and bank bills; — nor, indeed, of any other species of property; which truly <i>constitutes </i>freedom: no ;— doubtless it is the immediate gift of God to all the human species, by adding <i>free-will </i>to <i>rationality, </i>in order to render them beings which should be accountable for their actions. All are by nature free; all are by nature equal: freedom implies choice; equality excludes degrees in freedom.<br />
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* The labourer cannot put a bit of bread into his mouth without contributing towards the payment of the <i>land </i>tax.</blockquote>
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[22] All the commons, therefore, have an equal right to vote in the elections of those who are to be the guardians of their lives and liberties; and none can be intitled to more than one vote. "In a free state," says <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/blacksto.htm">Judge Blackstone</a> in his Commentaries (vol. I. p. 158) every man, who is supposed a free agent, ought to be in some measure, his own governor; and therefore a branch at least of the legislative power should reside in the whole body of the people;" meaning the <i>commons. </i>I would not hastily dissent from a received opinion, especially one supported on great authorities; but yet my own conceptions of truth oblige me to believe, that <i>personality </i>is the <i>sole </i>foundation of the <i>right </i>of being <i>represented: </i>and that <i>property </i>has, in reality, nothing to do in the case. The <i>property </i>of any one, be it more or be it less, is totally involved in the <i>man. </i>As belonging to him and to his peace, it is a very fit <i>object of the attention </i>of his representative in parliament; but it contributes nothing to his <i>right </i>of having that representative. Did the accident of property <i>constitute </i>the right to representation, 'tis plain, that the property as much as the man, would then be <i>represented. </i>A member of parliament would, in that case, have farms, woods and houses for his <i>constituents, </i>and every other species of property which belonged to his electors. "It may <span style="font-size: x-small;">[23]</span> be alledged," says Beccaria," that the interests of commerce should be secured; but commerce and property are not the end of the social compact, but the means of obtaining that end" so that, by making property the object of representation, "we make," according to him, "the end subservient to the means, a parologism in all science, and particularly in all politics."<br />
<b>18</b>. When <i>all </i>the commons, without distinction, shall vote in elections, we shall then effectually provide that "not a blade of grass be taxed except with the consent of the proprietor:" and we shall do more; much more; for guardians will be appointed to every species of property whatsoever; and to the poor man's mite, as well as to the rich ones superfluous wealth. Every man's whole is at a stake be that more or less. Every man is free; and therefore he ought to vote: no man, be his property what it may, can be <i>more </i>than a free man; and therefore no one is intitled to more than his single vote. If a wealthy person is to be indulged with more votes than one, 'tis evident that, in exact proportion as this practice shall prevail, the value of every poor man's vote will be diminished. But all such ideas are arbitrary and unjust, and proceed from our adopting false principles of liberty; as will be explained hereafter (§ 24). Surely riches give their possessors so many other advantages, that <span style="font-size: x-small;">[24]</span> they they may be content with their lot, without invading the liberties of the poor! — not to observe, that to restore the right of voting to the poor, would better secure the property of the rich, than any other means that can be thought of.<br />
The rich man, by the assistance of <i>lawyers, </i>which his wealth will always procure him, can defend his property, even while legislation is very corrupt: but the poor man, for the security of his, depends altogether on the equity and wisdom of legislation; and therefore, if an indifference ought to be made, the poor man should have his representative in the legislature, and not the rich one.<br />
<b>19</b>. This, together with an annual parliament, would purify the fountain of legislation. And it is better, for even a rich man, to depend upon the purity of legislation, than upon the ingenuity of a lawyer.<br />
But farther: — there is yet another argument, in favour of the privilege which the poor, as well as the rich, ought to have in<br />
voting for members of parliament: and, like each of the other separately, furnishes a full proof of their right. It is derived from <i>public services </i>to the community. He who has less than <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/currency.htm">40 shillings</a> <i>per ann. </i>in common with him who hath more, is compellable to contribute his share towards the preservation of the public peace, the execution of the numerous <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/pltopic.htm">poor laws</a>, and the care of our places of public worship <span style="font-size: x-small;">[25]</span> worship, and of the public highways, &c. serving by rotation in the respective parish offices of church-warden, overseer of the highways, overseer of the poor, and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/police.htm">constable</a>. Is he, I pray, to be only a drudge in the service of the community, and to have no one privilege which can give him an idea of being <i>a free </i>member of it ? When harrassed [<i>sic</i>] by the duties of an unthankful office into which he is forced; when fined for sitting in his own waggon upon the road; when compelled to attend the summons of a justice of the peace on some frivolous misrepresentation; is he not, from his little insight into the nature of a national jurisprudence, but too apt to look upon the law, as a snare to the unwary, and an engine of oppression to the poor; made by he knows not whom, but, as he takes for granted certainly designed only for the benefit of the rich? Is it not benevolent, as well as just, to allow him that share in forming the legislature, which shall give him more respect for the law, and teach him contentment under its restraints. Had he annually a vote, for the most worthy gentleman he knew in the country to be his representative, would he not see the law and his own humble station with very different eyes from what he does now? — The pernicious consequences of partial and unjust laws are finely represented by the Marquis Beccaria in the person of a robber or assassin, whom he supposes to reason with himself thus: "What <span style="font-size: x-small;">[26]</span> are these laws, that I am bound to respect, which make so great a difference between me and the rich man? He refuses me the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/currency.htm">farthing</a> I ask of him, and excuses himself, by bidding me have recourse to labour, with which he is unacquainted. Who made these laws? The rich and the great, who never deigned to visit the miserable hut of the poor; who have never yet seen him dividing a piece of mouldy bread, amidst the cries of his famished children and the tears of his wife. Let us break those ties, fatal to the greatest part of mankind, and only useful to a few indolent tyrants. Let us attack injustice at its source. I will return to my natural state of independence. I shall live free and happy on the fruits of my courage and industry. A day of pain and repentance may come, but it will be short; and for an hour of grief I shall enjoy years of pleasure and liberty. King of a small number as determined as myself, I will correct the mistakes of fortune; and I shall see those tyrants grow pale and tremble at the sight of him, whom, with insulting pride, they would not suffer to rank with their dogs and horses."* Nor, are the just pleas of the poor man yet exhausted. That which I am going to mention, though last, is not the least. He takes his constant<br />
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* Essay on crimes and punishments, p. 110</blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[27] </span>chance on a ballot, which is equivalent to taking his regular turn, to serve his country, as one of its military representatives, in the militia; and an important service it is<b>. </b>Here he becomes subjected to all the restraints, the labours and severities of military duty and discipline; and, in case of necessity, must be the shield of his country, and expose his life in battle for its defence. How comes he to be subjected to such a condition? If it be by laws enacted by men, in whose election he had no voice, he is a slave. I can conceive no clearer idea of slavery, than for one man to be obliged against his will to be the soldier of another. Is it <i>England </i>or<i> Prussia </i>in which we live. "But, giving up the point," says the honest Burgh,* in consequence of having adopted a false principle,<b>"</b>concerning the right of the poor to vote for members of parliament," &c. This point, however, I can by no means give up. It is the poor man's right: and he who takes it from him is a robber and a tyrant, It is the most sacred of all his rights: and deprived of this, he is degraded below the condition of human nature; he is no longer <i>a person </i>but a <i>thing. </i>And "liberty is at an end," says the admirable writer quoted above,<b> "</b>whenever the laws permit, that, in certain cases, a man may cease to be <i>a </i><i>person, </i>and become<br />
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* Pol. Disq. vol. I. p. 38.</blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[28]</span> a<i> thing. </i>Then will the powerful employ their address, to select from the various combinations of civil society, all that is in their own favour. This is that magic art which transforms subjects into beasts of burthen, and which, in the hands of the strong, is the chain that binds the weak and incautious. Thus it is, that in some governments, <i>where there is all the appearan</i><i>ce of liberty" </i>(mark Englishmen the words of this wise Italian!)<b> "</b>tyranny lies concealed, and insinuates itself into some <i>neglected corner of the constitution, </i>where it gathers strength insensibly. Mankind generally oppose with resolution, the assaults of barefaced and open tyranny; but disregard the <i>little insect </i>that gnaws through the dike, and opens a sure, though secret passage to inundation." That parliamentary corruption which, at the revolution, was an imperceptible embryo, and then <i>a </i><i>little insect, </i>is at length become a huge, a filthy and gluttonous monster. It hath already devoured the whole dike of our defence, and is now making its last unrighteous meal upon its own vitals: being doomed, if we are tame enough not to accelerate its fate and stay the flood, to perish by the same inundation of despotism which it has, laboured to let in upon our liberties.<br />
<b>20</b>. Nothing, then, but an absolute impracticability, or a care to prevent some great <span style="font-size: x-small;">[29]</span> public inconvenience which would overbalance the advantages proposed from an equal representation, can justify our departing in any degree, or for the shortest period of time, from these principles of freedom and equity, to the prejudice of any part of the community, how inconsiderable soever in the eyes of wealth or pride.<br />
<i>"Every </i>Englishman (says Sir Tho. Smith<b>)</b> is intended to be present in parliament; either in person, or by procuration and attorney, of what preeminence, state, dignity, or quality soever he be, from the prince to the <i>lowest </i>person of England. And the consent of the parliament is taken to be every man's consent."<br />
" The true reason," says judge Blackstone again (p. 177) "of requiring any qualification, with regard to property, in voters, is to exclude such persons as are in so mean a situation that they are esteemed to have no will of their own. If these persons had votes, they would be tempted to dispose of them under some undue influence or other.* This would give a great, an artful, or a wealthy man, a larger share in elections than is consistent with general liberty. If <i>it </i><i>were probable </i>that every man would give his vote freely, and without<br />
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*The same reasoning would be equally conclusive for thinning the houses of parliament: for a majority of their members it is evident, grandees, prelates and wealthy ones as they are, are nevertheless in so <i>"mean </i>a situation," in such poverty of integrity that they are constantly <span style="font-size: x-small;">[30] </span>tempted to dispose of their votes under some undue influence or other;" and we accordingly find that this gives "artful me a larger share" in parliamentary divisions "than is consistent with general liberty."</blockquote>
</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[30]</span> influence of any kind, then, upon the <i>true </i><i>theory </i>and <i>genuine principles </i><i>of liberty, </i>every member of the community, <i>however poor, </i>should have a vote in electing those delegates, to whose charge is committed the disposal of his property, his liberty, and his life."<br />
<b>21.</b> If, therefore, it can be shewn that elections for members of parliament may be so contrived as to admit of every individual in the community giving his vote; not only with <i>a probability of </i>giving it freely, but so as wholly to prevent the <i>possibility</i> of an undue influence over him; and to set at defiance all the arts of wealthy and ambitious men; and this moreover without trouble, difficulty or expence; it is to be hoped, if justice be not banished from amongst us, that the practice of the constitution shall no longer be kept at variance with the theory, but that millions,* of men now disqualified by our unconstitutional statutes, shall be reinstated in this their undoubted, as their unalienable right. And it might also be hoped, that it might not be an insuperable objection to such a mode of electing, should it render bribery and corruption totally impracticable; and put a certain end to all tumultuary proceedings, and to those filthy and scandalous immoralities<br />
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
*I beg pardon : <i>only </i>one million four hundred and eighty thousand,</blockquote>
</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[31]</span> which, at our present elections, are so destructive to the morals of the people.<br />
<b>22. </b><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/parlrep.htm#borough">Borough qualifications</a> to vote, differing so widely one from another, I shall here make no farther remark upon them, than to remind my reader that they are all <i>arbitrary; </i>and do none of them make any just distinction between free-men and those, who for any just cause, have forfeited their freedom.<br />
<b>23.</b> In your counties, the distinction is <i>equally arbitrary </i>and <i>more unjust </i>than in most boroughs, as it disfranchises a greater proportion of free men. Might not that power which drew this arbitrary line at <i>forty shillings, </i>have drawn it, or may it not hereafter draw it, at any other limit whatsoever? How often are we put in mind, by the numerous friends of undue influence, that forty <i>shillings </i>in the reign of Henry the sixth, were equal to as many <i>pounds </i>of our present money? And what is the inference we are taught to draw from this observation? We certainly may, on such principles, live to see, not only our line of freedom drawn thus arbitrarily at such a point, as to exclude nine in ten, or nineteen in twenty, of the present small number of voters; but to have, to the idea of a qualification from <i>wealth, </i>the doctrine of <i>proportion </i>also introduced; whereby we should be compleatly in the power of a few citizens of overgrown fortunes; and consequently our happy system of government overthrown. We have just beheld an important revolution <span style="font-size: x-small;">[32]</span> in the government of our <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/india/indiareg.htm">East India Company</a> effected by the joint operation of these very means. It hath at the same time afforded a notable instance of some men's principles; and how little scrupulous they areas to the means of accomplishing their designs. In that company, the line of freedom had been drawn ever since its establishment, at a monied qualification of five hundred pounds. But this rule no longer answering the purposes of those who aimed to make the affairs of the company subservient to their despotic views, they first<i>, </i>by corruption, intimidation and undue influence, contract the limits of freedom, so as to include for the future only those who should hold one thousand pounds in stock; and then, to complete the business, they give the wealthiest stockholders an additional number of votes, in <i>proportion </i>to their greater property. I have heard this doctrine of proportion actually proposed, as an improvement in parliamentary elections: and that it should be adopted doubtless is the ardent wish of those who took so much pains to establish it in the case before us. Let us suppose, for the sake of argument, that it <i>was </i>adopted; as well as their other favourite point of raising the qualification to forty pounds <i>per </i><i>ann. </i>and that every additional forty pounds <i>per ann. </i>should give an additional vote. Such a law would at once sweep away nine in ten at least of your present small number of voters; and, at the same time, it would annex to an <span style="font-size: x-small;">[33]</span> estate of 400L, <i>per ann. </i>10 votes; to one of 4000L. <i>per ann. it </i>would give 100 votes; and a landed property of 40,000L <i>per ann. </i>(which is far short of what commoners have possessed) would then give its possessor no less than 1000 votes. Thus we see the errors into which we might be drawn, by admitting <i>property, </i>to confer the right of being represented; and <i>wealth, </i>that of being represented in a tenfold or a thousand-fold proportion. A right of being represented, every man owes to God, who gave him his freedom; but many a man owes his wealth to the devil. It ought, in that case, to give him a rope, rather than a representative.<br />
<b>24. </b>Although I would warn my country men at large by the fate of the proprietors of East India stock; and think I am well warranted in believing that the movers in that business would gladly play a similar game in the nation; I do not mean to draw an <i>un</i><i>limited </i>comparison between the government of a little separate trading community, and of the great civil community of the public. The freedoms<i> </i><i>of </i>their respective members depend on principles essentially different. An increase of <i>wealth, </i>not the preservation of <i>civil liberty, </i>is the grand object in a trading company. So <i>property </i>and not <i>personality </i>(contrary to the rule in <i>civil society) is </i>here the <i>sole </i>foundation of a right in the individual to be represented, and freedom may be <i>constituted </i><span style="font-size: x-small;">[34]</span> by any <i>arbitrary criterion </i>which the parties concerned shall agree upon. In <i>civil liberty </i>which is <i>a </i><i>natural </i>blessing: as heretofore observed, (§. I. 3.) there must be <i>equality. </i>This is not the case with regard to the <i>freedom </i>of the <i>trading company, </i>which is altogether <i>artificial </i>and depends solely upon <i>property; </i>which may be, and always has been, very unequally distributed. Hence, in <i>a </i><i>trading </i>society, representation may justly be <i>proportioned </i>to property.* And had the East India Company, by a fair majority without undue influence of any kind, new modelled their government, and changed their line of freedom, there could not have been, on the score of justice, any objection to their proceeding; how much soever it might have been liable to exception in point of prudence. It will, however, scarcely be thought reasonable, or conducing to the good of the<i> public </i>in that company, that a proprietor possessing nine hundred and ninety-nine pounds should be judged unworthy of having a voice in appointing guardians to so much property; who are, at the same time,to be <i>factors </i>for<br />
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
* Had the truly patriotic author of the Political Disquisitions adverted to these necessary distinctions, he would not have thought the regulation in the East India Company of having votes in proportion to wealth, "worthy of imitation;" (p. 49 vol. I.) except <i>by </i><i>other </i><i>trading companies only.</i></blockquote>
</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[35] </span>adventuring it in trade to the extreme parts of Asia.<br />
25. The foregoing distinctions between the principles of government in <i>trading </i>and in <i>civil </i>communities should be carefully attended to; in order that we may never be misled by artful reasonings from the <i>former, </i>applied to the <i>latter. </i>That which may be an excellent regulation or system for the <i>increase </i>of <i>wealth, </i>may by no means be proper for the <i>security of freedom. </i>And the laws of a small <i>trading </i>community associated for that particular purpose, making all the while a diminutive part, and being subject to the laws of a great <i>civil </i>community, are not very likely to be of so liberal and comprehensive a nature as to be well calculated for national purposes.<br />
Mr. Burgh concludes his chapter, on, 'What would be adequate parliamentary representation,' thus; "The most adequate plan for forming an assembly of representatives, would be, for every county, including the cities, boroughs, cinque ports, or universities it happens to contain, to send in a proportion of the 513 answering to its contribution<i> to the public expence.</i>" But a little consideration will shew us that we cannot possibly come at this proportion. The landholders and other original possessors of taxable property, only advance the respective taxes; they are really <i>paid by </i>the consumers <i>only. </i>The land-tax of Leicestershire, Lincolnshire<span style="font-size: x-small;"> [36]</span> and Nottinghamshire, is paid by the thousands of manufacturers in Derbyshire, Lancashire and Yorkshire, who eat the beef and mutton, and consume the malt of those counties. And, so it is with all other commodities. After the taxes upon them are <i>advanced </i>by the original possessors, a commercial circulation through a thousand various channels distributes them to all parts of the kingdom; where the taxes are finally and <i>solely </i>paid by the <i>consumers; </i>and it is clear that, where there are the greatest numbers of consumers, there must be <i>the greatest contribution in taxes, to the public expence. </i>But Sir Isaac Newton himself could not calculate these proportions, from tax books, with a thousandth part of the accuracy that our church wardens can give it us, from their parish rolls of the inhabitants. Thus we see, that an arbitrary and <i>unjust rule </i>of proceeding would bear no degree of comparison, in point of simplicity and facility, with the only rule which is founded on equity and the true principles of our free constitution.<br />
<b>26</b>. Whenever the <i>first principle of </i>any reasoning is false we are navigating without a compass, and can have no criterion of rectitude as we go along, but must for ever be liable to error and abuse. Had we never departed from the true principle, of considering <i>every </i>member of the community as a free-man, we had done right. But when we would once form<span style="font-size: x-small;"> [37] </span>an <i>arbitrary </i>definition of freedom, who shall say what it ought to be; Ought freedom rather to be annexed to forty pence, or forty shillings, or forty pounds <i>per annum</i>? Or why not to four hundred, or four thousand? But, indeed, so long as money is to be the measure of it, 'twill be <i>impossible </i>to know who ought, and who ought not, to be free. According to my apprehension, we might as well make the possession of forty shillings <i>per annum, </i>the proof of a man's being <i>rational, </i>as of his being <i>free. </i>There is just as much sense in one as in the other.<br />
<b>27. </b>Provided the foregoing reflections be admitted to be just, it must necessarily follow, that the commons of this kingdom have at the present time, nothing better than a mock representation of so dangerous a nature, that nothing short of the constant miraculous interposition of heaven in their favour, can possibly save them from a speedy subjection to arbitrary power; except they will rouze themselves from their lethargy, and form to themselves such a representation as, by the eternal principles of freedom in general, and the express doctrine of their own constitution in particular, they are entitled to. It is to be hoped<br />
that their tables of indulgence and beds of down, and the captivating charms of pleasure, have not so melted down the once glorious spirit of the British nation, and sunk it to such a degree in sloth and effeminacy, that all <span style="font-size: x-small;">[38] </span>its powers of self-exertion are past and gone for ever! Surely, what I have taken to be only the lethargy of ease and idleness, is not in reality that stupefying coma, which is the sure presage of approaching death!<br />
<b>28.</b> Is it not notorious that seats in the house of commons are considered as a property and an inheritance? Do they not pass from hand to hand, as appendages to estates in old houses? And are they not bought and sold like stock in Change Alley? Is there no placed or pensioned <i>peer, </i>who hath six, seven or eight members to represent him, and him only, in the house of <i>commons; </i>while <i>one million four </i><i>hundred and eighty thousand </i>of the commons themselves are not thought worthy of a single vote amongst them? (See Sect. 32.) We know there are such peers. Nay, do we not know also that seats in parliament have been paid away as gaming-debts, from fleeced and needy lords to tavern waiters and common gamblers?* Blush Englishmen, blush, if there be a spark of manhood left in your composition! And, when ridiculed. with the title of free men<br />
<blockquote>
*Of a Cheshire gentleman there is this anecdote. <i>His </i>Borough gives him some offence concerning a proposed election. He sends them his black footman, with a peremptory order to elect him their representative. The corporation draw up a petition; in which they humbly ask his honour's pardon, and assure him that, if he will indulge them with <i>a white </i>man, they shall not regard whom or what he may be, but will return him and be thankful.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[39] </span>hide your ignominious heads! — But perhaps all these things are right: — perhaps it is also right for the two or three cottagers of Bramber and Dunwich, and the lord of the borough of Old Sarum, where there is neither house nor inhabitant, to send to parliament as many members as your most opulent cities; while many towns of the first manufacturing consequence have not a representative! Perhaps it would, moreover, be right to lay aside the whole farce of elections, and for the minister to call up such faithful commons as he knew would soonest dispatch his business! — Perhaps, I say all this, and more might be right! Perhaps it might not be thought too much, were we, like the good subjects of Denmark, humbly to intreat the king to take the sole trouble of managing our affairs, and to make use of our lives and fortunes at his discretion and good pleasure! — Could Englishmen in general be brought to think so; and should there be no possibility of convincing them of their error; it surely would be no crime, after shedding a few tears of natural affection ill placed, to renounce an undeserving country for ever; and to seek for liberty amongst any other people who had sense enough to know its value, and courage to defend it at every hazard. May we not, with great reason, conclude that the time is not far off, in which the character of the nation shall be decidedly fixed; either by manifesting that its antient sterling spirit <span style="font-size: x-small;">[40] </span>hath <i>not </i>forsaken it; or else, by discovering that it hath indeed, as there is too much reason to apprehend, imported at once the pusillanimity, together with the spoils of India; and the cringing servility, together with the frivolous fopperies and loose principles, of Italy and France? Should even its virtues and its wisdom be no more; one might think that even self-love alone and a desire of ease, might teach it to prefer affluence to indigence, liberty to slavery. But if there be no principle in nature, active enough to put us in motion for our own good; — if nothing but an opera or a masquerade, a horse-race or a pack of cards, be worth our attention; — if we be so venal and abandoned, as to prefer prostitution and loose pleasures, to independency and the public weal; we have not manly sensibility enough left to feel any indignity but shall continue to suffer a nest of court sycophants and public plunderers, impudently to call themselves our representatives; and to, exercise such powers, as will soon enable their employers to throw off the mask, and contemptuously to forbid us even to utter that poor consolatory word, <i>representation, </i>with the mere sound of which we have so long contented ourselves. It would, at the approach of such a period, be time, for every one who had not fortitude enough to follow liberty across the Atlantic, to forget all that belongs to the great character of a <span style="font-size: x-small;">[41] </span>free man, and to learn the base and fawning arts of a willing slave; for such a disposition and such sentiments would then suit with his fallen condition. A race so utterly degenerate as to cast away liberty and put on chains at the bidding of their own servants, would merit no better treatment than to be spurned and trampled on by the beastly foot of despotism.<br />
<b>29. </b>Suffering as we do, from a deep parliamentary corruption, it is no time to tamper with silly correctives, and trifle away the life of public freedom; but we must go to the bottom of the wound and cleanse it thoroughly; we must once more infuse into the constitution, the vivifying spirit of liberty, and expel the very last dregs of this poison. <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/countyas.htm">Annual parliaments</a> and an equal representation of the commons are the only specifics in this case: and they would effect a radical cure. That a house of commons, formed as ours is, should maintain septennial elections, and laugh at every other idea, is no wonder. The wonder is, that the British nation, which, but the other day, was the greatest nation on earth, should be so easily laughed out of its liberties.<br />
<b>30. </b>As to the hope of removing the evils of a septennial, by changing it for a triennial, parliament, I confess it appears to me altogether illusive. On a superficial view, such a measure promises some beneficial consequences; and it is not uncommon to, <span style="font-size: x-small;">[42]</span>suppose, that it would at least lessen our parliamentary evils in the same proportion as there is between the respective numbers of years of their durations. But now, that corruption is reduced to a science, and this science is so thoroughly understood by ministers, I should fear that, if it made any difference at all; it must be for the worse. The whole question may be reduced to this; — would it be possible to corrupt a triennial parliament? If it <i>would </i>be possible, as, indeed, who doubts but it would, then the evil would in fact be augmented, instead of being abated; because the additional difficulty and trouble, would necessarily cause an increase of expence. Corruption must be made absolutely impracticable, by means of annual elections and an equal representation. There seems to be, in my poor opinion, no sense nor safety in any other measure.<br />
<b>31.</b> That man, amongst the opposition to the present ruinous men and measures of the court, who shall not immediately pledge himself to the public, by the most explicit declarations and the most sacred assurances, to exert himself to the utmost of his power and abilities, and perpetually, so long as he shall live, in attempting to bring about a thorough and compleat parliamentary reformation; and shall not instantly set about it, in preference to every other consideration; is, in my <span style="font-size: x-small;">[43]</span> humble opinion, nothing better than a factious demagogue; who cares not that his country be sunk in the pit of perdition, so long as he can but hope to come in for a share of power and plunder. On the other hand; such declarations; assurances and actions, would make him appear, in the eyes of the nation, as a guardian angel: and they would be ready to kiss the very ground on which he trod, in reverence of his virtue and patriotism. A handful of such honest men, acting in concert, might save their country; in spight of a tyrannical administration, and a venal parliament. But if the members of opposition have such <i>separate </i>views and designs, when only one<i> </i>view and <i>one </i>plan ought to actuate them, that they will not form this union, and act in concert for the salvation of their country, let them not tell us, any longer, of their love of liberty and of their public spirit. The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/decind.htm">loss of America</a>, followed by an <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/amwar.htm">unequal war</a>, together with all the fatal consequences they threaten, great and dreadful as such evils may justly be considered, are as a mere nothing, a very dust in the balance, compared with the total loss of our liberties, which must ensue, and soon too, unless a parliamentary reformation take place: and I will add, that immediate reformation, in that particular, might, — it would — but nothing else can, reunite us with our American colonies; as their kindred, their allies, and monopolizers of <span style="font-size: x-small;">[44]</span> their commerce; on terms more mutually and permanently beneficial, than could have submitted while we stood in the relation to each other of sovereign and dependent states. But, to amuse us with, any other measures, than those of a thorough parliamentary reformation, for alleviating our national misfortunes, would be nothing better than to prune away some of the leaves and luxuriant shoots of corruption, instead of hewing down the accursed trunk, and tearing up the roots. It must be exterminated root and branch, or we perish.<br />
<b>32.</b> Those who now claim the <i>exclusive </i>right, of sending to parliament the 513 representatives for about six millions, consist of less than twenty thousand persons* and 254 of these representatives are elected by 5723.† Nothing but a delegation of this trust from the said six millions, or at least a majority of them, could possibly have given them this right. They never were delegated. Had even the ancestors of these less than twenty thousand citizens, been so delegated by the ancestors of the six millions, yet even that could not, in the least, have bettered their title. Their pretended rights are, many of<br />
<blockquote>
* This number was taken through inadvertency. There is some difficulty in ascertaining the true number; but the reader is requested to make it 200,000. The main conclusions will still remain in full force.<br />
† Pol. Disq, chap. 4.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[45]</span>them, derived from <i>royal favour; </i>some, from antient usage and prescription; and some indeed from act of parliament: but neither the most authentic acts of royalty, nor precedent, nor prescription, nor even parliament, can establish any flagrant injustice;— much less can they strip one million four hundred and eighty thousand people of an unalienable right, to vest it in one seventy-fifth part of their number.* The true, and indeed the only, operation of these several authorities hath been, in the case before us, not to <i>confer, </i>but to <i>take </i><i>away </i>a right. The selected persons had originally this right in the most ample and absolute degree inherent in themselves, in common with their fellow citizens: so that no exercise of legislative power nor of regal authority† could possibly <i>con</i><i>fer </i>it, or<br />
<blockquote>
<table><tbody>
<tr><td>* 4)</td><td><div align="right">
6,000,000</div>
</td><td>souls</td></tr>
<tr><td></td><td><div align="right">
1500,000</div>
</td><td>males competent</td></tr>
<tr><td></td><td><div align="right">
<u>20,000</u></div>
</td><td>Voters at present</td></tr>
<tr><td></td><td><div align="right">
1480,000</div>
</td><td>Competent men who are deprived of the right of voting</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<table><tbody>
<tr><td>20,000)</td><td><u>1,500,000</u></td></tr>
<tr><td></td><td>75</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
And it is probable that the 1,480,000 <i>consumers </i>contribute towards the public expence in about the same proportion as they bear in numbers to the 20,000: that is about three guineas and a half to a shilling. —<br />
† 'Kings may make lords, and corporations, which corporations may send their burgesses to parliament,' says N: Bacon. The annotator observes, on this, 'Though the king can make corporations, yet he cannot give them a right to be represented in parliament without the commons consent! Pol. Dis. Vol. I. p. 66.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[46]</span> even improve it. They have however <i>deprived </i>the rest of the community of this their inherent right.<br />
<br />
<b>33</b>. The very idea of the right we are treating of, originating from, or being dependent upon, the <i>pleasure of the crown,</i> is<br />
glaringly absurd. In the times, however, during which so illegal an use was made of the prerogative,* the inconveniences were not felt as they are by us, nor were those <i>frightful </i>consequences which now threaten with a speedy dissolution the whole frame of our constitution, much foreseen by the commons; or we may presume they would have been guarded against. But, indeed, we must allow that there were but very few periods within those times, in which the commons were in any condition to have held such a contest with the crown; or when the most dutiful petitions or remonstrances, on such a subject, would have obtained them any redress. More wise and more virtuous than other men must be that prince (a very rare case indeed!) who will yield up one particle of power, however unjust, except from necessity<br />
<blockquote>
*We now a days think it a tolerable stretch of the prerogative when a king pours into the house of<i> peers </i>a dozen members at a time: but if the title of our boroughs to send their two members each to parliament be <i>a good </i><i>one, </i>then his present majesty may add to the house of <i>commons </i>as many members as he pleases. James the Ist. privileged 54 boroughs which sent into the house 27 members.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[47]</span> or compulsion. — Although we have reason to believe that the commons were not sufficiently foresighted, yet we may safely conclude that our princes knew in general what they were doing, when they called upon so many of the petty boroughs within <i>their own hereditary private</i><i> domain, to </i>send up members to the great council of the nation. But they not only called up whom they pleased; for they discontinued, as occasion served, the calling up of others: thus "removing, at their pleasure, the landmarks of the constitution, and wounding it in its most vital part."* The two and twenty towns which had their representatives in the parliament of Edward I. but which were afterwards deprived, by <i>the mere will of the crown, </i>did not many of them, we may safely take for granted, lie within the <i>Duchy of Cornwall.</i><br />
<b>34.</b> How parliamentary representation became so inadequate as it is, we may see in the 5th chap. of Political Disquisitions: but the author does not shew us how our kings came by the <i>right</i> of calling up to parliament <i>only </i>whom they pleased; sometimes allowing towns, and even counties, a representation in parliament, and sometimes not, as suited with their own purposes. Nor has he, nor any other author, shewn us by what virtue a <i>royal </i>charter can authorize half a dozen of<br />
<blockquote>
*Mr. Wilkes's speech in the House of Commons, 21 March, 1776,</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[48]</span> the <i>commons, </i>exclusive to elect legislators for many hundred times their own numbers.* How far soever such charters may confer <i>other </i>exclusive privileges, let lawyers determine; but that they can give any exclusive right to the people in our boroughs, of exclusively voting for members of parliament, <i>I positively deny. </i>The very idea, I must repeat, is absurd. The king has no right, by his prerogative, to summon <i>any</i> parliament which shall not be with regard to the lower house, an actual representation† of <i>all </i>the commons: so, it is evident that the customary writs, directed to about twenty thousand electors, who compose only a 75th part of the commons, notwithstanding their antiquity, are unconstitutional and unobligatory; being vitiated <i>ab initio </i>by<br />
<blockquote>
<i>*</i>A corporation of 15 members, as Bramber for instance, elects as many members of parliament as fall to the proportion of 5848 persons, who make 390 times their number. And Bramber is not the smallest of our boroughs.<br />
†Since <i>a virtual </i>representation in the house of commons was so learnedly argued to extend to three millions of people beyond the Atlantic; we may expect that it will be most unmercifully crammed down the throats of poor Englishmen, (provided they do not spit it out,) as being every whit as good, as wholesome and nourishing, as a real representation. But, to those authors who shall endeavour to palm it upon us, we may say to the same purpose as the managers in Hogarth write to the prodigal author, who, in hopes of relieving his own beggary and supplying his extravagancies, had troubled them with a dramatic piece, made up of the crude conceptions of a vicious brain : 'We have tried your farce, and find it will not do.'</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[49]</span> their total want of reason and equity. 'Tis a precedent to be quoted only to be over-ruled. It was originally an usurpation on an inherent and unalienable right, and no prescription can make it law. "It is," says an excellent writer, "a fundamental principle in our constitution, and was, until the reign of Henry VI. the invariable practice of it, that the property of the people, <i>not one man excepted, </i>could not be granted but by his own consent, given by himself or his representative chosen by himself. It was upon this principle that, until that reign, every man in the kingdom gave his vote, or had a right to give his vote, for the election of representative, on whom that power was devolved. The 7th of Henry IV. made upon complaint of this right having been disturbed, ordains, that <i>all </i><i>the people </i>shall elect indifferently. Their being residents in the county is the only qualification required. It was not until the 8th year of Henry VI. that the possession of forty shillings per <i>annum, &c</i>.*<br />
<b>35</b>. Judge Blackstone informs us that "parliament is coeval with the kingdom itself"† that "we have instances of its meeting in the reigns of Ina, Offa and Ethelbert:"‡ that "upon the true theory<br />
<blockquote>
*Appeal to the justice and interests of the people of Great Britain, in the present disputes with America, p.5.<br />
† Vo1. I. p. 149.<br />
‡ Ibid. 148.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[50]</span> and genuine principles of liberty every member of the community, however poor, should have a vote";* and that "every man, who is supposed a free-agent, ought to be, in some measure, his own governor; and therefore a branch at least of the legislative power should reside in the whole body of the people," meaning commons.†<br />
36. Where then is the foundation for that monopoly of representation now enjoyed by the voters of our despicable boroughs, and of forty shilling freeholders, to the injury and disgrace of the nation at large? — It hath no foundation. It ought instantly to be abolished. Every day it is suffered to continue, the nation is sacrificed to a handful of venal wretches, who constantly sell its liberties, at every election, for the term of the ensuing parliament. The deprived persons, who in fact make the body of the nation, are in duty bound to do themselves and their posterity right, by resuming this inestimable franchise into their own hands.<br />
37. But, we are told of <i>difficulties </i>in making our representation equal; and of <i>inconveniences </i>in parliaments wherein there should be no court influence. Since we have got over the difficulties of electing our thirty two thousand <i>military</i> representatives, the<br />
<blockquote>
* Vo1.1. p. 171<br />
† Ibid. 158.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[51]</span> militia; and that, by balloting a due proportion of serviceable men throughout the kingdom;* we need not, I think, despair of being <i>able </i>to choose five hundred and thirteen <i>civil </i>representatives, whenever we may have the <i>will</i> to set about it. As to the other objection to our plan of reforming, I own it puzzles me. It comes from Mr. Hume, who is so respectable as an historian, a philosopher and moralist; and, therefore, it is a serious one:<br />
<blockquote>
* The plan for defending this country by a militia, was called by the late Earl of Chesterfield "a silly scheme which must be dropped." See his letter to his son, Sept. 23, 1757. We have nevertheless experienced it to be a wise scheme, and seen it brought to great perfection; in opposition to very bitter and indefatigable parliamentary enemies, and even to ministers. In addition to a prostitute parliament, they want nothing more than a standing army, in order to subvert the last remains of liberty. And his lordship expresses himself no less contemptuously of annual parliaments. ' In letter 106 vol. 2. he says — "The house of commons is still very unanimous: there was a little <i>popular squib </i>let off this week, in a motion of Sir John Glyn's, seconded by Sir John Philips, for annual parliaments. It was <i>a very cold scent, </i>and put an end to by a division of 190 to 70." But we must not be surprised at such sentiments , from a man who could write to his son as follows : "Yesterday morning Mr. ** came to me, from lord Halifax, to ask me whether I thought you would approve of vacating your seat in parliament, during the remainder of it, upon a valuable consideration, meaning <i>money. </i>My answer was, that I really did not know your disposition upon that subject; but that I knew you would be very willing, in general, to accommodate them, as far as lay in your power. That your election, to my knowledge, had cost you two thousand pounds; that this parliament had not sat <span style="font-size: x-small;">[52]</span> above half its time; and that, for my part, I approved of the measure well enough" (well done, old bawd!) provided you had an equivalent," &c. vol. 2. <i>Lett: </i>161. In one of our conversations here, this time twelve-month, I desired him to secure you a seat in the new parliament; &c. since that, I have heard no more of it; which made me look out for some venal borough; and I spoke to a borough jobber, and offered five-andtwenty hundred pounds for a secure seat in parliament; but he laughed at my offer, and said, that there was not such thing as a borough to be had now; for that the " rich East and West-Indians had secured them all, at the rate of three thousand pounds at least; but many at four thousand; and two or three, that he knew, at five thousand." <i>Vol. 2d. Lett. 193.</i></blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[52]</span> so serious, indeed., that I am at a loss for any other answer to it, but — to burst out a laughing in Mr. Hume's face. It would do no great harm; however, methinks, <i>just to try the experiment. </i>The inconvenience of too rigid a virtue, might possibly be remedied in this indulgent age, if it should be experienced. Mr. Hume will, I dare say, allow me a little scepticism as to the justness and weight of his objection; which I must tell him, in plain terms, I never can believe until I shall know <i>by </i><br />
<i>experience.*</i><br />
What is a house of commons, if it be not a check upon the crown, in which reside all the executive powers of government? These executive powers would be more fatal to society than plague, pestilence and famine, except a sufficient check upon them should be provided. This is a truth we find written<br />
<blockquote>
*Mr. Hume was living when this was written.</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[53]</span> in the tears and the blood of mankind in every age and country. Is this check, then, to be appointed by him whom it is to curb? Or, when appointed by others, is he, by court influence, to convert this curb into an impetus of that very power it was intended to counterbalance and restrain? — Nonsense! — And to put up with such a mock representation as cannot be proof against court influence, is just as rational. as to tether a bull with a hay-band.<br />
<b>38.</b> The objections to an equality of representation have not been wholly confined to ministerial writers, nor, indeed, have any of them urged them with so much ability as a very popular writer. I mean <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/francis.htm">Junius</a>.<br />
"I am convinced," says he, " that, in shortening the duration of parliaments (which in effect is keeping the representative under the rod of the constituent) be not made the basis of our new parliamentary jurisprudence, other checks or improvements signify nothing. On the contrary, if this be made the foundation, other measures may come in aid, and, as auxiliaries, be of considerable advantage. <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/pitt-e.htm">Lord Chatham</a>'s project, for instance, of increasing the number of knights of shires, appears to me admirable. — As to cutting away the rotten boroughs, I am as much offended as any man at seeing so many of them under the direct influence of the crown; or at <span style="font-size: x-small;">[54]</span> the disposal of private persons. Yet, I own, I have both doubts and apprehensions, in<br />
regard to the remedy you propose. I shall be charged perhaps with an unusual want of political intrepidity, when I honestly confess to you, that I am startled at the idea of so extensive an amputation.— In the first place, I question the power, <i>de jure, </i>of the legislature to disfranchise a number of boroughs, upon the general ground of improving the constitution. There cannot<br />
be a doctrine more fatal to the liberty and property we are contending for, than that, which confounds the idea of a supreme and an arbitrary legislature; I need not point out to you the fatal purposes, to which: it has been, and may be applied. If we are sincere in the political creed we profess, there are many things, which we ought to affirm, cannot be done by king, lords and commons. Among these I reckon the disfranchising of boroughs with a general view of improvement. I consider it as equivalent to robbing the parties concerned of their freehold, of their birth-right. I say that, although this birth-right may be forfeited, or the exercise of it suspended in particular cases, it cannot betaken away by a general law, for any real or pretended purpose of improving the constitution. Supposing the attempt made, I am persuaded you cannot mean that either King, or Lords should <span style="font-size: x-small;">[55]</span> take an active part in it. A bill which only touches the representation of the people, must originate in the house of commons. In the formation and mode of passing it, the exclusive right of the commons must be asserted as scrupulously, as in the case of a money-bill. Now sir, I should be glad to know by what kind of reasoning it can be proved, that there is a power vested in the representative to destroy his immediate constituent: from whence could he possibly derive it? A courtier, I know, will be ready to maintain the affirmative. The doctrine suits him exactly, because it gives an unlimited operation to the influence of the crown. But we, Mr. Wilkes, ought to hold a different language. It is no answer to me to say, that the bill, when it passes the house of commons, is the act of the majority, and not the representatives of the particular boroughs concerned. If the majority can disfranchise ten boroughs, why not twenty, why not the whole kingdom? Why should not they make their own seats in parliament for life? — When the septennial act passed, the legislature did what, apparently and palpably, they had no power to do; but they did more than people in general were aware of: they, in effect, disfranchised the whole kingdom for four years. <span style="font-size: x-small;">[56]</span><br />
For argument's sake, I will now suppose that the expediency of the measure, and the power of parliament are unquestionable. Still you will find an insurmountable difficulty in the execution. When all your instruments of amputation are prepared, when the unhappy patient lies bound at your feet, without the possibility of resistance, by what infallible rule will you direct the operation? — When you propose to cut away the rotten parts, who can tell us what parts are perfectly sound ?— Are there any certain limits, in fact or theory, to inform you at what point you must stop, at what point the mortification ends? To a man so capable of observation and reflection as you are, it is unnecessary to say all that might be said upon the subject. Besides that I approved highly of Lord Chatham's idea of infusing a portion of new health into the constitution to enable it to bear its infirmities; (a brilliant expression, and full of intrinsic wisdom) other reasons concur in persuading me to adopt it.*<br />
<b>39.</b> In quoting the foregoing passage himself, he adds, with a genuine magnanimity; "The man who fairly and compleatly answers this argument, shall have my thanks, and applause. My heart is already with him. — I am ready to be converted. — I<br />
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
*Letter to Mr. Wilkes.</blockquote>
</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[57]</span> admire his morality, and would gladly subscribe to the articles of his faith. —Gratefull, as I am, to the Good Being, whose bounty has imparted to me this reasoning intellect, whatever it is, I hold myself proportionately indebted to him, from whose inlightened understanding another ray of knowledge communicates to mine. But neither should I think the most exalted faculties of the human mind, a gift worthy of the divinity; nor any assistance, in the improvement of them, a subject of gratitude to my fellow creature, if I were not satisfied, that really to inform the understanding corrects and enlarges the heart."*<br />
<b>40.</b> I hope the reader thinks that his argument is already answered: but I will make some remarks upon his particular words. First, then, in answer to his query, concerning which are the rotten parts of the unhappy patient proposed to be amputated; I would, with much deference, take leave to remark, that this allusion, which is suggested from the practice of bribing, commonly called <i>corrupting</i>, does not furnish us (as is too common with the language of allusion) with a correct idea of the nature of the case. But I make no scruple to assert, that <i>just so much</i> of our mode of electing, as operates to the exclusion of any individual man from<br />
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
*Letter to Mr. Wilkes.</blockquote>
</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[58]</span> giving his vote, is defective and unfair; and therefore ought to be altered. The numbers who now elect, with respect to those who are excluded, (admitting the first to be 20,000, and the whole number intitled, to be 1,500,000) are in the proportion of 1 to 75: so that we say, with some precision, that the rottenness extends to 74 parts in 75. Dividing 1,500,000 by 513, the number of the members, we find that every member ought to be the representative of 2924 persons, and ought at least to have the votes of a majority of that number, or 1463, in order to entitle him to a seat in the house of commons. Can Junius, then, call it the birthright of the lord of the borough of Old Sarum, to be the exclusive elector of two members of parliament, who ought to represent 5848 of the commons? or of the nine electors of Grampound to send as many members as make the due proportion for 650 times their number? If no free man be disfranchised by admitting <i>every</i>man to vote, I hope we cannot, with propriety, say that any borough is <i>disfranchised. </i>I mean not to <i>abridge, </i>but to <i>extend, </i>the limits of. freedom. I have already proved (§ 32, 33, 34.) that no individuals, nor bodies corporate, can possibly have any right to elect a parliament to the exclusion of their fellow citizens. If the right of voting be, restored to all the rest, and <i>still retained by</i> the <i>lord </i>of <i>Old Sarum, by </i>the voters of <span style="font-size: x-small;">[59]</span><i> Grampound, </i>and every other petty borough, how can they be robbed " of their freehold," of "their birth-right." The birth-right of a <i>borough </i>is a phrase I cannot understand; but it is because I hold sacred the birth-rights of <i>men, </i>that I would have <i>every </i>man vote; and deny, that a <i>few </i>can have a birth-right to appoint legislators for the <i>many. </i>Were indeed our general monopolizing system to be continued; and yet, some boroughs lopped off, as rotten branches, while others continued on their present foot, I grant this would be an arbitrary proceeding, as being without any fixed rule of justice: but I talk not of <i>boroughs —</i>I talk <i>of men.</i><br />
<b>41.</b> I think him perfectly right with regard to that tenaciousness touching any bill for new modelling representation, which he says the commons ought to shew: but I flatter myself I have made it evident, that no member who should vote for an equal representation, could be said to "destroy his immediate constituent;" and nothing, to my mind, could be so far from giving "an unlimited operation to the influence of the crown," as the making ministerial bribery in parliament, <i>impossible.</i><br />
<b>42.</b> According to Junius's doctrine, I do not see that the legislature could, <i>de jure, </i>make <i>any </i>alteration in the present mode of electing representatives: for, if the persons and boroughs, now enjoying that <i>exclusive </i><span style="font-size: x-small;">[60]</span> power power of choosing the house of commons, be justly intitled to this exclusive power; and should have any part of it taken out of their hands, by "increasing the number of knights of shires," or by any other similar means, such a proceeding must be a violation of their <i>exclusive </i>right; and must, in a certain degree, "rob them of their freehold, their, birth-right." This doctrine, therefore, overturns itself.<br />
<b>43.</b> I am truly sorry that so argumentative and eloquent a writer should have formed, what appears to me, an erroneous opinion, on a point of so much importance: nor do I think myself fortunate, in being obliged to take the contrary side of an argument which he has once handled. Nevertheless, having a full conviction of being on the side of truth, and knowing that I am writing, not speaking, to the public, I have ventured to oppose plain homely reasoning to all the powers of argument and eloquence. My principles I trust, are perfectly constitutional. I may therefore leave them to their unassisted operation on the good sense and spirit of my countrymen.<br />
<b>44. </b>I know, full well, how much the vicious part of every community affect to treat plans of reformation as chimerical, — as romantic, and utterly impracticable. And I know, too, that the reforming of our parliamentary jurisprudence hath been particularly scoffed at, as the visionary scheme of refining <span style="font-size: x-small;">[61]</span> system-makers and ignorant enthusiasts. It i<b>s </b>not difficult to account for these insolences. The vultures will hover, and flap, and scream, about the putrid carcass on which they feed. The Cornish barbarians, notwithstanding <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/burke.htm">Mr. Burke</a>'s late humane act, will cast a longing eye upon a wreck, and persist in calling their diabolical plunder <i>a right, a prescriptive </i>right of many ages. But I regard not the clamours of the harpies; and I despise their nonsense, as sincerely as I abhor their principles.<br />
<b>45.</b> The reader, if he will have the patience to peruse a few dry pages of proposed regulations, shall be convinced, that to elect an annual parliament, and to establish an equal representation, are things the most simple and easy, in nature. If he ever thought otherwise, he will be surprized that he could have over-looked what will now appear to him so obvious. He must have patience, I say, with this part of our work; except he can delight in utility for its own sake alone. No man looks for entertainment into an act of parliament, or a body of civil regulations. Sufficient, if they inform; and better clear than elegant. For the sake of perspicuity, and in order to stop the mouth of disingenuous cavil, I must descend to some minutia. He who attacks national establishments, sanctified by time and custom, and interwoven with the <i>selfish interests </i>of the most powerful men in the community; had need, even in the <span style="font-size: x-small;">[62] </span>most enlightened and liberal age, to move with circumspection; and to omit nothing, however trivial, which may serve to secure the ground he gains, step by step, in making his approaches. After all, we cannot alas! do more than <i>prove </i>our propositions; and lay down a plan for the undertaking in <i>theory. </i>My fellow citizens must assist in carrying it into <i>practice. </i>And to the few advocates for their rights and liberties in parliament, it belongs to take the lead. Should <i>our </i>proof be clearly made out, it will afford those gentlemen the best of all opportunities of <i>proving </i>their public integrity <i>beyond a doubt. </i>This, I surely need not tell them, is the only thing wanting, towards obtaining them the entire confidence and support of the people, in effecting this, or any other necessary reformation in our government.<br />
<b>46.</b> The whole island sends to parliament 558 members. Of which number Scotland sends 45; England and Wales jointly, the remaining 513. Let us, then, divide the said 513 amongst the counties of England and Wales, in exact proportion to the respective number of males in each county, who shall be of a proper age to vote for representative sin parliament. I should propose the age of 18 years, for two reasons. 1. Because, at that age, a man is liable to serve himself, as a military <i>representative </i>of his country, in the militia. And thus, the same parish rolls (of [<span style="font-size: x-small;">62]</span> which more hereafter) will shew at once, who are of an age to be <i>military </i>representatives and <i>civil </i>electors. 2. Because, I think at that age, a man is a sufficient judge between palpable right and wrong; and every way capable of nominating for himself a proper representative: and the law of England thinks so too, for<b> "</b>at twelve years old, he may take the oath of allegiance; at 14, is at years of discretion,, and therefore may consent or disagree to marriage, and <i>may choose his </i><i> guardian</i>".* To the end of making this proportional division, throughout the kingdom, nothing is necessary but correct county rolls, taken from the respective roll of each parish in every county. In like manner, let the 45 Scotch members be proportionably divided amongst the counties of Scotland: and in other respects let their elections be regulated by the same rules as are hereafter laid down for England and Wales.<br />
N. B. The several counties, for all times to come, might continue to send up to parliament the same number of members, as should appear to be their proportion on this <i>first </i>enrolment of their men competent to vote in elections; notwithstanding any future alteration in their respective numbers. No alteration, in point of numbers, could possibly be so considerable, as ever to give them either<br />
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
* Blackstone's <i>Commentaries</i>. Vol. I. p. 463.</blockquote>
</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[63] </span>cause or inclination to demand a new proportional division of the members to be made throughout the kingdom.<br />
<b>47. </b>The city of London might be considered as a county to all intents and purposes; having, in matters of election, no connexion whatever with the rest of Middlesex.<br />
<b>48</b>. Every other city and town might be allowed, out of the number of members returnable by the whole county of which it made a part, to elect its own proportion separately; and all the rest should be chosen at the county election. But all fractions in the number of competent men, proportioned to one representative, to be in favour of the county. Estimating the whole number of souls at 6,000,000; the competent men will be 1,500,000; and the number of those answering to one representative will be 2924. A town containing that number would be intitled to send one member; twice that number, or 5848, two members; and so on. But if it should enrol only 5800, the fraction should be in favour of the county, and the town send up but one member. In like manner, if it enrolled but 2923, it should not elect separately, but jointly with the county.<br />
N. B. While no smaller number than 2924 competent inhabitants could possibly have the election of a representative, to themselves, I should hope <i>Harrington's </i>and <i>Burgh's pro</i>posed rule for 'an exclusion by rotation' of<span style="font-size: x-small;"> [64] </span>the members of the house of commons would be found wholly unnecessary; at least I would have it by all means confined to the representatives of cities and towns. There can be no supposing that county elections, <i>such as I propose, </i>could be influenced by any man or men however great; and without very sufficient cause the commons should not be deprived of their right to elect any men, and especially those of whose integrity and abilities they had had proof. Nor; in my opinion, should men of worth, who had a laudable ambition of being distinguished for public services, have any unnecessary obstacles thrown in their way. 'A rotation, it is true, might give all persons of consequence their turns in the government;' and to this Mr. <i>Burgh </i>seems to think gentlemen of property have a <i>right. </i>But the idea, of such a right is totally inconsistent with the inherent right of the commons to have those for representatives whom they prefer to all others. Such an idea <i>of right, </i>on the part of gentlemen, would tend also to abate their <i>emulation; </i>and consequently they would become less anxious to merit the distinction, by a due application to the study of public affairs, and by the practice of private virtues; which, <i>then </i>would be stronger recommendations to the people's favour, than a nabob's fortune or a minister's letter. I own that too much attention cannot be given to <i>Burgh's </i>argument in favour of <span style="font-size: x-small;">[65] </span>a rotation; which is, the certainty with which it would operate in exterminating corruption; and therefore, rather than have an apprehension of that kind,'it would doubtless be better to have no separate town or city elections at all, but for the counties, by their parishes, to choose the whole number of members collectively. By the separate elections, I only meant to provide more effectually for the particular patronage of the capital trading and manufacturing towns.<br />
<b>49.</b> Any city or town should, on the same principle, either attain or lose its privilege of electing separately, by an increase or diminution of its inhabitants.<br />
N. B. These questions, as matters now stand, must be tried by the House of Commons themselves, as they claim the right and exercise the power of being the only judges of their own privileges. But perhaps it might, nevertheless, be an improvement, and no way injurious to their privileges, to erect a new Court of Record for the trying of them, as well as those of the House of Lords: the judges to be on the same foot as in the other courts, their jurisdiction marked out, and the forms of trial settled. The king himself is not the sole judge of his own privileges and prerogative: why then should either of the inferior branches of the legislature have such a power? A court of parliamentary privileges might prevent the waste of much precious <span style="font-size: x-small;">[66] </span>time lost to legislation; and its proceedings would probably be more efficient than those of election committees.<br />
<b>50</b>. In every parish, throughout each county, there should be kept, by proper parish officers, under the checque of the minister, a correct roll of the names of all the competent men within the same. This roll should be compleated afresh, before the 1st day of May in every year; taking in the names of all those persons who might arrive at the age of competency on or before the 1st day of June.<br />
<b>51</b>. From these rolls, the Sheriff of the County, (to whom copies of them should be immediately transmitted) should make out a county roll; correcting it and to compleating it annually before the 1st day of June.<br />
<b>52</b>. The whole House of Commons should be chosen on the 1st day of June in every year, except it fell on a Saturday or a Sunday, In either of those cases, on the Monday next after.<br />
<b>53.</b> Both in county, and town elections, the commons should all vote <i>by parishes; </i>and the elections should in all places begin in the morning, between 6 and 8 o'clock. The minister (if one in the parish) assisted by the other parish officers to take the poll, and to make his report of the same, signed by himself and his assistants, to the sheriff.<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[67]</span> N. B. This regulation would keep the people all peaceably at their own homes, save them expences, and prevent the shocking debaucheries so common at our present elections. It would also put a sure period to all riots and disorderly proceedings: because the success of a riotous party in one parish, would contribute little or nothing to the general success of the candidate they should espouse. But these effects are all obvious.<br />
<b>54.</b> The parish reports should, by the respective constables, be all delivered to the Sheriff of the County, assisted by a Bench of Justices of the Peace (not fewer than five) on such day, and at such place, within the county, as the sheriff should appoint, not being later than the last day of June.* The constable to attest upon oath, if required, the signing of the minister and other parish officers; which, for that reason should be done in his presence.<br />
<b>55.</b> From the whole collection of parish reports the Sheriff, assisted as aforesaid, should make out his general county report: not only distinguishing those candidates who appeared to be duly elected members of the parliament; but setting down alto the name of every other,<br />
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
* The three ridings of Yorkshire might elect their members separately; and other large counties might be subdivided. The senior justice on the bench might, in those cases, officiate for the Sheriff, where he could not be present in person.</blockquote>
</blockquote>
<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[69]</span> and over against them respectively, the number of lawful suffrages in favour of each.<br />
<b>56.</b> In all cities and towns, the chief magistrate to officiate as sheriff; and be properly assisted by inferior magistrates.<br />
<b>57</b><i>. </i>All the general reports should be transmitted by the several Sheriffs and chief magistrates, to the clerk of the crown, on or before the 14th day of July.<br />
<b>58.</b> Every candidate should be obliged to signify in writing, to the Sheriff or chief magistrate of the county or place to which he offered his services, such his intention and offer, after a prescribed form, and never later than the 1st day of May, being a month before the election. At the same time he should transmit an affidavit of his qualification, after a prescribed form also. For a county member the qualification should be a landed estate; and 4001. <i>per ann. </i>might be sufficient: for London it might be the same; or a property in the kingdom of 12000l. ; for other cities and towns 3001, <i>per ann. </i>in land, or 90001. in other property; clear of all debts and demands.<br />
<b>59. </b>The names of all these candidates should be immediately published by the several sheriffs and chief magistrates throughout their districts; and a list of them also should be delivered to the constable of every parish, on or before the 20th day of May<span style="font-size: x-small;">.</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[70]</span><br />
<b>60</b>. It should be made unlawful for any poll to be taken otherwise than by ballot. This would prevent undue influence, personal offence, and self reproach. But it would not prevent that influence which ought to follow worth, wisdom and a right use of wealth. Gentlemen so distinguished, would always be sure of being elected when they should offer themselves; and their recommendations of others would also have due weight. A seat in the house of commons would then be an honour: and an honour not to be obtained for merit at Newmarket, the gaming table, or in a cotillon. The following mode of balloting, being very simple, might answer the purpose. Before the minister and other parish officers taking the poll, place three jars or other vessels, one of them being <i>white, </i>one <i>red </i>and one <i>black; </i>and give to every voter, the names of all the candidates, each on a separate paper. Let the voter put in the <i>white </i>vessel as many of these candidates names, as there are representatives to be chosen; and into the <i>red </i>vessel let him put the names of the remaining candidates. But if there should be any one or more candidates for whom he should not choose to give any favourable vote at all, he should put their names into the <i>black </i>vessel. Let the names deposited within the <i>white </i>and <i>red </i>vessels be made into two separate lists; with the number of the suffrages for each <span style="font-size: x-small;">[71]</span> candidate over against his name: and let both the lists be audibly and distinctly read over to all the people present. The names in the <i>black </i>vessel should be burnt, in the presence of the people, unopened.<br />
<b>61.</b> The several Sheriffs and chief magistrates should also make their general reports of the non-elected candidates, as well as of the members chosen; together with the number of suffrages in favour of each.<br />
<b>62</b>. Let there be no re-elections within the year: but, in case of a member's dying or vacating his seat in the house, let the speaker summon to parliament in his stead, him, amongst the non-elected candidates for the same county or town, who shall have the greatest number of suffrages in his favour. But, in case of that list being exhausted, and a vacancy in the house Rill remaining, leave it unfilled till the next election.<br />
N. B. Should this happen, though it is not likely, the shortness of the parliament will prevent any ill consequences ensuing. The electors will still have several representatives in the house. Besides, in such a parliament as we here propose, there will be a different kind of attendance on their duty from what we now experience, and we may be certain that neither the common business nor essential interests of their constituents will be neglected, on account of the absence of a few members. <span style="font-size: x-small;">[72]</span><br />
<b>63.</b> Provided there should ever be a deficiency of candidates by the time prescribed, viz. 1st May; for giving any county or town its proportion of members, and providing also for the successions mentioned in the foregoing article, to the amount of <i>one </i>non-elected candidate to every <i>three </i>members, I would propose to remedy that defect thus:— Let every voter be allowed to give in as many additional names of his own choosing as may be wanting, and put them into the <i>white </i>or the <i>red </i>vessel, as he should prefer one to the other in his own mind.* But it should be necessary that these <i>involuntary </i>candidates (if I may use that liberty of expression) should reside within the county or town of the <i>electors, </i>and be qualified for the representation; or else their nomination to be set aside by the sheriff and his assistant magistrates. Such involuntary persons, being either originally elected members, or called up afterwards to fill a vacancy, should be obliged to do parliamentary duty, on condition of being paid two guineas <i>per diem </i>during parliamentary attendance, and one shilling a mile travelling expences by their<br />
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<blockquote>
*As, in such a case, the people of different parishes, throughout a county would doubtless nominate a considerable variety of gentlemen, this provision would effectually secure both the requisite number of members, and amply provide a succession, ready to fill such vacancies as might happen within the year.</blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[73] </span>constituents; the same to be raised by a rate for that purpose.*<br />
N. B. Practising physicians, surgeons, apothecaries, and attorneys at law; shop-keepers, and sick persons should be exempted.<br />
<b>64.</b> Whenever the numbers of the suffrages in any election should be equal, the decision should be made by lot; the justices preparing, and the sheriff drawing, the same.<br />
<b>65</b>. Every man being intitled to vote somewhere, none should vote in more places than one: (See § 17) nor should any one inrol himself in a new place, without producing a certificate, in due form, of his name having been erased from the former roll.<br />
<b>66.</b> For the cities of London and Westminster and for the borough of Southwark, no man ought to be competent to vote or to be inrolled as a voting inhabitant, who had a home, or occupied any house or lodging whatsoever in the country; excepting merchants, dealers and chapmen, and shop-keepers.<br />
N. B. These places constantly overflow with people who are from their own homes and parishes. It is therefore fit some restraint of this kind should be practised. Not, however, that any breach of this rule could ever<br />
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* They would be all known to the Sheriff, though their names should not be sent to him on a separate list because of their not having been in his own original list of candidates sent to the parishes before the election.</blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[74]</span> be of any ill consequence; so long as all the elections throughout the kingdom were carrying on at the same instant.<br />
<b>67</b>. In London, and all other populous cities or towns, the parishes, if too large, should be so subdivided, as to have the elections always over in one day.<br />
<b>68</b>. Let it be made part of the very constitution of parliament always to meet without any summons at Westminster (except the king in a case of necessity should appoint any other place) upon <i>a fixed day </i>within one certain week of November, provided his majesty had not assembled them sooner; and again, upon <i>one fixed </i><i>day </i>in January; and to sit each time for <i>a </i><i>certain limited term, </i>and so much longer, as his majesty should have occasion for their attendance: not, however, later than till the 20th day of May.<br />
N. B. In order to the securing of these points, every form and engagement the most sacred that could be devised should be made use of by the respective parties. In the first place, every candidate should, together with the affidavit of his qualification, (§ 58) transmit also (and every time he became a candidate) to the sheriff, another oath; in which he should have sworn that, provided he should become a member of parliament in consequence of the ensuing election; he neither would sit nor act himself as a member of the same, nor give his consent for any other <span style="font-size: x-small;">[75]</span> so to do, longer than the 20th day of May next following. Secondly, it should be an indispensable requisite, in order to constitute a legal election, that he who presided at the poll should make proclamation; that 'the competent men then and there assembled were to proceed to give their votes towards an election of fit persons to represent themselves and all the competent men in the county (or otherwise as the case might be) to which they belonged, in a parliament which was to <i>cease, determine </i>and <i>expire </i>on the 20th day of May next following.' And an attestation of this proclamation having been made should be part of the constable's oath (§ 54) before the sheriff and his assistant magistrates; and in their general report of the election, the term for which the representatives were chosen should be particularly specified. I call it <i>report, </i>and not <i>return, </i>because then, the parliament would not be chosen in consequence of the <i>king's writs to the sheriffs, </i>&c. but in consequence of the general law and constitution of parliaments, arising from the right of the commons spontaneously to appoint, and send up, their representatives "twice in the year, or oftener, if need should be, to treat of the government of God's people; how they should keep themselves from sin, should live in quiet, and should receive right;" according to that "which was ordained" by <i>Alfred </i>the best of all<span style="font-size: x-small;"> [76]</span> our kings except his present majesty "for a perpetual usage." Nor would it, in my opinion, be too much were the king required, not only at his coronation, but annually, on the first day of meeting his parliament, and before he entered the house of lords, to take an oath, in presence of some of the members of the lower house, that he never would attempt to prevent the appointed sittings of parliament, nor give his assent to any law for prolonging either the then present, or any other future, parliament beyond its proper and limited term of a year wanting eleven days, But, to return;<br />
<b>69.</b> Let all parish rolls be truly and carefully kept, on pain of some considerable penalty. The names to be regularly numbered, and no alteration to be made of their numerical order, on account of names legally erased, until the expiration of seven years. At the commencement of every eighth year, a new roll to be made out; omitting the erased names on the former roll, and numbering the new roll as at first. The general county roll to be renewed and freshly numbered in like manner, and at the same time.<br />
<b>70.</b> All rolls should be kept on paper of a fixed size, printed in a form prescribed by law. And the same should be regulated with regard to the paper to be made use of at elections, for setting down the names of the candidates.<span style="font-size: x-small;">[77]</span><br />
<b>71 </b>. All place men and all military men (except of the militia) as being representatives of, and subject to influence from, the <i>crown, </i>should be totally ineligible to sit as representatives of the <i>commons: </i>but a certain number from the civil department, as well as from. the army and navy, should be intitled to a place in the house, and allowed the same freedom of speech as the members; though by no means permitted to vote.<br />
No pensioner of the crown (except such as had obtained their pensions for life, and to whom they were given with the express consent or approbation of a house of commons;) no person enjoying any eleemosynary stipend at the will of another, (a very near relation excepted) should be eligible. Nor, any clergyman in holy orders; nor Irish peers; they both having duties elsewhere which they ought not to neglect. Quitting such duties, is no recommendation of them to the important trust of being our legislators. Nor, perhaps, would it be improper to exclude the heirs apparent to peerages: but of that, I am not fixed in my opinion.<br />
<b>72</b>. Thus, then, have I done my best to sketch out a new parliamentary plan: let others alter it at their pleasure; provided only that they <i>mend it. </i>Where, now, is the impracticability of making our representation<i>equal; </i>where the difficulty, the expence, or<br />
trouble of <i>annual </i>elections! For my own part <span style="font-size: x-small;">[78]</span> I think none but old women can suppose them; and none but men of very bad principles and the very worst designs, can still urge their existence. I am sure that a village constable would be ashamed to acknowledge himself incapable of conducing the whole of it: and I know that the laws by which we now raise our militia, are attended with more difficulties and more trouble ten times over. But that the execution of such a plan will be opposed by the court and its tools, I likewise have no doubt. And I can easily foresee, that, for want of an honest and <i>direct </i>objection to it, they will indirectly attack it, by an artful vindication, as they will pretend, of the royal prerogative, upon which, according to their doctrines, it incroaches. I think; it, therefore, necessary, before I dismiss the subject, to speak a little to that point.<br />
<b>73</b>. As I wish to give every <i>honest </i>doubter all reasonable satisfaction, at the same time that I would shew a proper attention to all that the court can object to my proposed abridgment of the prerogative, I will begin with taking Judge Blackstone's opinion on the point in question. "As to the manner and time of assembling;" says he, "the parliament is regularly to be summoned by the king's writ or letter, issued out of chancery by advice of the privy council, at least forty days before it begins to sit. It is a branch of the royal prerogative that no parliament <span style="font-size: x-small;">[79] </span>can be convened by its own authority, or by the authority of any, except the king alone. And this prerogative <i>is </i><i>founded upon </i><i>very good reason. </i>For, supposing it had a right to meet spontaneously, without being called together; it, is impossible to conceive that all the members, and each of the houses, would agree unanimously upon the proper time and place of meeting: and if half of the members met, and half absented themselves, who shall determine which is really the legislative body, the part assembled, or that which stays away? It is therefore necessary that the parliament should be called together at a determinate time and place: and highly becoming its dignity and independence, that it should be called together by none but one of its own constituent parts: and, of the three constituent parts, this office can only appertain to the king: as he is a single person, whose will may be uniform and steady; the first person in the nation, being superior to both houses in dignity; and the only branch of the legislature that has a separate existence, and is capable of performing any act at a time when no parliament is in being." But what does all this amount to, which can any way shew the impropriety of the parliament's meeting at a determinate time and place". previously agreed on, <i>by all</i> <span style="font-size: x-small;">[80] </span>the branches of the legislature ? If "it be highly becoming its dignity and independence, that it should be called together by none but <i>one of </i>its constituent parts," surely its dignity will be still better provided for, when it shall come together by the unanimous agreement <i>of </i>all the <i>three. </i>So much of the prerogative as can be <i>of any </i><i>use, </i>will fill be left to the crown, should the regulation I propose become part of the constitution of parliament: the king may still summon his parliament, at any time <i>before </i>its appointed meeting; he may keep it assembled <i>beyond the fixed period </i>for its sitting; and, after its dismission, <i>he may call it again, </i>if occasion require, and keep it in attendance the full period of its existence.<br />
<b>74.</b> Let any man but consider our very multifarious national business, and reflect upon the prodigious number of bills which are<br />
passed in every session of parliament; and then say, whether or not some <i>certain </i>parliamentary attendance be not absolutely necessary. Let him also consider of what utility and convenience it would be to the public, always to know the times of its meetings; in order that all persons, being interested in any bills which were to come before the houses, might prepare themselves accordingly: let him, moreover, call to mind that, as kings <span style="font-size: x-small;">[81]</span> have heretofore governed <i>without </i>parliaments for a long time, they may possibly attempt to do so again; if we do not take care to prevent them; and I think he will hold it ridiculous, to talk of its being a prerogative of the king, to have the fittings of parliaments <i>entirely </i>at his mercy. Prerogative is "a power of doing public good <i>without a </i>rule." This evidently implies that its <i>only </i>sphere of action, is in those cases alone, where the law <i>cannot </i>provide a proper rule; for, to suppose that prerogative could in any case be allowed, where such a rule <i>could </i>be provided, would be to admit that prerogative is as good as law. This, however, is no doctrine of the English constitution. The <i>aula regia, </i>erected by <i>William the conqueror, </i>followed the king's person in all his progresses and expeditions;* and <i>consequently,</i> sat at <i>his pleasure; </i>till <i>magna charta </i>removed the grievance, by confining it to a <i>determinate place, </i>in Westminster Hall; where of course it became not only a stationary, but a <i>regular </i>judicature. And we are informed that it was through " fear of the <i>annual </i>parliaments" of those days, that this <i>aula regia </i>was erected in the royal palace, and vested with a portion of that power which, -till then, the <i>wittena gemote, </i>or parliament,<br />
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*Blackstone's Com. vol. 3, p. 38.</blockquote>
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[82] had been possessed of. It must be in the nature of every tyrant, however successful, to dread an annual parliament truly representing the whole body of commons: while, on the other hand, such a council will always be most acceptable, to a prince of genuine virtue and magnanimity; who, like his present majesty, wishes to be the father of a free people; and therefore will rather desire to know their <i>real </i><i>sentiments </i>and <i>interests, </i>than to be deceived by the lying flatteries and misrepresentations of sycophants and public robbers. Conceiving, as I do, that some of the meetings of parliament ought to be regular and certain, and by no means to depend on the will of the king; it is natural that I should deny it to be the, prerogative of the crown, to<i> dissolve </i>a parliament, meaning only an <i>annual </i>parliament, before it should have sat a sufficient time for ordering the public<br />
affairs. We very well know how the power of<i> dissolving </i>has heretofore been practised. If the king is to have a power to <i>prevent a </i>parliament from assembling; and likewise, when assembled, a power to <i>dissolve. </i>it again; is not this sufficient for rendering a parliament a mere cypher in government? A power that should <i>never </i>be made use of, <i>ought not to exist.</i>No matter, as to the probabilities of such an abuse. But we know that it is <i>possible; </i>because it <i>has </i>happened. The commons have <span style="font-size: x-small;">[83]</span> <i>a right </i>to consult with the other two branches of the legislature, every year, or oftner, if need be, on public affairs; and they have a <i>right </i>also to counsel the king on all matters of state; to enquire into abuses, and to call ministers to account: hence, it ought not to be in the power of the sovereign to prevent them. For them to have <i>a </i><i>right </i>to do all these things; and for him to <i>have </i><i>a power to </i><i>deprive </i>them of the means of exercising this right, is a contradiction.— But the very idea of a power in the crown to dissolve at pleasure an <i>annual </i>parliament, is particularly irreconcileable with reason.* By its negative, it can effectually prevent any house of commons from doing any legislative injury to the constitution, should it at any time manifest such a disposition; and the commons at large, to <i>whom </i><i>alone </i>it belongs to <i>dismiss their own servants, </i>would very soon have an opportunity of discarding them, and appointing more trusty ones in their room. So, though in the judge's opinion, the prerogative of convening the parliament at the pleasure of the king, be " founded upon <i>very good</i><br />
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* One abuse begets another. While under the imposition of long parliaments, we feel some consolation in vesting the crown with the power of dissolution. But what a wretched condition are the commons in, when they have no way of getting rid of servants who wrong and insult them, but by petitioning the crown!</blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[84] </span>reasons;" there are still <i>much </i><i>better </i>reasons to be given, why it ought to have its <i>fixed, </i>as well as its <i>precarious, </i>sittings.<br />
<b>75.</b> The more we contemplate an annual parliament, and those other barriers of liberty I propose to have erected, the more I am persuaded we shall become attached to them. I am sorry to find Junius no friend to such parliaments. "Whenever," says he, "the question of annual parliaments shall be seriously agitated, I will endeavour (and if I live will assuredly attempt it) to convince the English nation; by arguments to my " understanding unanswerable, that they ought to insist upon a triennial, and banish the idea of an annual parliament." I have been often, and much at a loss, to discover what could have been his reasons for this declaration. The more I have myself contemplated the subject, and drawn comparisons between parliaments of different durations, the more confirmed have I always been in giving the preference to an annual one, provided <i>it </i><i>were properly chosen. </i>Indeed I never could arrive at any other, satisfactory conclusion; but here my mind rests in security, and I find every satisfaction which the case requires or admits of. I hope the able writer abovementioned is still alive, and will no longer delay to favour the public with his sentiments at large on this great question. <span style="font-size: x-small;">[85]</span> Is it it be not full time that it were "seriously agitated," I have formed a wrong opinion; having very seriously discussed it to the best of my poor abilities. Satisfied as I am at present of the wisdom of recurring to annual parliament, I shall very readily change that sentiment in favour of triennial, or even septennial ones, provided any one will convince me by unanswerable arguments that either of them are entitled to a preference. After all our differences in opinion, 'tis truth alone that can do us essential service. He who has any other controversial pursuit, which causes him wilfully to deviate from that, is, in my estimation, a pest to society. Should I presume to guess at the objections of Junius to annual parliaments, I should suppose they probably arose from his previous ideas concerning the impracticability of restoring an equal representation. On that point, perhaps, the reader now agrees with me in thinking, that he had formed but a defective judgment. His error, in that particular, I conceive to be full sufficient for giving birth to others of no small moment, with regard to the most eligible length of parliaments. Were, indeed, no other alteration to be made in our representation, than that which he speaks of with approbation, of " increasing the number of knights of shires;" I confess that an annual parliament, such as we <span style="font-size: x-small;">[86]</span> should then have, and so chosen as it would still be, would be little better than the present. Probably not at all: possibly it might make things worse. Such a parliament, being still within the reach of corruption, would doubtless be corrupted. A very large proportion would still be <i>founded </i>upon corruption: the rotten boroughs would still contaminate the house of commons. Without a much deeper reformation, there would continue to be just as many saleable seats to dispose of in such a parliament, as in any former one. They would most likely, in such a case, be contracted for by a kind of conditional lease, for three, five, seven or more successive years, at a stipulated annual rent, according to the inclinations or views of the lessees. The borough brokers and masters of calculation would soon fix their market price for every supposeable term of years. Should it be in the power of a majority, or even of a considerable number of the members, thus to secure their places in parliament for any proposed time, what would it avail the nation that it were <i>called </i>an annual parliament ? In order to render so great a portion of corruption of no effect in the house, the knights of shires must be increased to a number that would preclude all possibility of sober counsel and debate. But in what conceivable of assembly would it be possible to admit such a degree <span style="font-size: x-small;">[87] </span>of corruption, without a certainty of its producing very ill effects! An annual parliament without an equal representation would be of no use; as, on the other hand, an equal representation without an annual parliament would afford us no security. Together, they would form a palladium of liberty. Venality would be banished, and tyranny bound. Why, in God's name, should we suffer any known and palpable corruption to contaminate the source of legislation!<br />
<b>76</b>. I only agree with a very great number of the best and wisest men of the age; when I say that except parliamentary prostitution be done clean away, the liberties of this country have not long to exist. I have endeavoured to do the duty of a citizen, by attempting to point out the ready means of effecting this great purpose. My fellow citizens must judge how far I have succeeded; and determine for themselves whether they will neglect them and sink into slavery, or adopt them and be free. May that Being who gave us our freedom inspire us with a due sense of so transcendent a blessing, and enable us to transmit it unimpaired to our posterity! <span style="font-size: x-small;">[88]</span><br />
<div align="center">
<b>CONCLUSION.</b></div>
I CANNOT but feel the strongest persuasion that the <i>facility </i>of annually electing our lower house of parliament, and of restoring a full, equal and perfect representation to the commons, is in the foregoing pages demonstrated: and I hope my reader agrees with me, in the idea of its being absolutely necessary to make these reforms immediately. Now it only remains to inspire him with a confidence that they may be effected, even against the whole force and fraud of ministerial opposition; and to adjure him, as he shall answer it hereafter, not to be wanting to <i>his </i>country on this great occasion: but to do his duty to that, I had almost said divine constitution, under which he lives, and under which he looks for peace and protection. No man can plead impotency without confessing disinclination. The poorest peasant of our state, I have shewn to be an important member of it; and that he hath as high a title to liberty as the most illustrious nobleman. I have shewn likewise that, in justice, the voice of the peasant goes as far as that of the richest commoner towards the nomination of a member of a parliament. The name of a peasant will consequently, be of as much value in a petition to<span style="font-size: x-small;"> [89]</span> the throne, or any public act of the commons in their social capacity, as that of any freeholder or borough voter whatever, It will be the signature of a freeman: of a man every way intitled to the protection of the laws, and competent to a share in the framing of them. To vindicate this right is doubtless of the last importance; for liberty, like learning, is best preserved by its being widely diffused through society. <i>Numbers </i>are its health, strength and life. But, to return, let my reader, if he have a wish for reformation, either recollect or read what is proposed in the conclusion of the political disquisitions, concerning a grand national association for restoring the constitution.<br />
It would be impertinent to repeat what is there written. I will only endeavour to throw in my small contribution towards removing the difficulties of carrying such a noble scheme into practice. As soon as leaders worthy of such a cause shall have made themselves known to the public (and such I have reason to believe will soon appear) it may be presumed that they will be provided with a concise and clear state, of the evils flowing from long parliaments; of the injustice and absurdity of such parliaments themselves; of the infinite advantages from their removal; and of the method proposed for this salutary work. They will doubtless lay a representation on <span style="font-size: x-small;">[90] </span>these matters before the king himself, and shew him how fatally he has been misadvised by his ministers. If his majesty's wisdom be in any degree proportioned to his known goodness of heart, he will be awakened as from a dream, and all will go well. He can at his pleasure make any parliaments annual by dissolutions; and, patronized by him, the whole plan for repairing the foundation and the fortifications of liberty will be executed with infinitely less trouble than it cost to pass the act for establishing popery in a British province, or to enact any one of those laws by which we weakly attempted to enslave the colonies. Such an act of wisdom and goodness would place the name of <i>George </i><i>the Third </i>the foremost on the roll of patriot kings: and the gratitude of his people would give him every thing in return short of adoration. He would then be great and powerfull [<i>sic</i>]indeed! But, should it be the misfortune of this country, that its sovereign should have been o effectually blinded to the only causes from which national prosperity, regal dignity and splendour can be derived; should the royal mind be warped by prejudice and unalterably fixed in a preference to certain men and their false principles of government; and should ever so expressly condemn the proposed reformation; yet, it must not be despaired of. If a king will not be a father to his people, they must take <span style="font-size: x-small;">[91]</span>care of themselves. For the sake of more formality, I will suppose our patriot leaders to make their next attempt in the house of commons. But we should be weak indeed to expect any better success in that quarter. Nevertheless such a proceeding would be highly proper: and it would be right to have a compleat bill for the purpose ready to lay upon the table, if <i>permitted. </i>The <i>jocular </i>Lord <i>North, </i>after once more diverting himself and his play-fellows with this 'popular squib,' gives the usual signal, and, it is no no no'd out of the house in an instant, and honour'd at its exit with a horse laugh.* An immediate publication, of it would however enable the people to judge, whether such a bill or such a house were most for their service. And it would then be high time that a national association were forthwith set on foot. But the principles upon which I have proceeded in this essay direct, that it should have a wider basis than that proposed by the author abovementioned. Instead of being confined to 'men of property, and to be subscribed by those only whose names are in any taxbook,' it must take in <i>every </i>man who shall prefer liberty to slavery. A slight reflection on the temper and disposition of the times will teach us, that it ought to be so concerted as not, by any means, to depend upon a<br />
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*Good God in heaven, how do some men trifle with the fate of this nation ! Further Examination, p. 230.</blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">[92] </span><i>coup de main for </i>its success: but so, as to grow into the approbation of the public more and more, as it should be more and more examined. Its intrinsic worth ought to be such, that it might at all times hereafter, though it failed at first, be appealed to as a model for a perfect parliament. Time, and circumstances, and sufferings from misgovernment, would one day or other bring it into use: but any great and sudden national calamity would instantly make all men come into it as into the ark of their preservation.. Our sufferings, if not our reason, are likely enough to drive us into it within a very short period of time; but, should we even allow that every servant of the crown and every member of parliament were an undoubted patriot, yet we could have no excuse whatever for delaying it; because the measure is right in itself, and a duty we owe to posterity; who might behold senators and courtiers of another cast. If we be in earnest to serve our country, we must have patience and perseverance as well as zeal. The patriot does not say to himself, 'I will labour in my country's cause for two or three, or for six or seven years;' and then, if disappointed, ' I will abandon it in vexation or despair:' no — the love of his country he finds .the ruling passion of his soul; and he knows that the duties of patriotism, the aggregate of all the minor social duties, cannot cease but with his vital, breath. It is to be hoped, therefore, <span style="font-size: x-small;">[93] </span>that amongst our leaders no unworthy ambition shall mix with this sacred business, no rashness dictate their counsels: but that wisdom, magnanimity, and an unconquerable spirit of perseverance shall regulate and distinguish their whole conduct. Besides the universality which seems to be essential to the scheme of an association, it must be framed with the utmost simplicity. The motives to it should be set forth as clearly and concisely as possible; the contrast between the evils to be removed and the advantages to be gained should be short and striking; the peasant should be taught to know his own importance; that a majority of the people have at all times a right to correct the government at their own discretion; should be inculcated and proved; and it should likewise be shewn, that a majority will always succeed in any thing they shall seriously and steadily attempt. A hand bill would be sufficient for this purpose. They should be circulated, together with the forms of the association, throughout every parish, and in the greatest abundance. And at the same time draughts of a petition to the throne, for his majesty's concurrence and aid towards procuring the object of the association, should likewise be circulated for subscriptions. But yet there is one measure which, above all others, would be necessary towards the prospering of our undertaking. The people must be <span style="font-size: x-small;">[94]</span> convinced that there is <b>no trick</b> in the business: that the leaders in it will not turn out<i> Pulteneys </i>or <i>F---ds</i>. In order hereto, it will be requisite, that these leaders should jointly subscribe and publish the most explicit declaration of their intentions; and the most sacred engagements that they will before all things persevere till death, both in and out of parliament, towards obtaining the great object of the proposed association, a parliamentary reformation. It were to be wished too they would confine themselves to this <b>one</b> article. It includes all the rest. Without this, nothing else can be obtained; and if they could, would not be worth contending for. But let them not amuse us with general terms and indefinite expressions. Let them say <b>what</b> this reformation shall be:—let them tell it us <b>exactly</b>, in all its particulars. Let us be thoroughly satisfied that we are not to be made the bubbles of their ambition; and when we shall have raised them to the high seats of power, that we shall not find our liberties in as low a condition as before.<br />
An association thus planned, thus patronized, thus conducted, would unite all parties; and soon take in almost the whole of the kingdom: — but why should I say <i>almost, </i>why should I suppose any man base enough, not to be of it? Neither the farmer, nor the mechanic <span style="font-size: x-small;">[95]</span> may perhaps know whether the Americans are right or wrong in opposing government; but <i>every man </i>knows that an assembly of honest men is to be preferred to an assembly of knaves. Hence we should soon see the wide difference between a party struggle, for petitions against addressess, and addresses against petitions; and a national invitation to all men of all parties to take care of their lives, liberties and properties. No man's party will suffer by an annual parliament; because no minister of what party soever can have an influence over it. By annual elections every man will be at liberty to vote for gentlemen of his own party once a year: and he will then find, by the help of very little experience, that men of sense, probity and religion, notwithstanding some immaterial differences of sentiment, are all of one party in politics; and will all agree in serving their country, and in keeping the power of kings and ministers within bounds. "A designing ministry desires no better than that the people's attention be engaged about trifling grievances, such as have employed us since the late peace. This gives them an opportunity of wreathing the yoke around our necks, because it gives them a pretence for increasing the military force. Instructing, petitioning, remonstrating, and the like, are good diversion for a court; because they know, that, in such ways, nothing will be done against their power. A grand national association for obtaining an independent pendent parliament would make them <span style="font-size: x-small;">[96] t</span>remble. For they know, that the nation, if in earnest, would have it, and that with the cessation of their influence in parliament, their power must end."* It will perhaps be said that 'the members of an association can only petition the throne; that 60,000 of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/petmovt.htm">subjects petitioned</a> in the year 1769 for a dissolution of the then parliament,† and were answered only by a royal nod, and that, no nod of approbation; whereupon the said 60,000 persons were obliged to put up quietly with the contempt they met with.' I answer, that an associated nation may do more than petition, or remonstrate either. There is nothing it cannot do but what is naturally impossible. It can level a throne with the earth, and trample authority in the dust. And it can do these things of <i>right. </i>Nothing but its own belief of their expediency to do it service, can preserve them from its destroying hand. But this nation knows too well the excellency of<br />
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
* Pol. Disq. v. 3, p: 455.<br />
† <i>Ibid</i>. p. 35. where you will likewise find these words; "It was moved in the house of commons, that, in their address, in answer to the above profound speech" (the king's upon the horned cattle) "the house should declare their intention of enquiring into the causes of the present discontents. Several of the courtly members gravely denied that there was any discontent in the kingdom, though they knew that 60000 had subscribed petitions for dissolution of parliament. They might have argued more plausibly, that there was no parliament then existing. For it will appear presently, that a tenth part of the above number sends in the majority of the house. And is the voluntary petition of 60,000 deserves no regard, surely the bought votes of 5000 ought to go for nothing.</blockquote>
</blockquote>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">[97]</span> its constitution of government, to think of doing the smallest injury to any branch of it. Associated to a man, the throne, the peerage, the house of representatives would be so far from being in danger, that, to rescue them from abuse, to repair them, to strengthen them, to re-edify and adorn them, could be its sole object.<br />
That such an association may take place, if need be, is my ardent prayer; and I hope there lives not that man upon our isle so unworthy of the society of men, who, if need were, would not subscribe it with his blood.<br />
<br />
<h2>
</h2>
<h2>
John Wilkes (1725-1798)</h2>
<img align="left" alt="Wilkes and daughter" border="1" src="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/images/wilkes2.jpg" hspace="7" style="filter: url("http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/wilkes.htm#hc_extension_off");" /><br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">John Wilkes and his daughter</span><span style="background-color: white;"></span><br />
John Wilkes was born on 17 October 1725. He was the second son of Israel Wilkes, a successful malt distiller from Clerkenwell. Wilkes was educated initially at an academy at Hertford and then had a private tutor. On 23 May 1747 he was married to Mary Meade, heiress of the manor of Aylesbury. This brought him a comfortable fortune and social status among the gentry of Buckinghamshire. Wilkes used his wife's money to set up as a country squire and to acquire political status. The couple had a daughter but their marriage did not last long. Wilkes' personal life was scandalous in an age of scandalous behaviour. [1]<br />
Wilkes was extremely ugly and had a dreadful squint but he was very witty. During one of his fights with the government he was invited to make up a table at cards but declined, saying: 'Do not ask me, for I am so ignorant that I cannot tell the difference between a king and a knave.' The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/sandwich.htm">Earl of Sandwich</a>'s comment that Wilkes would die either of the pox or on the gallows brought the response: 'That depends, my lord, whether I embrace your mistress or your principles.'<br />
Wilkes was a notorious rake who became involved with Sir Francis Dashwood and the Medmenham Abbey scandals: he was a member of the Hell-Fire Club that met in the ruins of St. Mary's Abbey at Medmenham for 'tasteful' orgies in 'romantic' surroundings of the ruined abbey. The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/social/hellfire.html">Hell Fire Club</a> had thirteen members including Dashwood, Wilkes, the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/bute.htm">Earl of Bute</a>, Thomas Potter (who was the son of Archbishop of Canterbury) and the Earl of Sandwich. Having been expelled from the club, Wilkes exposed its activities in the <i>North Briton </i>in 1762.<br />
In 1754, at the suggestion of Earl Temple (who was the brother of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/grenvill.htm">George Grenville</a> and the brother-in-law of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/pitt-e.htm">Pitt the Elder</a>), Wilkes stood unsuccessfully for <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/election.htm">election</a> to parliament for Berwick-upon-Tweed.. In 1757, after an election campaign said to have cost him £7,000 he was returned to parliament for Aylesbury. By this time, Wilkes was deep in debt but hoped to retrieve his fortunes by political advancement.<br />
In 1761 the Earl of Bute set up <i>The Briton</i> newspaper, edited by Smollett, to publicise his policies. Bute was a poor speaker and was not well liked in parliament because<br />
<ul>
<li>he was close to the king</li>
<li>he was Scottish</li>
<li>it was generally believed that he was having an affair with the king's mother</li>
</ul>
In 1762 Wilkes set up <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/grenmin.htm#northbri"><i>The North Briton</i></a><i> </i>as a rival paper which he used to attack, ridicule and abuse Bute and his administration. The paper labelled Bute 'the King's incompetent friend'. <i>North Briton</i> appealed to the widening readership of the age, especially middle classes and was the start of the 'paper tigers' in English journalism. It was indicative of social and political changes in England. Wilkes' attitude was fairly light-hearted until April 1763 and <i>Issue 45, </i>following the King's speech at the opening of parliament. In the speech, the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/p-paris.htm">Peace of Paris</a> was praised by the king as 'honourable to my Crown and beneficial to my people'. Wilkes said that the speech was Bute's work, to make it clear that he was not attacking the King.<br />
Wilkes denounced the king's speech and said the peace was corrupt and weak, not peace with honour. By this time, Bute had resigned and Grenville was PM although most of the Cabinet was the same and felt <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/grenmin.htm">Grenville's government</a> was to be attacked as severely by Wilkes as Bute's had been. Grenville wanted to discredit the opposition and distract public attention from the controversy of the peace. He felt the challenge could not be ignored so Grenville's government issued a General Warrant (one that did not name anyone specifically) for the arrest of 'the authors, printers and publishers of a seditious and treasonable paper, entitled the <i>North Briton</i>, Number XLV'. This act by the government raised three constitutional issues:<br />
<ul>
<li>Were General Warrants legal? Had been used in the past (even by Pitt) but legality was doubtful. Certainly were against ideals of the Glorious Revolution and contrary to Habeas Corpus</li>
<li>Could MPs be arrested for<b> </b>freedom of speech? Was it a move against parliamentary privilege?</li>
<li>Was the freedom of the Press endangered</li>
</ul>
<img align="left" src="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/images/wilkes.gif" hspace="7" />Wilkes seems to have wanted to provoke a fight with the ministers. Wilkes and forty-eight others who were involved with No. 45<i> </i>were arrested. Wilkes, as an MP, was sent to the Tower, awaiting trial. He had several influential friends especially Lord Temple and a group of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/whig.htm">Whigs</a>. These men purported to fear a return of royal absolutism and secured a Writ of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/dict.htm#habeas"><i>Habeas Corpus</i></a> which liberated Wilkes because Lord <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/camden.htm">Chief Justice Pratt</a> ordered his release on the grounds that his arrest was a breach of parliamentary privilege. Wilkes instituted actions for trespass against the secretary of state, the Earl of Halifax, and was tried by Lord Chief Justice Pratt who set a precedent by declaring General Warrants to be illegal and contrary to the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/b-rights.htm">Bill of Rights</a>. Wilkes prepared to continue his campaign and resumed publication of his newspaper and his seat in the Commons.<br />
From then on it was indirectly assumed that the press had the right to comment on and criticise parliament, and report debates. Wilkes was unpopular in parliament because he was a notorious rake, his social position was 'inferior' and he expressed extreme democratic views although to the electorate he became a symbol of liberty and radicalism.<br />
A second attack on him was carefully prepared by Wilkes' former friend in the Medmenham set, Lord Sandwich, now secretary of state. Sandwich had a personal grievance against Wilkes so he planned to strip Wilkes of immunity from prosecution by removing him from Parliament. The government secured the proof sheets of <i>Essay on Woman</i>, an obscene parody on Alexander Pope's <i>Essay on Man</i>, which had been written by Wilkes and Thomas Potter years before. Wilkes had started printing twelve copies, probably for the members of the Hell Fire Club. At the start of the parliamentary session in November 1763, the essay was read by Sandwich to the House of Lords, who voted it a libel and a breach of privilege. At the same time the Commons declared No. 45 of the <i>North Briton</i> a seditious libel. Wilkes had also broken the law by taking part in a duel provoked by exchanges in the House of Commons. During the Christmas recess, Wilkes went to Paris to visit his daughter and decided not to return to face prosecution. On 20 January 1764 the government carried the motion for his expulsion from the Commons. In February Wilkes was tried in his absence and was found guilty of publishing a seditious libel and an obscene and impious libel. Sentence was deferred pending his return, and in due course he was pronounced an outlaw.<br />
Between 1764 and 1768 Wilkes lived mainly in Paris, hoping that a change of ministry would bring in friends who would secure him relief and advancement. The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/rockymin.htm">ministry</a> of the second <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/rocky.htm">Marquis of Rockingham</a> paid Wilkes a pension so that he could stay in France but that ended with the fall of the ministry. The ministries <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/chatmin.htm">Chatham</a>, and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/graftmin.htm">Grafton</a> did nothing for Wilkes.<br />
By 1768 Wilkes' huge debts made a longer stay in Paris unsafe so he decided to return to England in the hope of securing re-election to Parliament. Wilkes was defeated in London but was <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/wilkpost.htm">elected for Middlesex</a>. The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/graftmin.htm">Middlesex election fiasco</a> led to further problems for the ministry. Although Wilkes was elected, the government declared the election null and void because Wilkes had been imprisoned. Another election was ordered and the government put forward Henry Lawes Luttrell as its candidate. Wilkes emerged the clear winner, so the election again was declared null. This happened again and on the fourth occasion Luttrell was declared to be the winner even though he had polled considerably fewer votes than Wilkes.<br />
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In 1769 the friends and supporters of Wilkes formed the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/ssbr.htm">Society for the Supporters of the Bill of Rights</a> (SSBR) to uphold his cause and pay his debts. During 1770 it became a political machine at his command. Removed from parliament, It may be that expediency made him embrace the radical program adopted in 1771 by the SSBR which called for<br />
<ul>
<li>shorter Parliaments</li>
<li>a wider franchise</li>
<li>the abolition of aristocratic 'pocket boroughs.'</li>
</ul>
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/u/1/null" name="BM1770"></a>In 1770 Wilkes was released from gaol and wanted revenge for being imprisoned in 1768 and for having his election in Middlesex nullified and seeing Luttrell installed as MP in his stead. Wilkes pursued his ambitions, becoming an alderman of the City of London in 1769, sheriff in 1771, and lord mayor in 1774. He had been given these posts as a token of esteem by the freeholders.<br />
Wilkes decided that the best way of obtaining revenge was by reporting parliamentary debates <i><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/dict.htm#verbati">verbatim</a></i>, to name speakers and comment on events. He also encouraged others to do likewise. His argument was that MPs could hardly claim to represent the people if the people did not know what was going on in parliament. MPs said that Wilkes' activities were a breach of parliamentary privilege: this was despite the fact that ordinary people were interested in political affairs.<br />
In order to enforce their privileges the House of Commons sent a messenger to arrest two of the printers of the debates. Wilkes arrested the messenger for violating the privileges of the City of London. The Commons ordered Wilkes and two other magistrates (who also happened to be MPs) to appear at the Bar of the House. Wilkes refused, unless he was allowed to take his seat; the other two obeyed and were imprisoned in the Tower of London for the rest of the parliamentary session.<br />
The release of the two men was greeted by demonstrations and a triumphal march. The Prime Minister, <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/north.htm">Lord North</a> decided not to pursue the issue. The Commons re-affirmed that the publication of debates was a breach of parliamentary privilege but made no attempt to enforce its order. Wilkes had won his point. From 1770 it was assumed that newspapers had the right to publish debates. The major newspapers began after 1770; for example, <i>The Times</i> was founded in 1785. This episode of the Wilkes affair was a victory for public opinion.In 1771 Wilkes prevented the arrest for breach of privilege of printers who reported parliamentary debates. As a magistrate of the city he frequently showed himself to be conscientious and enlightened, though he remained irresponsible in financial matters.<br />
Wilkes was elected as MP for Middlesex in 1774, after pledging himself to the radical programme. He spoke on a number of occasions against the American <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america.htm">Revolutionary War</a> and in 1776 he spoke in support of parliamentary reform. He acquired a reputation for insincerity and was reported to have admitted that his speeches against the ministers were solely to retain his popularity in London. From about 1779 his popularity waned. In 1780, during the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/gordon.htm">Gordon Riots</a>, he took firm action to put down the rioters, from whom a few years before he had been glad to receive support. In Middlesex he remained popular, being re-elected on his radical platform in 1780 and in 1784. In 1790 he found so little support in Middlesex that he declined to fight the election. He died in London on 26 December 1797.<br />
<hr />
[1] An illegitimate child, born in 1762 to his housekeeper Catherine Smith (d. 1795), was passed off as his nephew John Smith, a "papal nephew" as Wilkes put it. In 1782 Wilkes obtained a post for his son in India. Smith was stationed at Dinapore and wrote <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/wilkes3.htm">a number of letters</a> to his father asking for recommendations so that Smith could seek promotion. Smith added the name "Henry" to differentiate himself from at least one other "John Smith" in the East India Company. The most long-lasting affair was that with Amelia Arnold whom he set her up in a nearby house for the last two decades of his life. She was mother of an acknowledged daughter, Harriet Wilkes, born in 1778. She married William Rough, barrister-at-law, on 26 June 1802. They had five children; Harriet died in 1820.<br />
<br />
<h2>
Tooke, John Horne (1736-1812)</h2>
This article was written by Leslie Stephen and was published in 1898<br />
<hr />
<img align="left" src="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/images/horne-t.jpg" hspace="7" style="filter: url("http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/horne-t.htm#hc_extension_off");" />John Horne-Tooke, a politician and philologist, was born in Newport Street, Westminster, on 25 June 1736. He was the third of the seven children of John Horne, poulterer. Two brothers, both his elders, became tradesmen. Of his four sisters, one married Thomas Wildman, a friend of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/wilkes.htm">Wilkes</a>, and another was second wife of Stephen Charles Triboudet Demainbray, once tutor to <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/george3.htm">George III</a> and afterwards astronomer at Kew. The elder Horne had a lawsuit with <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/freddie.htm">Frederick</a>, prince of Wales, whose servants had made a passage from Leicester House through his premises. After establishing his legal rights Horne gave leave for the use of the passage. Frederick showed his sense of this handsome conduct by appointing Horne poulterer to his household. The result was that the prince, at his death, owed several thousand pounds to the poulterer, who never recovered the money. The younger Horne, according to his own notes, was sent in 1736 to the ‘Soho Square Academy,’ in 1744 to Westminster, in 1746 to Eton, and afterwards to private tutors at Sevenoaks (1753) and at Ravenstone, Northamptonshire (1754).<br />
He was from the first an ‘original.’ He cared nothing for games, and yet did not distinguish himself in lessons. He lost the sight of his right eye in a fight with a schoolfellow who had a knife in his hand, and ran away from his tutor in Kent, defending himself to his father on the ground of the tutor's ignorance of grammar. ‘He never was a boy,’ said an old lady who had known him as a child. In 1754 he entered St. John's College, Cambridge, and was ‘senior optime’ in the tripos of 1758, graduating B.A. in that year. He had a strong natural inclination for a legal career, and in 1756 he entered the Inner Temple. He kept some terms, and was intimate with Dunning (afterwards Lord Ashburton) and Kenyon. His father, however, insisted upon his taking orders, and bought for him the right of presentation to the chapel of ease at New Brentford, worth £200 or £300 a year.<br />
After graduating Horne was for a time usher in a school at Blackheath, and while there was ordained deacon. He was ordained priest on 23 November 1760, and began his clerical duties at Brentford. He is said to have delivered good practical sermons, and to have been often asked to preach for charities in London. He also studied medicine, and established a dispensary for the good of his parishioners. He was, however, accused of being too fond of cards and society. His creed, if he had one, was of the vaguest, and he was no doubt glad of a reason for leaving his duties to a curate. In 1763 he became travelling tutor to the son of John Elwes, the famous miser, and made a year's tour in France. Through the influence of his brother-in-law, Demainbray, Elwes, and other friends, he had a promise of a chaplaincy to the king and some hopes of preferment.<br />
On his return to England, however, he threw himself into the political excitement of the time. He published an anonymous pamphlet, called <i>The Petition of an Englishman</i> (1765), <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/grenmin.htm">defending</a> Wilkes in violent language and challenging prosecution. He promised the publisher to give up his name if a prosecution took place. The authorities, however, refrained, because, as his biographer surmises, they did not wish to attract attention to Horne's insinuations about <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/bute.htm">Bute</a>'s relations to the king's mother ingeniously conveyed by a plan of their houses at Kew. In any case Horne escaped, and in 1765 made another tour with the son of a Mr. Taylor. On landing in France he dropped his clerical dress. At Calais he made the acquaintance of Thomas Sheridan (1719-1788) and his wife, and at Paris was first introduced to Wilkes. Wilkes welcomed him as the author of the pamphlet just mentioned and the brother-in-law of Wildman. They became intimate and agreed to correspond. Horne visited Voltaire at Ferney, met Sterne at Lyons, travelled in Italy, and afterwards went to Montpellier. Thence, on 3 January 1766, he wrote an unlucky letter to Wilkes, apologising for having had the ‘infectious hand of a bishop waved over him,’ but declaring that the usual results had not followed, for the devil of hypocrisy had not entered his heart. He was afterwards in Paris, and did not return to England till May 1767, when he left with Wilkes five very unclerical suits of clothes, intending to return and use them in a few months. He resumed his functions at Brentford until the return of Wilkes and the famous <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/graftmin.htm">Middlesex election</a> of 1768.<br />
Horne then took up Wilkes's cause with enthusiasm. He pledged himself to the full value of his means in order to secure the two best inns at Brentford for Wilkes's supporters. He made speeches, in one of which he was reported to have said that in such a cause he would ‘dye his black coat red.’ He addressed a series of fierce letters to one of the ministerial candidates, Sir W. B. Proctor, which again escaped prosecution, and he took an active part in the subsequent agitation. He made himself conspicuous by his efforts to obtain the conviction for murder of a soldier who during the St. George's Fields riots (10 May 1768) had by mistake shot an innocent spectator. He promoted the prosecution of one Quirk, who, during the next election at Brentford (8 December 1768), when Serjeant Glynn became Wilkes's colleague, had killed a man by a blow on the head with a bludgeon. In 1769 he successfully opposed (4 September) the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/bedford.htm">Duke of Bedford</a> in the election of the mayor and bailiffs of the town of Bedford, where Horne happened to have an interest. ‘<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/francis.htm">Junius</a>’ taunted the duke <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/junius/23.htm">upon his defeat</a>. Horne also attacked <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/onslow.htm">George Onslow</a> (1731-1792), who, after defending Wilkes, had become a lord of the treasury (11 July 1769). Horne accused him in the <i>Public Advertiser </i>of selling an office at his disposal. He repeated the charge in answer to an indignant reply from Onslow, who then brought an action, which was tried at Kingston before <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/blacksto.htm">Blackstone</a>. The prosecutor was nonsuited upon a technical point. Another trial, however, took place before <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/mansfld.htm">Lord Mansfield</a> at the next assizes. Horne was then indicted for words applied to Onslow at a meeting of Surrey freeholders. A verdict was given against him, with £400 damages. Horne appealed against this judgment on the ground that the words used were not actionable, and the verdict was finally set aside in the court of common pleas (17 April 1771). Horne's accusation was apparently unfounded; but the lawsuit is said to have cost Onslow £1,500 while Horne spent only £200. As Horne was known to have himself suggested the successful line of argument to his counsel, his triumph over <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/mansfld.htm">Mansfield</a> brought him great reputation. The repeated expulsions of Wilkes in 1769 led to the formation of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/ssbr.htm">Society for supporting the Bill of Rights</a>. Subscriptions had already been proposed for the payment of Wilkes's debts; but as the sums raised were insufficient, the society was formed on 20 February 1769. It met at the London Tavern, included all the prominent city agitators, and raised considerable sums to discharge Wilkes's liabilities and to provide for election expenses. Horne was also supposed to be author, in part at least, of the address presented to the king by the city on 14 March 1770, and the sole author of the address on 23 May. He is credited with having composed the so-called impromptu reply made by Beckford to the king's answer to the last address. This claim, however, is very doubtful; it was made by Horne long afterwards, and his memory may well have been treacherous. In an account given to the newspapers Horne said that on the first address the king ‘burst out laughing,’ and added that ‘Nero fiddled while Rome was burning.’ On describing the second, he apologised ironically by admitting that ‘Nero did not fiddle while Rome was burning.’<br />
Before long Horne fell out with his associates. According to his own account he had supported Wilkes purely on public grounds, and had long since ceased to respect his private character. He now thought that the society was being carried on to support Wilkes personally, instead of being used in defence of the political cause. A printer named Bingley, concerned in reprinting the <i>North Briton</i>, had refused to answer certain interrogatories, and had been committed by Lord Mansfield for contempt of court on 7 November 1768. He was still in prison in 1771, when (22 January) the society voted that its funds should be first applied to the payment of Wilkes's debt. On 12 February Horne carried a motion that £500 should be raised for the benefit of Bingley, who had, he said, suffered and deserved nearly as much as Wilkes. On 26 February another meeting was held, at which it was carried by a small majority that no new subscriptions should be opened until all Wilkes's debts should have been discharged. Horne and Wilkes had afterwards a violent altercation, when Horne moved that the society should be dissolved. The motion was rejected by a majority of twenty-six to twenty-four. The minority immediately withdrew and formed the Constitutional Society, which was to carry on the agitation without regard to Wilkes's private interests. The dispute produced a correspondence between Horne and Wilkes in the <i>Public Advertiser</i>. Horne had already replied (14 Jan. 1771) in that paper to some charges of misapplying the funds of the society made against him by Wilkes's friends, and probably with Wilkes's approval. A long and angry controversy now followed. Wilkes had shown to his friends the letter addressed to him by Horne from Montpellier. Horne retorted by a story insinuating that the smart suits which he had left with Wilkes at Paris had been pawned by his friend. He went into a number of details to show that Wilkes had been extravagant, and incurred new debts as fast as the old ones had been paid off by his supporters. He also gave the history of the proceedings of the supporters of the Bill of Rights; but the petty personalities, to which Wilkes made more or less satisfactory answers, injured his case. He was thought to be moved by personal malignity, and to be deserting the popular cause. In the following election of sheriffs for the city Horne supported <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/oliver.htm">Richard Oliver</a> who had seceded from the society with him against Wilkes. Horne was hereupon accused by Junius of having gone over to the government. He replied with spirit, and was the most successful antagonist of his formidable enemy. He lost all his popularity, however. Oliver, on the poll (1 July), was hopelessly beaten both by Wilkes and the government candidates. Horne was burnt in effigy by the mob and was for the time equally unpleasing to the patriots and to the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/tory.htm">tories</a>.<br />
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In 1771 Horne applied for the degree of M.A. at Cambridge, and, though Paley objected on account of the remarks upon bishops in the letter to Wilkes, the grace for the degree was passed by a large majority. According to his biographers, Horne both suggested the publication of the debates which led to the famous struggle between the House of Commons and the city authorities and prompted the course of action adopted by <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/wilkes.htm">Wilkes</a>, <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/crosby.htm">Crosby</a>, and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/oliver.htm">Oliver</a>. Whether Horne was really at the bottom of this affair may be doubtful. In any case, the credit went to the more conspicuous actors. By this time he had sufficiently destroyed any chances of church preferment, and had lost his popularity as a politician. He had, however, shown his abilities in legal warfare, and resolved to be called to the bar. Some of his city friends guaranteed him an annuity of £400 until he should be called; but, though he accepted their promise, he never took the money. In 1773 he resigned his living, but continued to live in the neighbourhood of Brentford, and, besides continuing his legal studies, began to take up philology.<br />
One of his political supporters, William Tooke, had bought an estate at Purley, near Croydon. In 1774 an enclosure bill had been brought into the House of Commons which affected Tooke's interests at this place. Finding that it would probably be passed, he applied to Horne for help. Horne thought that a direct opposition was too late to succeed, but suggested another scheme. He wrote a violent attack in the <i>Public Advertiser </i>upon the speaker, Sir Fletcher Norton, attributing to him the grossest partiality in regard to the treatment of petitions in this case, and charging him with ‘wilful falsehood and premeditated trick.’ The house summoned the printer, Woodfall, to the bar, and, upon his giving up Horne's name, summoned Horne himself. Horne declined to inculpate himself, and the evidence of his authorship was held to be insufficient. After some sharp debates both printer and author escaped. Horne was discharged from custody, and Woodfall set free after a few days' imprisonment. Meanwhile sufficient notice had been attracted to the ‘obnoxious clauses’ of the enclosure bill, and they were withdrawn. <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/cjfox.htm">Fox</a> in these debates took a strong part against Horne, and is said to have incurred his lasting dislike.<br />
The Wilkes agitation was dying out, but the Constitutional Society had continued its meetings and found a new opportunity. On 7 June 1775 some of the members passed a resolution which was published in the newspapers. It directed that a subscription should be raised on behalf of ‘our beloved American fellow subjects’ who had ‘preferred death to slavery,’ and ‘were for that reason only inhumanly murdered by the king's troops’ at the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america/lex.htm">Lexington</a> skirmish (19 April 1775). Horne was to pay the money to Franklin. No notice was immediately taken, but in 1776 some of the printers of the newspapers were fined, and in the next year Horne was himself tried before Lord Mansfield (4 July 1777). Horne defended himself, as usual, with immense vigour and pertinacity, disputing points of law, referring to his former victory over Mansfield, and justifying the assertions in the advertisement. He was, however, convicted, and afterwards sentenced to a fine of £200 and imprisonment for a year. In 1778 he brought a writ of error in parliament, but the judgment was finally affirmed.<br />
Horne was now confined in the king's bench prison. He was allowed to occupy a house ‘within the rules,’ was visited by his political friends, and had a weekly dinner with them at the <i>Dog and Duck</i>. While imprisoned he published a <i>Letter to Dunning</i> (dated 21 April 1778), which had a curious relation to his studies. The question had arisen during his trial whether the words ‘She, knowing that Crooke had been indicted, did so and so,’ must be taken as an averment that Crooke had been indicted. Horne argued that the phrase was equivalent to the two propositions, ‘Crooke had been indicted,’ ‘She knowing that, did so and so.’ The argument led to theories about the grammar of conjunctions and prepositions, afterwards expounded at greater length in his chief work. ‘All that is worth anything in the <i>Diversions of Purley</i>,’ said <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/coleridg.htm">Coleridge</a>, ‘is contained in’ this pamphlet. It certainly gives Tooke's characteristic doctrine.<br />
Tooke attributed the gout, from which he suffered ever afterwards, to the claret which he drank in the prison, and which had, on the other hand, cured him of the ‘jail-distemper.’ He hoped after his discharge to be called to the bar, and had many promises of briefs. He applied in Trinity term 1779, but was rejected on the ground of his being still in orders by a vote of eight against three benchers of the Inner Temple. The benchers of the other inns expressed their approval of his exclusion. He renewed the attempt in 1782, when the influence of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/shelburn.htm">Lord Shelburne</a>, then prime minister, was supposed to be favourable. Shelburne appears to have taken the other side, and, in any case, the application was rejected by a majority of one. In 1794 his name was again among the candidates, but no bencher moved for his call. The failure soured and embittered the remainder of his life.<br />
Tooke had now inherited some fortune from his father. He bought a small estate at Witton, near Huntingdon, and tried agricultural experiments. He suffered from ague, and soon sold the estate to the previous owner and returned to London. He lived in Dean Street, Soho, with two girls, Mary and Charlotte Hart, his illegitimate daughters. He was well known in London society, gave suppers which became famous, was eager in political discussions, and frequently spent a month or two with his friend Tooke at Purley. In 1782 he added the name of Tooke to his own, at the request, as it appears, of his friend. The change was naturally supposed to indicate that he was to be Tooke's heir. The friendship was also commemorated by the title of his book, <i>Epea Ptepoenta, or the Diversions of Purley</i>, the first volume of which was published in 1786. It was received with considerable favour and established his literary reputation. He did not, however, withdraw from political agitation. When the demand for parliamentary and financial reform was stimulated by the failure of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/america.htm">American contest</a>, Horne took part in the new societies which sprang into activity. He joined the ‘Society for Constitutional Information,’ founded in April 1780, of which <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/cartwright.htm">Major John Cartwright</a> (1740-1824) was called the ‘father.’ This took the place of the old ‘Constitutional Society’ founded by Horne in 1771, which had apparently expired. Horne Tooke supported <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/pitt.htm">Pitt</a>'s early proposals for <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/pitt/reformpi.htm">parliamentary reform</a>, and in 1782 went at the head of some Westminster delegates to thank Pitt for his first motion on the subject. He was bitterly opposed to the coalition ministry; and in 1788 joined a ‘constitutional club,’ of which Pitt and others were members, formed to support Admiral Hood, the government candidate, during the Westminster election, at which, however, Fox secured the return of Lord John Townshend. (There has been some confusion between Horne Tooke's old ‘Constitutional Club,’ the ‘Society for Constitutional Information,’ and this ‘Constitutional Club.’). On this occasion Horne Tooke published a pamphlet called <i>Two Pair of Portraits</i>, contrasting the two Pitts —very much to their advantage — with the two Foxes. Horne Tooke was indifferent in the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/hastings.htm">Warren Hastings</a> impeachment, but in 1790 he came forward himself to oppose Fox in the election for Westminster. He denounced his rival vigorously, and spoke effectively on the hustings. He received 1,679 votes, and spent, it is said, only £28, but was defeated by a large majority. His petition to the House of Commons on the ground of the riotous conduct of the electors was declared by a vote of the house (7 February 1791) to be ‘frivolous and vexatious.’ By an act passed in 1789 this made him responsible for the costs incurred. Fox accordingly brought an action against him for £198. 2s. 2d. The case was tried before Kenyon on 30 April 1792, and a verdict found for the plaintiff. Horne Tooke's health was suffering, and he now retired to a house at Wimbledon, where he amused himself with gardening and cowkeeping, and received his friends on Sundays. He continued to attend meetings of the ‘<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/corrsoc.htm">Society for Constitutional Information</a>.’ They sympathised with the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/france.htm">French revolution</a>, and Horne attended a meeting in 1790 to commemorate the taking of the Bastille. When, however, a resolution expressing sympathy with the French was proposed by <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/sheridan.htm">Sheridan</a>, Horne Tooke brought forward and carried an amendment to the effect that the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/18c-con.htm">British constitution</a> required no violent measures of reform. In spite of this, Horne Tooke soon became an object of suspicion. He thought that he could make a point against the government by entrapping them into a futile prosecution. He amused himself by the rather dangerous experiment of making sham confessions to a spy. A letter from one of his friends, Jeremiah Joyce, was seized, stating that ‘Citizen <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/hardy.htm">Hardy</a>’ had been arrested, and asking ‘Is it possible to get ready by Thursday?’ The reference was, as Horne Tooke afterwards proved, to a proposed publication of a list of sinecure places. The authorities, as he had calculated, took it to refer to a rising, and he was at once arrested (16 May 1794).<br />
The government had been alarmed by the rapid growth of the ‘<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/corrsoc.htm">corresponding societies</a>’ founded by Thomas Hardy (1752-1832). These societies had circulated Paine's writings, had been in communication with the French revolutionary leaders, and had organised the ‘convention’ which met in Edinburgh in 1793. Horne Tooke's ‘Society for Constitutional Information’ had co-operated to some extent with them; while the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/politics/whig.htm">whig</a> society called the ‘Friends of the People’ endeavoured to keep the agitation within safe limits. Joseph Gerrald and others had been most severely punished for their proceedings in Scotland, and Horne Tooke was likely to find that his playing at treason would turn out awkwardly. Other arrests were made, and the proceedings began by the trial of Hardy. Hardy's trial, however, resulted in an acquittal (5 November 1794). The government foolishly persisted, and Horne Tooke was placed at the bar on 17 November charged with high treason. He was defended by <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/erskine.htm">Erskine</a> and Vicary Gibbs, but took an active part himself in examining witnesses and arguing various points of law. The letter from Joyce was explained, and the only ground for suspicion was the prisoner's relations with the corresponding societies. Chief-justice Eyre tried the case with conspicuous fairness, and the jury almost instantly returned a verdict of ‘not guilty’ on 22 November. Horne Tooke returned thanks in a short speech which seems to express the truth. His politics were those of the old-fashioned city patriots, who disliked the whig aristocracy, but would have been the first to shrink from a violent revolution. Major Cartwright quoted at the trial Horne's familiar remark that he might accompany <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/paine.htm">Paine </a>and his followers for part of their journey. They might go on to Windsor, but he would get out at Hounslow. He always disliked Paine and ridiculed his theories. He enjoyed taking the chair at the Crown and Anchor and elsewhere to denounce the aristocracy and approve vigorous manifestoes, but he was always cautious and struck out dangerous phrases. He was too infirm and too fond of his books and his Wimbledon garden to be a real conspirator. The chief justice admitted, in his summing up, that Horne was apparently ‘the last man in England’ to be open to such a suspicion, and only regretted that his association with Hardy had given some grounds for hesitation. Horne from this time became more cautious, and was accused of timidity by the zealous. He returned to Wimbledon to be welcomed after months of absence by his family, and especially by a favourite tomcat. He was, however, poor, and thought of retiring to a cottage. His friends thereupon raised a subscription and bought for him from <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/burdett.htm">Sir Francis Burdett</a> an annuity of £600. This, with a legacy from his eldest brother, put him at ease.<br />
At the general election of 1796 Horne Tooke again stood for Westminster, against Fox and Admiral Sir Alan Gardner, the ministerial candidate. He spoke frequently, and claimed support as a political martyr and the candidate ‘most hated by Pitt.’ The poll lasted fifteen days, and he received 2,819 votes, 5,160 being given for Fox, and 4,814 for Gardner. The election cost £1,000, which was, however, advanced to him by a ‘man of rank.’ His old enemy Wilkes spoke in his favour, and plumped for him on the first day of the poll. Horne Tooke now made the acquaintance of Sir Francis Burdett, who became his political disciple, and of other men of similar opinions. Among them was Thomas Pitt, second lord Camelford, the duellist, who at the general election of 1801 brought him in for <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/constitu/parlrep.htm#sarum">Old Sarum</a>. He made two or three speeches in opposition to the ministry, but a protest was at once made by Lord Temple against the eligibility of a person in holy orders. After examining precedents, a bill was introduced by <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/addingto.htm">Addington</a>, declaring the ineligibility of the clergy. Horne Tooke proposed as a compromise that clergymen elected to the house should be incapable of holding preferment or accepting offices. The bill, however, passed; though opposed in the House of Commons by Fox, Horne Tooke's old enemy, and in the lords by <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/thurlow.htm">Thurlow</a>, who had prosecuted him in the libel case of 1777, but had since become his friend at Wimbledon. Horne Tooke retained his seat for the short remainder of the parliament. Thenceforward he lived quietly at Wimbledon.<br />
William Tooke, with whom he had had some difficulties, died on 25 November 1802, and, instead of making Horne Tooke his heir, left him only £500, besides cancelling certain obligations due from him. Horne Tooke had insisted that half the property should be left to a Colonel Harwood, William Tooke's nephew, and had further agreed with Harwood to divide the property equally. William Tooke now left the bulk of his fortune to a great-nephew; but Horne Tooke, in virtue of this agreement, claimed £4,000 from Harwood. A violent dispute and a suit in chancery followed; and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/eldon.htm">Lord Eldon</a> declared that one or other of the disputants must be lying. Apparently Horne Tooke invested the money in buying annuities from Burdett for his daughters and their mother.<br />
In 1805 Horne Tooke published the second part of the <i>Diversions of Purley</i>, by which he made a considerable sum: he received between four and five thousand pounds on the whole, partly by subscriptions. He had written, it seems, as much as would make another volume, but in his last illness he burnt all his papers, including this and a voluminous correspondence.<br />
Tooke's house at Wimbledon still remains [i.e. 1898], though altered since his time. It is the southernmost in the line of houses which bounds the common on the west, extending towards the so-called ‘Cæsar's Camp.’ Here he entertained select parties on weekdays, and kept open house for guests of every variety on Sunday. His four-o'clock dinners were very substantial, and followed by a dessert from the fruit which he raised with great skill, and by ample supplies of port and madeira. Among the guests were Thurlow, Erskine, and Lord Camelford. Other visitors were <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/bentham.htm">Bentham</a>, Coleridge. <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/mackinto.htm">Mackintosh</a>, who had become known to him as his supporter in the Westminster election of 1790, Godwin and Paine, both of whom he ridiculed; Gilbert Wakefield; Alexander Geddes, the freethinking catholic priest, and William Bosville. Horne Tooke, though he became abstemious in later years, often drank freely, and Stephens records disputes with Porson and Boswell, both settled by drinking matches. In both cases Horne Tooke left his antagonists under the table. Sir Francis Burdett, his neighbour at Wimbledon, introduced <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/paull.htm">James Paull</a>, who became a regular guest for a time; but on the duel between Burdett and Paull in 1807, Horne Tooke published a pamphlet (<i>A Warning to the Electors of Westminster</i>) denouncing Paull with great severity.<br />
Horne Tooke suffered from a local affection from early youth, and became a martyr to gout and other diseases in his later years. He bore his sufferings with much courage, and his mind remained active to the last. He still read voraciously when in tolerable health, and talked calmly of his approaching death. He prepared a tomb to be placed in his garden. It was to be covered by a large block of black Irish marble which Chantrey had procured for him. He died at Wimbledon on 18 March 1812, and desired to be buried under this tomb, over which Burdett was to pronounce a classical oration. The inscription gave simply his name with the dates of birth and death, and added ‘content and grateful.’ It was decided, however, that the tomb would ‘deteriorate the value of his estate,’ and he was therefore buried at Ealing with the usual ceremony. His will bequeaths all his property to his daughter Mary Hart. She and her sister were, it is said, ‘eminently respectable and correct,’ and the omission from his will of the name of the younger implied no resentment. Horne Tooke had also a son named Montague, who was in the East India Company's service.<br />
Horne Tooke is described as a sturdy and muscular man, 5 feet 8¾ inches in height. He was ‘comely,’ with a keen eye, and dressed like a substantial merchant. A portrait by Richard Brompton, painted during his imprisonment in 1777, is now in the possession of the Rev. Benjamin Gibbons. A bust of him was executed by the elder Bacon for Sir F. Burdett. Another was made during his last illness by Chantrey, and is now in the Fitzwilliam Museum at Cambridge. A portrait by Mr. S. Percy was in the exhibition of 1803. A portrait in the National Portrait Gallery is attributed to Thomas Hardy, though his fellow-prisoner of that name can hardly have been the painter.<br />
Horne Tooke has suffered in reputation from the hard fate which forced into holy orders a man eminently qualified for a career at the bar. His boundless pugnacity and his shrewdness in legal warfare would have made him a dangerous rival of Dunning and Kenyon. He seems to have been far the shrewdest of the agitators made conspicuous by the Wilkes controversies. He was apparently quite honest, though his public spirit was stimulated by his litigious propensities and love of notoriety. His politics were rather cynical than sentimental. He was a type of the old-fashioned British radical, who represented the solid tradesman's jealousy of the aristocratic patron rather than any democratic principle. He appealed to Magna Charta and the revolution of 1688; ridiculed the ‘rights of man’ theorists; and boasted with some plausibility that he was in favour of anything established. He was even a ‘great stickler for the church of England,’ on the ground, that is, of practical utility, and its doctrine correctly interpreted by Hoadly or Paley, not by the orthodox divines.<br />
As a philologist, Horne Tooke deserves credit for seeing the necessity of studying Gothic and Anglo-Saxon, and learnt enough to be much in advance of Johnson in that direction; although his views were inevitably crude as judged by a later standard. His philology was meant to subserve a characteristic philosophy. Locke, he said, had made a happy mistake when he called his book an essay upon human understanding, instead of an essay upon grammar. Horne Tooke, in fact, was a thorough nominalist after the fashion of Hobbes; he especially ridiculed the ‘Hermes’ of Harris, and Monboddo, who had tried to revive Aristotelean logic; held that every word meant simply a thing; and that reasoning was the art of putting words together. Some of his definitions on this principle became famous; as that truth means simply what a man ‘troweth;’ and that right means simply what is ruled, whence it follows that right and wrong are as arbitrary as right and left, and may change places according to the legislator's point of view.<br />
Horne Tooke had many disciples. Hazlitt in 1810 published a grammar in which the ‘discoveries’ of Horne Tooke were ‘for the first time incorporated.’ Charles Richardson was a warm disciple who defended him against Dugald Stewart, and who, in his dictionary (1837), accepted the doctrines of the ‘immortal’ Horne Tooke, the ‘philosophical grammarian who alone was entitled to the name of discoverer'.<br />
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<br />Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6187580317170021458.post-42321919503179865622018-08-28T03:38:00.000-07:002018-08-28T03:38:06.370-07:00Chartism<br />
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<h2>
<span style="background-color: white;">Chartism</span></h2>
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<table cellspacing="5"><tbody>
<tr><td valign="TOP" width="50%"><h3>
<span style="background-color: white;">Primary Sources</span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Information</span></h3>
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<tr><td valign="TOP" width="50%"><ul>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/contchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">Contemporary views of Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/peopchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">The Charter</a></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/petit42.htm">The 1842 Petition</a> (text)</span></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/debate42.htm" style="background-color: white;">The debate on the 1842 Petition</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/1842pet.htm" style="background-color: white;">The procession of the 1842 Petition</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/debate48.htm" style="background-color: white;">The debate on the 1848 Petition</a></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;">Thomas Attwood's speech on the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/attchar.htm">1839 Charter</a></span></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/barnchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">The Barnsley Manifesto</a></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/carlyle.htm">Thomas Carlyle</a> on Chartism</span></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/holberry.htm" style="background-color: white;">The trial of Samuel Holberry</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/images48.htm" style="background-color: white;">Images of Chartism, 1848</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/lloyd.htm" style="background-color: white;">The Trials of Lloyd and Warden</a></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/macaulay.htm">Thomas Macaulay</a>'s speech <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/macaulay.htm">against Chartism</a></span></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/napier.htm" style="background-color: white;">Sir Charles Napier on Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/soldier.htm" style="background-color: white;">Sir Charles Napier on Nottingham Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/newmove.htm" style="background-color: white;">New Move Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/lda.htm" style="background-color: white;">Objects of the London Democratic Association</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/pilling.htm" style="background-color: white;">Richard Pilling's defence at his trial</a></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;">The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/demands.htm">reasons and arguments</a> behind the Chartist demands (1841)</span></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/rothchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">The Rotherham Handbill</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/stephens.htm" style="background-color: white;">Joseph Rayner Stephens on Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/ultmeas.htm" style="background-color: white;">Ulterior Measures</a></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;">The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/char1848.htm">Chartist Demonstration</a> in London, 1848</span></li>
</ul>
</td><td valign="TOP" width="50%"><ul>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/whatchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">What Chartism was</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/charchro.htm" style="background-color: white;">A Chartist Chronology</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/causcha.htm" style="background-color: white;">Causes of Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/eventcha.htm" style="background-color: white;">Framework of events</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/signchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">The significance of Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/govchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">The Government and Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/failchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">Reasons for the failure of Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/divchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">Divisions in Chartism</a></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/42petit.htm">The 1842 Petition</a> (narrative of events)</span></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/acllchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">Chartism and the Anti-Corn-Law League</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/barnsley.htm" style="background-color: white;">Barnsley Radicalism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/birchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">Birmingham Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/irishcha.htm" style="background-color: white;">Irish influences on Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/landplan.htm" style="background-color: white;">The Land Plan</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/leedchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">Leeds Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/leicchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">Leicester Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/lonchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">London Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/manchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">Manchester Chartism</a></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/keychar1.htm">Chartist areas 1837-9</a> (map)</span></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/keychar2.htm">Chartist areas 1842-8</a> (map)</span></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/newport.htm" style="background-color: white;">The Newport Rising</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/nstar.htm"><i style="background-color: white;">The Northern Star</i></a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/nottchar.htm" style="background-color: white;">Nottingham Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/plugplot.htm" style="background-color: white;">The Plug Plots</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/ocville.htm" style="background-color: white;">O'Connorville</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/sychar.htm" style="background-color: white;">South Yorkshire Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/splinter.htm" style="background-color: white;">Splinter movements from Chartism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/wcchart.htm" style="background-color: white;">West Country Chartism</a></li>
</ul>
</td></tr>
<tr><td valign="TOP" width="50%"><h3>
<span style="background-color: white;">People</span></h3>
</td><td valign="TOP" width="50%"><h3>
<span style="background-color: white;">Model Essays</span></h3>
</td></tr>
<tr><td valign="TOP" width="50%"><ul>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/attwood.htm" style="background-color: white;">Thomas Attwood</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/cooper.htm" style="background-color: white;">Thomas Cooper</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/hetherin.htm" style="background-color: white;">Henry Hetherington</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/hobson.htm" style="background-color: white;">Joshua Hobson</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/lovett.htm" style="background-color: white;">William Lovett</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/napier.htm" style="background-color: white;">Sir Charles Napier</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/obrien.htm" style="background-color: white;">James Bronterre O'Brien</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/oconnor.htm" style="background-color: white;">Feargus O'Connor</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/place.htm" style="background-color: white;">Francis Place</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/stephbio.htm" style="background-color: white;">Joseph Rayner Stephens</a></li>
</ul>
</td><td valign="TOP" width="50%"><ul>
<li><span style="background-color: white;"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/ac-ch-mod.htm">The Anti-Corn-Law League and Chartism</a> (model essay</span></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/o%27conmod.htm">O'Connor model essay</a> (1)</span></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/o%27conmod.htm">O'Connor model essay</a> (2)</span></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/lplanmod.htm">The Land Plan</a> (model essay)</span></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/charmod.htm">Chartism</a> (model essay) "<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/charmod2.htm">The roots of Chartism</a> lay in economic hardship, not in the lack of political rights." Do you agree?</span></li>
</ul>
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<hr />
<table style="width: 100%px;"><tbody>
<tr><td width="19%"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/marjie.htm" style="background-color: white;">Meet the web creator</a></td><td width="56%"><div align="center">
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>These materials may be freely used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with applicable statutory allowances and distribution to students. </b></span><br /><b>Re-publication in any form is subject to written permission.</b></span></div>
</td><td width="25%"><div align="left">
<span style="background-color: white;">Last modified 4 March, 2016</span></div>
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<h2>
<span style="background-color: white;">Manchester Chartism</span></h2>
<span style="background-color: white;"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/man1844.htm">Manchester</a> was the heart of the cotton zone, and society in early <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/mterkay.htm">industrial Manchester</a> was centred almost exclusively on its cotton industry. In 1835, between 66% and 75% of Lancashire's male population was engaged more-or-less directly in production or sale of cotton textiles. It was a pure <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/factory.htm">factory town</a>, owing its entire existence to cotton. Not only was it the 'showpiece of the industrial revolution', it was also '<i>the greatest mere village in England</i>' (Defoe). There was a blend of fascination with the industrial revolution and a fear of it and what it had created. In 1844 Engels went to Manchester to gather information as evidence for the distribution of wealth. His work was later used by Karl Marx for his book, <i>Das Kapital</i>.</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white;">In Manchester the economic basis of class consciousness was being laid: it was felt by industrialists and workers alike. Masters and men faced each other in hostility; tension existed in booming cotton factories as the gulf in the class system developed. All that was needed to turn that consciousness into conflict was an economic or political crisis. This is what happened on occasions between 1790 and 1850. Lancashire was vulnerable because cotton relied on imported materials; any trade disruption <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/marybart.htm">hit hard</a>. Manchester was also the home of economic radicalism. Traditionally it was an area of radicalism. In the 1790s the Manchester <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/18reform/corrsoc.htm">Corresponding Society </a>was set up and established its own newspaper, the <i>Manchester Herald</i>. The <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/peterloo.htm">Peterloo Massacre</a> had taken place there in 1819. In 1821 the newly-established <i>Manchester Guardian</i> campaigned for <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/ricardo.htm">David Ricardo</a>'s economic reforms and the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/acll.htm">Anti-Corn-Law League</a> started in the town, which was the home of the "Manchester School" of free traders.</span><br />
<h3>
<span style="background-color: white;">Economic Conditions in the 1830s</span></h3>
<ol type="a">
<li><span style="background-color: white;">by June 1837, some 50,000 workers in Manchester alone were either unemployed or on short time because of the collapse in trade.</span></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;">as factories increased in numbers, so the spread of machinery caused distress for hand spinners and weavers.</span></li>
<br />
<center>
<table border="0" cellspacing="0" style="width: 46%px;"><tbody>
<tr><td><span style="background-color: white;">In 1830</span></td><td width="45%"><span style="background-color: white;">60,000 power looms</span></td><td width="33%"><span style="background-color: white;">240,000 hand looms</span></td></tr>
<tr><td><span style="background-color: white;">by 1860</span></td><td colspan="2" valign="TOP"><div align="right">
<span style="background-color: white;">power loom supremacy was almost complete</span></div>
</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2"><b style="background-color: white;">Wages of handloom weavers fell</b></td><td><span style="background-color: white;"> </span></td></tr>
<tr><td valign="TOP"><span style="background-color: white;">1815</span></td><td colspan="2" valign="TOP"><span style="background-color: white;">est. 16/- per week</span></td></tr>
<tr><td valign="TOP" width="22%"><span style="background-color: white;">1825</span></td><td colspan="2" valign="TOP"><span style="background-color: white;">est. 9/- per week</span></td></tr>
<tr><td valign="TOP" width="22%"><span style="background-color: white;">1830</span></td><td colspan="2" valign="TOP"><span style="background-color: white;">est. 6/- per week</span></td></tr>
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</center>
<span style="background-color: white;"><br /></span>
<li><span style="background-color: white;">there was a strong Irish element from immigration on a large scale. By 1841 some 34,000 <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland.htm">Irish</a> people had moved to the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/mterkay.htm">Manchester area</a> and accepted poor pay and conditions because the worst in England was better than the best in Ireland. They tended to depress wages and conditions.</span></li>
<li><span style="background-color: white;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/u/1/null" name="ashton">masters</a> believed in internal <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/dict.htm#laissez"><i>laissez-faire</i></a><i> </i>and were more interested in profits than philanthropy. However, there were some 'good' employers such as <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/badhouse.htm#ashton">Thomas Ashton</a> at Hyde and the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/gregg.htm">Greggs</a> at Styal who had built model villages for their workers.</span></li>
</ol>
<span style="background-color: white;"><a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/stephbio.htm">Joseph Rayner Stephens</a> emphasised the economic basis of Chartism</span><br />
<blockquote>
<i style="background-color: white;">'This question of universal suffrage is a knife-and-fork question, a bread-and-cheese question'.</i></blockquote>
<div align="left">
<span style="background-color: white;">Stephens attacked management as unnecessary. He said the idea of complementary rôles was nonsense, and the concept that profit-making by the masters benefited the whole community was selfish claptrap: '<i>the truth was, the working men were all white slaves'. </i>Stephens and his colleagues said that labour, not capital, was the most important element in industry and they exploited the opposition between masters and men. Working men were told that democratic representation would ensure work and wages and Cook Taylor said in 1842, '<i>In Lancashire, the cry for the Charter means the list of wages for 1836</i>'. Donald Read noted, <i>'Emphasis on the essential opposition between masters and men was thus the fundamental device of the Lancashire Chartist leaders</i>'. The leaders had tried the same approach with some success during the period of activity of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/trade-us/tu1830%2B.htm">Trade Unions</a>, the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/antiplm.htm">anti-Poor-Law campaign</a> and the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/factmine/factory.htm">Ten-Hour agitation</a> of the mid-1830s. All of these movements filtered into Chartism. The cotton-masters had opposed all of these working-class movements very strongly.</span></div>
<span style="background-color: white;">Chartism in Manchester was not really a political battle: it was more concerned with wages, factory conditions, working standards, living conditions, TUs, and opposition to the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/pltopic.htm">1834 Poor Law Amendment Act</a>. There were strong <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/owen.htm">Owenite</a> socialist undertones.</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white;">In 1838 the cotton-masters began the Anti-Corn-Law League which the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chatopic.htm">Chartists</a> saw as a great rival from the start. The workers refused to accept its motives and arguments as being sincere. The Chartists said that free trade might lead to greater profits and cheaper bread, but that then wages would be reduced and working men would be no better off. The Anti-Corn-Law League looked like a campaign for greater profits. Also, the masters had opposed working-class movements and furthermore had been involved in the 'Great Betrayal' of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/reftopic.htm">1832 Reform Act</a>. All of this enhanced the fear and hatred of the middle-class by the working classes.</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white;">Generally, the Chartists divided into protectionists - the smaller group - and qualified free traders. The protectionists believed that the evils of industry were because of the spread of machinery, not because of agricultural protectionism. They said that more trade would lead to more machinery and thus to lower wages. The qualified free traders said that the repeal of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cldebate.htm">Corn Laws</a> was desirable but wanted other taxes and impositions, which hit the poor, removed also. Hostility existed between these groups, and between both groups and the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/acll.htm">Anti-Corn-Law League</a>.</span><br />
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Other divisions between masters and men came from<br />
<ol type="a">
<li>the national debt which the working classes said was being paid off by the labour of the poor into middle-class pockets</li>
<li>the 1832 Reform Act - the 'Great Betrayal' - and the subsequent 1834 PLAA</li>
<li>the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/macaulay.htm">unacceptable demands</a> of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/peopchar.htm">Chartists</a>. The middle-class thought that the poor should <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/newmove.htm#education">educate</a> themselves, not demand political 'rights'.</li>
<li>the apparent threat to property by Chartists, from their <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/plugplot.htm">violent actions</a></li>
<li>the Chartists' fear of the new Manchester <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/laworder/police.htm">police</a> force, set up in 1839 after Manchester's incorporation in 1838. The police were called 'Blue-bottles' and 'Bourbon police'</li>
<li>the incorporation of Manchester in 1839 which had been opposed by members of both the middle- and working-classes</li>
</ol>
Donald Read comments that '<i>the feeling of class conflict, if not its rationalisation ... underlay the whole story of Chartism in Lancashire</i>'.<br />
<h3>
Developments</h3>
At every stage in the rise and decline of Chartism, the class issue is paramount, aggravated usually by economic distress: this is obvious even from the 1790s. At that time, Thomas Walker and other middle class reformers set up the Manchester Constitutional Society which failed partly because of the 'loyal opposition' of the working classes. During the Napoleonic Wars there was a good deal of economic depression in Manchester and the working classes began to demand political reforms as a means to socio-economic betterment. In 1817 the March of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/distress/blanket.htm">Blanketeers</a> took place, followed in 1819 by the Peterloo Massacre. In 1830 the Manchester <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/polunion.htm">Political Unions</a> were very active and in the 1830s Manchester had a number of active opposition groups: Trade Unions, the 10-Hour Movement and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/antiplm.htm">anti-Poor-Law</a>agitation. These merged into Chartism. R.J. Richardson was secretary to both the Manchester Operatives Trade Union and the South Lancashire Anti-Poor-Law Association in the mid-1830s. He became secretary of the new Manchester Political Union and an active Chartist in 1838. Donald Read says that, <i>'Lancashire Chartism represented a desperate and despairing attempt by the operatives to improve the grim conditions of industrial life</i>.'<br />
On 22 March 1837 a meeting in favour of all six points of the Charter was held in Stockport although the Charter was not mentioned by name. This was the first meeting in the Manchester area. It was followed in April 1837 by a meeting was held in Manchester to petition for annual general <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/readings/election.htm">election</a>s, a secret ballot and universal suffrage. In July 1837 after the end of official proceedings for the nomination of candidates for the general election, <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/oconnor.htm">O'Connor</a> and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/obrien.htm">O'Brien</a> addressed the working class remnant in favour of 'democratic principles' - probably the Charter. On 5 December 1837 the Salford Reform Association passed resolves in favour of short parliaments, a secret ballot and universal suffrage. Apparently, this Association was not ultra-radical.<br />
In 1838, two Chartist bodies were founded in Manchester - the Manchester Political Union and the Manchester Universal Suffrage Association. On 24 September 1838 a monster meeting was held on <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/stephens.htm">Kersal Moor</a> near Manchester. It was the greatest of a series of large-scale Chartist meetings held during the summer of that year and it had a dual purpose. It was intended firstly to demonstrate the strength of Chartism and secondly to elect delegates for the Chartist National Convention. As a demonstration, it was a huge success. It attracted an impressive display of speakers and delegates from all Chartist areas including the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/lonchar.htm#lwma">London Working Men's Association</a>, <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/birchar.htm">Birmingham</a>, Newcastle and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/leedchar.htm">Leeds</a>. <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/fieldenb.htm">John Fielden</a> took the chair and Joseph Rayner Stephens and Feargus O'Connor were the main speakers. Various estimates of the numbers present have been made. The <i>Manchester Guardian</i> estimated an attendance of 30,000 but the <i>Morning Advertiser</i> said that 300,000 were there. Archibald Prentice, after careful calculation reckoned that the true number was 50,000.<br />
For the rest of 1838, regular meetings were held throughout the area, many by torchlight (<i>cf.</i> Nazi Germany under Hitler). These processions and meetings alarmed the middle-classes by their violent speeches and threats. The physical force element predominated, although evidence suggests that they alienated many of the working classes. By spring 1839 Chartism had lost much of its unorganised support. Chartist leaders had also begun to quarrel among themselves.<br />
On 6 May 1839 a special meeting of the North of England delegates had to be called to revive the spirit of union within Chartist ranks. It became a rally of the physical force element which went on to look at <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/ultmeas.htm">Ulterior Measures</a>. Those in attendance virtually repudiated the National Petition, even before parliament rejected it. The threat of physical violence surfaced. The <i>Manchester Guardian</i> of 24 April had already reported William Benbow to have said,<br />
<center>
<table border="" cellpadding="7" cellspacing="1"><tbody>
<tr><td valign="TOP"><i>'Every man and every boy of twelve years of age should have a stiletto a cubit long, to run into the guts of any who should attempt to oppose them.</i></td></tr>
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25 May 1839 was Whit Saturday. There is evidence from this second Kersal Moor meeting to suggest the decline of Chartism. Extremists in charge of the Manchester Political Union had high hope for the meeting and about 30,000 attended - many for the horse-races afterwards. The Chartists turned their attention to planning a '<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/eventcha.htm">National Holiday</a>' [a general strike].</div>
On 25 June 1839 a delegate meeting was held in Rochdale which decided to create a better organisation. This demonstrated the weakness of Chartism. Many delegates <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/lloyd.htm">were arrested</a> in July and August and few were left to organise the "National Holiday" intended for August. The plan was abandoned by the National Convention but was attempted by some men in Bolton. Some local Chartist leaders tried to achieve a strike and forced some factories to close. This shows what limited support they had. If the operatives had supported Chartism, they would not have gone to work in the first place. Handloom weavers supported Chartism long after the factory workers gave up. These were the poorest and most distressed of the working population of Lancashire and were more prepared to adopt desperate measures. By September 1839 the Chartists themselves were admitting failure. Apathy was widespread among the factory workers. In November the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/newport.htm">Newport Rising</a> took place. It may be that the Lancashire leaders also planned similar risings that failed from lack of support. Donald Read says,<br />
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<tr><td valign="TOP"><i>The comparative failure of the second Kersal Moor meeting, the collapse of the National Holiday, the apathetic local response to the Newport rising all showed how rapidly the Chartism position had declined in 1839. The first phase of the Chartist movement in Lancashire was almost over. The final blow came in the spring of 1840 when most of the Chartist leaders were imprisoned. The Chartist organisation was concentrated in the person of the leaders; without them it collapsed.</i></td></tr>
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<b>The second phase of Chartism</b> had to begin with a reorganisation that laid more emphasis on structure and less emphasis on personalities. This took place between July 1840 and June 1841. On 20 July 1840 a National Delegate Conference was held in Manchester with James Leach in the chair. Leach was as violent as O'Connor. Eventually, out of a host of rival schemes, there emerged the National Charter Association. The NCA, with the same title but with varying purpose, dominated Chartism for the rest of its existence as a political force.</div>
In August 1841 O'Connor was released from York prison and agitation immediately grew. During the autumn O'Connor made a triumphal tour of northern England. On 27 September a great demonstration in O'Connor's honour was held in Manchester. Between 2,500 and 3,000 members of Chartist Associations and Trade Unions marched in procession. It was a striking example of renewed Chartist strength, but divisions existed between the supporters of O'Connor and O'Connell - mainly Irish - because O'Connor opposed the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/acll.htm">Anti-Corn-Law League</a> (ACLL) and O'Connell supported it. O'Connor's supporters arranged for the police to attend their meeting to prevent violence from O'Connell's supporters. The curious spectacle ensued of a Chartist meeting assembling under police protection.<br />
During the winter of 1841-42, Chartism made rapid progress despite the defection of the Irish. Cotton operatives turned to political reform in the hope of relieving their economic distress. The NCA had<br />
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<tr><td valign="TOP">80 branches in February 1841</td></tr>
<tr><td valign="TOP">300 branches by December 1841</td></tr>
<tr><td valign="TOP">350 branches by April 1842</td></tr>
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The north of England dominated the new Chartist movement and found important allies in the craft TUs. Sixty-four TU delegates attended a Chartist meeting in March 1842, which shows a revival of the combination of working-class political and industrial organisations that had been prominent in 1838-9. Donald Read noted that, <i>'Despite this widespread support the National Petition achieved nothing. It was thrown out by parliament, and once more Chartism was left to face its own ineffectiveness. Once more cotton operatives began to despair and to realise that Chartism could not bring relief to their distress; and once more the movement went into a rapid decline'</i>.<br />
Despair did not lead to an apathetic acceptance of distress, but to direct industrial action. At the 1842 National Convention, the second Petition was the work of the NCA and certainly displayed class hostility in the preamble. There were riots in Manchester after its rejection, followed by the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/plugplot.htm">Plug Plots</a> in the summer of that year It was a time of economic distress and almost 15% of the houses in Stockport were empty. Some wit had erected a placard which said "Stockport to let". There were soup kitchens in Manchester. On 7 August a protest meeting, attended by between 8,000 and 10,000 operatives, was held on Mottram Moor against the threatened reduction in wages. They passed a resolution for the Charter and for a fair day's wage for a fair day's work. By 9 August the cotton industry virtually was at a standstill and the plugs were smashed from the boilers to injure production. On 11 August two hundred trade delegates met in Manchester and demanded a ten-hour working day and fair wage rates for weavers and factory workers.<br />
The strike was spontaneous, not the beginning of a planned revolution. Neither was there any causal connection between Chartism and the strikes because the strikers were more interested in work and wages than in politics. The Chartists merely exploited the situation - except that they were divided.<br />
The Plug Plots indicate that the workers were not hostile to factories or industrialisation but were opposed to low wages and poor conditions. By smashing the plugs, they hindered production and thus damages their employers' profits, to make the bosses 'feel the pinch' too. This was different from the handloom weavers in London who objected to machines <i>per se</i>. Manchester was more violent than elsewhere in Lancashire because the plight of the workers was worse. The strikes had fizzled out by the end of August, although men had been arrested and trials again were held. One such trial was that of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/pilling.htm">Richard Pilling</a> at the Spring Assizes in Lancaster; others were those of Lloyd and Warden.<br />
Chartism in Manchester never really revived after 1842 because of a revival of trade prosperity after 1843 that removed the economic stimulus for Chartism. Many operatives turned to economic action, especially the Ten-Hours movement, Trade Unions and anti-Poor-Law agitation. Some working men also began to see the value of the ACLL following <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/peelbio.htm">Peel</a>'s economic reforms.<br />
The Plug Plots were overcome by<br />
<ul>
<li>the refusal of the masters to capitulate to violence. The workers either had to go back to work or to starve</li>
<li>the strategic placing of two thousand troops six artillery regiments) in the Manchester area. <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/napier.htm">Sir Charles Napier</a> was important here. He was a humanitarian and a sympathiser with the plight of the working men. He wanted to use his troops as a preventative force and adopted tactics such as keeping the troops moving so that there seemed to be more of them than there were. He held artillery drills in public parks so that people could see the effectiveness of the weapons and soldiers. Consequently there were no serious disturbances in Manchester. (see also Napier's <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/napier.htm">biography</a>)</li>
<li>the wise use of the provincial police, which had been established in 1839</li>
</ul>
<h3>
The Final Chartist Fling 1847-1848</h3>
The trade depression returned in 1845 and 1847 was a terrible year. The <i>Manchester Examiner </i>of 15 May 1847 reported<br />
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<tr><td valign="TOP">84,000 operatives on short time</td></tr>
<tr><td valign="TOP">24,000 operatives unemployed</td></tr>
<tr><td valign="TOP">77,000 operatives working full time</td></tr>
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Also,</div>
<ul>
<li>Irish immigration had increased because of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/ireland/famine.htm">potato famine</a></li>
<li>there was a <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/p-health/cholera3.htm">cholera</a> epidemic</li>
<li>O'Connor was touring the country selling his <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/landplan.htm">Land Plan</a></li>
</ul>
In March 1848, rioting occurred in Manchester and attacks were made on a workhouse and several mills but this was the work of boys and youths. The Chartist leaders helped the authorities to put down the riots. In April 1848 a series of meetings was held to support the National Petition which was presented to parliament on <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/debate48.htm">10 April</a> and on that day, nearly every Lancashire town held a meeting. After the rejection of the third petition, the bottom fell out of Chartism in Lancashire.<br />
<br />
<h2>
Barnsley Radicalism</h2>
In the spring and summer of 1838, delegations from the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/bpu.htm">Birmingham Political Union</a> toured Scotland and northern England to promote the Union's famous '<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/petition.htm">Petition</a>' for parliamentary reform. On 11 June, one of the delegations addressed a large public meeting in Barnsley. The Barnsley meeting unanimously adopted the petition and resolved to form a local association on the Birmingham model. A 24-man committee, consisting mainly of linen handloom weavers, was elected to collect local signatures for the petition. In its quest for local support, the committee later issued a <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/barnchar.htm">4000-word manifesto</a> addressed to their 'fellow workmen' of Barnsley and the neighbourhood.<br />
The working class in the northern industrial districts largely responded to <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chatopic.htm">Chartism</a> because of their economic plight. Unlike the men of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/lonchar.htm">London</a> and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/birchar.htm">Birmingham</a>, whose pursuit for the Charter was based on noble ideals, the northern working class acted according to the dictates of the stomach. The Barnsley Manifesto itself, which dwells on working-class hunger, misery and exploitation, seems to lend credibility to this. However, radicalism was deeply embedded in Barnsley, as in many other <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/sychar.htm">northern towns</a> and its driving force transcended short-term economic hardships.<br />
The Barnsley working class had been involved in serious radical politics for a long time. Two of the signatories to the manifesto, John Vallance and Arthur Collins, took part in the Grange Moor Insurrection of 1820, a climax of post Napoleonic war radicalism in Barnsley. In the early 1830s many Barnsley working men took part in the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/owen.htm">Owen</a>ite <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/economic/owencoop.htm">co-operative movement</a>, the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/trade-us/tu1830%2B.htm">trade union</a> and <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/refact/refcrisi.htm">Reform Bill</a> agitations and the '<a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/social/unstamp.htm">war of the unstamped'</a>. Joseph Lingard, father of one of the signatories to the manifesto, was the local distributor of unstamped papers. He opened a reading room where working men not only read the illegal literature but also held political discussions. It was an experience to which some of the radicals and Chartists owed 'whatever knowledge they possessed in politics'. Local agitation for parliamentary reform was revived as early as 1835 when a local Radical Association was formed. The association worked closely with sister associations in such neighbouring towns as Leeds and Huddersfield, and with <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/oconnor.htm">O'Connor's</a> Radical Association in London. The local association not only held annual dinners to celebrate <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/hunt.htm">Henry Hunt</a>'s birthday but also petitioned for a reform of Parliament, and discussed issues such as 'taxes on knowledge', the relationship between church and state, and the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/poorlaw/poorlaw.htm">New Poor Law</a>. During 1837-8 the level of activity rose to a new pitch. In the following years Barnsley was one of Feargus O'Connor's strongholds.<br />
The Chartist Manifesto expresses mainstream Chartist thought. It appealed to working class poverty and suffering and the authors were well versed in exploitation theory. Labour was the creator of all wealth, but most of this wealth was siphoned off by those who never worked. The latter monopolised political power, which they used to enact laws that were as partial as they were extortionate. According to this analysis, the ruling class used its monopoly of power to rob labour of the fruits of its own industry through heavy taxation. Because of its insatiable appetite for 'sumptuous revellings' and other forms of upper-class extravagance, the ruling class never ceased devising means of getting the larger share of whatever additional wealth labour produced. Thus the exploitation of the poor lay not so much in the economic processes of production, distribution and exchange, as in the political process of law making. It was, therefore, logical to argue that the exploitation of the working class would end when they gained admission into the political system. The Chartists do not seem to have questioned serious the economic system which condemned them to the status of wage earners.<br />
By the mid-1830s the concept of the 'industrious classes', which placed both the working class and the industrial middle class on the same economic divide as the exploited producers of wealth, had completely broken down. The Barnsley Manifesto stated that 'there is no wealth but what the working class creates'. The middle class was on the side of those who exploited industry. One Barnsley Chartist once referred to the middle class as 'the aristocracy of pounds, shillings and pence', who were ready to 'starve the people and, if possible, would coin the people's hearts' blood to prolong their reign'. On the Chartist platform the relationship between property and power was defined, though not always clearly. The middle class came under attack less often for its conduct as the employers of labour than for its participation in such class legislation as the New Poor Law,<br />
Other strands of Chartism are revealed in the document. <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/people/paine.htm">Thomas Paine</a>'s appeal to natural rights and liberty is an important element, as is the influence of religion. The manifesto condemned the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/cornlaws/arch.htm">religious intolerance</a> of the Established Church and confronted the opinions of the local religious leaders who had delivered a barrage of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/rothchar.htm">theological invective</a> against the Chartist movement from their pulpits. Finally the Chartists believed that the working class was not only the source of wealth but also of power. The power of the ruling class lay only in the working-class submission to its authority. It was only by its own exertion that the working class would liberate itself. The angry language of the manifesto was aimed at arousing the Barnsley working class to the realisation of its potential strength.<br />
<hr />
My thanks to Nick Acklam, a descendant of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/barnchar.htm#back" name="#1">Thomas Acklam</a>, for this information.<br />
Thomas Acklam, one of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/barnchar.htm">Barnsley Manifesto</a>'s signatories, left Barnsley for the Chartist settlement of <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/chartism/landplan.htm">Lowbands</a> in a great fanfare; it was reported by the Barnsley Chronicle. Like the vast majority of allottees he did not last long, and was reported to have argued with Fergus O'Connor. Thomas Acklam was back in Barnsley by the time of the <a href="http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/social/pop.htm">1851 census</a>.<br />
Thomas led an eventful life. He was born 1804 and moved to Barnsley from a rural parish - Cottingham - to work as a linen hand loom weaver. He appears to have been imprisoned for his Chartist activities (and may according to some reports have been trasported to Tasmania but somehow got back).<br />
On return from Lowbands he prospered briefly as a landlord (he built a terrace called Acklam Row in Barnsley) but died poor in 1876.<br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6187580317170021458.post-63036680974959496082018-08-28T03:17:00.000-07:002018-08-28T03:17:39.498-07:00The Peterloo Index<div id="page-body" itemprop="articleBody" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Noto Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px;">
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<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRcorresponding.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Corresponding Societies</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhandloom.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Handloom Weavers</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhampden.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Hampden Clubs</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRradicals.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Radical Reformers</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRknowledge.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Taxes on Knowledge</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/IRchild.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Factory Conditions</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRluddites.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Luddites</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRyeomanry.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester & Salford Yeomanry</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRgagging.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Gagging Acts</a></li>
</ul>
</div>
<div class="spacer" style="clear: both; min-height: 2px;">
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<div class="menulist" id="m2" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">St. Peter's Fields</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRchronology.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Peterloo Chronology</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmap.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Official Map of St. Peter's Field</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRsize.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Size of Crowd at Peterloo</a></li>
</ul>
<ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRpeterloo.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Peterloo Massacre</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmap3.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester Observer Map</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRdeaths.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Deaths at Peterloo</a></li>
</ul>
</div>
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<div class="menulist" id="m3" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">Eyewitness Accounts: Magistrates & Soldiers</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbirley.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Captain Hugh Birley</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhay.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">William Hay</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhulton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">William Hulton</a></li>
</ul>
<ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRestrange.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lieut-Colonel L'Estrange</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRjolliffe.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lieut W. G. Jolliffe</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRnadin.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Joseph Nadin</a></li>
</ul>
</div>
<div class="spacer" style="clear: both; min-height: 2px;">
</div>
<div class="menulist" id="m4" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">Eyewitness Accounts: Radical Reformers</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbamford.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Samuel Bamford</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRcarlile.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Carlile</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfields.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Mary Fildes</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhealey.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Healey</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhunt.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry 'Orator' Hunt</a></li>
</ul>
<ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRjohnson.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Joseph Johnson</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRknight.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Knight</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRsaxton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Saxton</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRswift.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">George Swift</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRwroe.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">James Wroe</a></li>
</ul>
</div>
<div class="spacer" style="clear: both; min-height: 2px;">
</div>
<div class="menulist" id="m5" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">Eyewitness Accounts: Moderate Reformers</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbrotherton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Joseph Brotherton</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRjohn.smith.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Smith</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Edward Taylor</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRwatkin.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Absalom Watkin</a></li>
</ul>
<ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRpotterR.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Potter</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRpotter.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Potter</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRprentice.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Archibald Prentice</a></li>
<li class="empty" style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"> </li>
</ul>
</div>
<div class="spacer" style="clear: both; min-height: 2px;">
</div>
<div class="menulist" id="m6" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">Eyewitness Accounts: Newspaper Reporters</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbaines.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Edward Baines</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbarnes.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Barnes</a></li>
</ul>
<ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRcarlile.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Carlile</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRtyas.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Tyas</a></li>
</ul>
</div>
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<div class="menulist" id="m7" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">Politicians and Peterloo</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbrougham.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry Brougham</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRburdett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Francis Burdett</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRcastlereagh.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Castlereagh</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhobhouse.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Hobhouse</a></li>
</ul>
<ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Liverpool</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRsidmouth.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Sidmouth</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRlordstanley.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Edward Stanley</a></li>
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRwilbraham.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">George Wilbraham</a></li>
</ul>
</div>
<div class="spacer" style="clear: both; min-height: 2px;">
</div>
<div class="menulist" id="m8" style="clear: both; margin: 30px auto; max-width: 460px; padding: 0px; width: 460px;">
<header style="background: rgb(51, 51, 51); clear: both; color: #ffd966; font-size: 12px; font-weight: 700; margin: auto; padding: 2px 0px; text-align: center; width: 460px;">Writers and Artists</header><ul style="float: left; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 0px; width: 230px;">
<li style="background-color: #e5e5e5; border: 1px solid rgb(51, 51, 51); box-sizing: border-box; font-size: small; margin: 0px; max-width: 230px; padding: 1px 0px; text-align: center; width: 230px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbyron.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Byron</a></li>
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The Times</h1>
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In 1785 John Walter's career as a Lloyd's underwriter in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a> was at an end. An increase in insurance claims arising from a hurricane in Jamaica had ruined his business. Close to bankruptcy, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jwalter1.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Walter</a>decided to look for a new form of business. While an underwriter at Lloyds he became aware of a new method of typesetting called logography. The inventor, Henry Johnson, claimed that this new method of typesetting was faster and more accurate because it allowed more than one letter to be set at a time. John Walter purchased Johnson's patent and decided to start a printing company.</div>
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<a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jwalter1.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Walter</a> came to the conclusion that he had to find a good way of publicizing his logography system. Eventually he came up with the idea of producing a daily advertising sheet. The first edition of the <span class="red_text" style="color: #990000; font-style: italic;">Daily Universal Register</span> was published on 1st January, 1785. The newspaper was in competition with eight other daily newspapers in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a>. Like the other newspapers,it included parliamentary reports, foreign news and advertisements. John Walter made it clear in the first edition of the newspaper that he was primarily concerned with advertising revenue: "The Register, in its politics, will be of no party. Due attention should be paid to the interests of trade, which are so greatly promoted by advertisements."</div>
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After a couple of years <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jwalter1.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Walter</a> had discovered that logography was not going to have the impact on the printing industry that he had initially thought when he started the <span class="red_text" style="color: #990000; font-style: italic;">Daily Universal Register</span> . However, he was now convinced he could make a profit from newspapers. Especially when he was able to negotiate a secret deal where he was paid £300 a year to publish stories favourable to the government.</div>
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In 1788 <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jwalter1.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Walter</a> decided to change the name and the style of his newspaper. Walter now started to produce a newspaper that appealed to a larger audience. This included stories of the latest scandals and gossip about famous people in London. Walter called his new paper <span class="red_text" style="color: #990000; font-style: italic;">The Times</span> . One of these stories about the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRgeorgeIV.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Prince of Wales</a> resulted in Walter being fined £50 and sentenced to two years in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/LONnewgate.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Newgate Prison</a>.</div>
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In January, 1803 John Walter's son, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jwalter2.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Walter II</a>, became the new proprietor of <span class="red_text" style="color: #990000; font-style: italic;">The Times</span> . John Walter II decided he wanted to run a newspaper that was independent of government control. He began employing young journalist who supported political reform including Henry Crabbe Robinson, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jlamb.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Charles Lamb</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhazlitt.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">William Hazlitt</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbarnes.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Barnes</a>. The newspaper turned away from government minister's handouts and instead developed its own news-getting organisation.</div>
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<a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jwalter2.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Walter II</a> also introduced new technology into <span class="red_text" style="color: #990000; font-style: italic;">The Times</span> . In 1817 he installed a steam-powered Koenig printing machine. This increased the speed that newspapers could be printed and by the end of the year, the newspaper was selling over 7,000 copies a day. In the same year that the newspaper obtained their steam-powered printing machine, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbarnes.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Barnes</a> became the new editor of the newspaper. Barnes was a strong advocate on independent reporting. In 1819 he published a several articles written by <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Edward Taylor</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRtyas.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Tyas</a> on the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRpeterloo.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Peterloo Massacre</a>. <i>The Times</i> criticised the way Lord Liverpool's government was dealing with those arguing for political reform.</div>
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After the massacre <span class="red_text" style="color: #990000; font-style: italic;">The Times</span> began to argue for <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRparliament.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">parliamentary reform</a>. By 1830 the newspaper was constantly urging the Whig government to take action. The views of the newspaper and its editor, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbarnes.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Barnes</a>, had a great influence on public opinion. The government tax on newspapers meant that its price of 7d. made it too expensive for most people to buy. However, copies were available in reading rooms. In 1831 the Tory <span class="red_text" style="color: #990000; font-style: italic;">St. James's Chronicle</span> claimed that "for every one copy of <i>The Times</i> that is purchased for the usual purposes, nine we venture to say are purchased to be lent to the wretched characters who, being miserable, look to political changes for an amelioration of their condition."</div>
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In Parliament the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Ptories.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Tories</a> complained about <span class="red_text" style="color: #990000; font-style: italic;">The Times</span> campaign. In a debate that took place in the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Pcommons.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">House of Commons</a> on 7th March, 1832, Sir <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRpeel.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Robert Peel</a> argued that the newspaper <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRtimes.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"></a>was the "principal and most powerful advocate of Reform" in Britain. After the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PR1832.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">1832 Reform Act</a> was passed <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRtimes.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"><i>The Times</i></a> called it the "greatest event of modern history."</div>
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<span class="red_text" style="color: #990000; font-style: italic;">The Times</span> also campaigned for the rights of trade unionists. In 1834 it became involved in what became known as the case of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhazlitt.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Tolpuddle Martyrs</a>. <span class="red_text" style="color: #990000; font-style: italic;">The Times</span> condemned the decision to prosecute six farmworkers at Tolpuddle for "administering illegal oaths". <span class="red_text" style="color: #990000; font-style: italic;">The Times</span> also supported the demands that the men should be reprieved after they were sentenced to transportation for seven years.</div>
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In 1834 a group of <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Pwhigs.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Whigs</a> purchased control of the <i><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jchronicle.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Morning Chronicle</a></i>. <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbarnes.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Barnes</a> disagreed with the way the <i><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jchronicle.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Morning Chronicle</a></i> gave "slavish support to the government". Barnes had talks with the leaders of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Pconservative.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Conservative Party</a> and after they had agreed that they would not attempt to interfere with reforms introduced by the Whigs such as the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PR1832.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">1832 Reform Act </a>and the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/REtithes.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Tithe Act</a>, he agreed that the newspaper would became a supporter of Sir <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRpeel.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Robert Peel</a> and his new government.</div>
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<a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbarnes.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Barnes</a> remained editor of <span class="red_text" style="color: #990000; font-style: italic;">The Times</span> until his death on 7th May 1841. <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jwalter2.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Walter II</a> made the surprising decision to invite the twenty-three year old <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jdelane.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Delane</a> to take over the job. Unlike Barnes, Delane rarely wrote for the paper. Delane held liberal views on most issues, but believed it was the role of a newspaper to be independent of political parties. In 1852 he wrote that it is the "duty of the journalist is the same as that of the historian - to seek truth above all things". However, he added that <i>The Times</i> "owes its first duty to the national interests" and that the "ends of government were absolutely identical with those of the press".</div>
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Delane had good contacts with senior members of both the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Pwhigs.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Whigs</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Ptories.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Tories</a>. This enabled him on 4th December, 1845, to be the first to announce that the government planned to repeal the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Lcorn46.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">corn laws</a>. This information came from one of his closest friends, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRaberdeen.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Aberdeen</a>.</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6187580317170021458.post-61724118884771910592018-08-27T08:58:00.001-07:002018-10-27T17:09:28.208-07:00Female Reform Union at Peterloo<br />
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<strong style="background-color: #fefef2; font-family: georgia, serif; font-size: 12px; margin: 0em; padding: 0em; text-align: justify;">Women’s suffrage</strong></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fefef2; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 12px; margin: 0em; padding: 0em; text-align: justify;">The 1800's started out having men leaving the farms and ranches and had them breaking out into the world of business in shops, offices and the like. This left the women at home in charge of their own little world. Instead of constantly being under a man's authority the women now had the day to be in charge of the home, children, hired help and a little personal time. As the century moved on women got a little lonely at home and realized that they had some degree of impact in church areas. This excited them and they grew hungry for more say and influence. The clergy had a time trying to put that fire out, but at last the women further realized that they could do what men do: think, do business, work, provide and still be women. These ideas came full force during the Civil War. The men went off to fight, leaving the shops, offices, farms and mills to be tended to by the women. After the Civil War the men returning didn't take nicely to the women and their new found positions. This women's empowerment movement became the beginning of suffrage. Suffrage was the women's movement to gain the right of equal pay for equal work, the right to vote and the right to work in the jobs that she was capable. Not all women agreed with this concept, and many men didn't support it at all. </span></div>
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<strong style="background-color: #fefef2; font-family: georgia, serif; font-size: 12px; margin: 0em; padding: 0em; text-align: justify;">Education</strong></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fefef2; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 12px; margin: 0em; padding: 0em; text-align: justify;">Education for women in the 1800s was minimal during that period. Schooling was for the male gender, and if a woman wanted to go to school, she was looked down upon. The woman's role was in the house. In the home the women took care of the children and she was the one who set the atmosphere for her offspring. She was the one who would teach them or "train" them in their roles in life. Over time, many were starting to see that women needed some sort of education because they were the ones who raised the children in the home. As a result, many women began to educate themselves in order to better their lives and the lives of their offspring. This was the beginning of all female colleges. These colleges were created to educate the woman and to better themselves in the home environment. </span></div>
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<strong style="background-color: #fefef2; font-family: georgia, serif; font-size: 12px; margin: 0em; padding: 0em; text-align: justify;">Abolition and The Woman's Movement </strong></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fefef2; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 12px; margin: 0em; padding: 0em; text-align: justify;">The 1800's were a pinnacle time for women. Changing social conditions for women during the early 1800's, combined with the idea of equality, led to the birth of the woman suffrage movement. For example, women started to receive more education and to take part in reform movements like abolition, which involved them in politics. Slavery was not uncommon in the United States in the 1800s, especially in the south. Slavery was a way of life for people of this time. However, it was a controversial subject. The treatment of slaves was harsh for trying to escape or for slacking off. It was encouraged for black women slaves to have many children so there will be more labor available for the owner. Slaves often had no rights at all, and they were not even considered human in many cases. It was during the 1800s, however, when certain people, including women, stood up and voiced their opinions about the abuses and hardships slaves have to live with their whole lives. </span></div>
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Women and the Chartist Movement </h1>
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Although many leading Chartists believed in votes for women, it was never part of the Chartist programme. When the People's Charter was first drafted by the leaders of the London Working Men's Association, a clause was included that advocated the extension of the franchise to women. This was eventually removed because some members believed that such a radical proposal "might retard the suffrage of men". As one author pointed out, "what the LWMA feared was the widespread prejudice against women entering what was seen as a man's world".</div>
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In most of the large towns in Britain, Chartist groups had women sections. These women's groups were often very large, the Birmingham Charter Association for example, had over 3,000 female members. <a class="ajax" href="http://spartacus-educational.com/CHnorthern.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"><i>The Northern Star</i></a> reported on 27th April, 1839, that the Hyde Chartist Society contained 300 men and 200 women. The newspaper quoted one of the male members as saying that the women were more militant than the men, or as he put it: "the women were the better men".</div>
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<a class="ajax" href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Elizabeth_Hanson.htm" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Hanson</a> formed the Elland Female Radical Association in March, 1838. She argued "it is our duty, both as wives and mothers, to form a Female Association, in order to give and receive instruction in political knowledge, and to co-operate with our husbands and sons in their great work of regeneration." She became one of the movement's most effective speakers and one newspaper reported she "melted the hearts and drew forth floods of tears".</div>
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Female Reform Union</h1>
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<a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbamford.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Samuel Bamford</a>, the author of <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_ss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=Samuel+Bamford&x=14&y=17" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Passage in the Life of a Radical</a></i>, claims that women first became involved in the struggle for universal suffrage in the summer of 1818. Bamford describes a meeting at Lydgate in Saddleworth where women were allowed to vote for and against resolutions. Bamford points out that: "This was a new idea; and the women, who attended numerously on that bleak ridge, were mightily pleased with it."</div>
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In June 1819 the first Female Union was formed by Alice Kitchen in Blackburn. Later that year there were Female Reform Groups in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/IToldham.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Oldham</a> and Royton. The leader of the Manchester Female Reform Group was <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfields.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Mary Fildes</a>. A passionate radical she named her two sons after <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRcartwright.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Cartwright</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhunt.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry Hunt</a>. Fildes was also involved in the campaign for birth control and when she attempted to sell books on the subject she was accused in the local press of distributing pornography. Fildes was one of the speakers at the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmap.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">St. Peter's Field</a> meeting on 16th August, 1819. Some reports claimed that the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRyeomanry.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester & Salford Yeomanry</a> attempted to murder <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfields.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Mary Fildes</a>while arresting the leaders of the demonstration.</div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Women at Peterloo</span></h1>
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<span style="font-size: small;">“<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Dear Sisters of the Earth”: Women at Peterloo</span></span></h1>
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<span style="background-color: initial;">In October 1816 there was an open air-meeting In Manchester attended by a number from outside Manchester, including Failsworth. On 7 October a meeting calling for parliamentary reform was held in Stockport at which speakers asserted that there had to be a change in government or no government at all. Resolutions were passed proposing that parliament be convened immediately to deal with the distress , that the sinecures and standing army be ended, and that parliament be reformed</span></div>
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The revived reform movement attracted a good deal of support amongst working people in the north of England because of the growing economic distress in industrial towns.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">1817</span></div>
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The government reacted swiftly to this imagined threat with its tried and tested methods, honed over three decades of repression; suspending Habeas Corpus until July and passing Acts which banned public meetings of more than 50 persons. It also rallied its network of supporters, as in the 1790s, to publicly attack the emerging radical movement.</div>
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In Manchester on 13 January 1817 Loyalists called a meeting “to consider the necessity of adopting additional measures for the maintenance of the public peace”. Speakers at the meeting denounced “the numerous meetings held both publicly and secretly – the organized system of committees, delegates and missionaries” which “afford strong manifestation of mediated disorder and tumult”. They established the Association for the Protection and Support of the Civil Authorities.</div>
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In Stockport the same day Stockport radicals held another meeting to protest at the Corn Laws and call for parliamentary reform. At the same time the radical press and radical pamphlets were being sold in Stockport such as<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Black Dwarf, Sherwin’s Political Register, Hone’s Political Catechism </em>and<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Political Litany. </em>Samuel Bamford said that the writings of Cobbett “were read on nearly every cottage in the manufacturing districts of South Lancashire”.</div>
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The Manchester authorities noted in February that Reformers’ meetings “are swelled much in numbers from the moment the Spinning Factories in the neighbourhood leave off working – a proof that the discontent is not confined to those who are distressed, the circumstances of the Spinners are comparatively good. This body have of late contributed out of their funds assistance to the Reformers”.</div>
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On 3 March the Manchester reformers held a public meeting at which they announced that they intended to march to London to present a petition to the Prince Regent. Marchers were to take a blanket to sleep on and hence it became known as the March of the Blanketeers .</div>
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On 10 March a group of several hundred marchers gathered at St Peter’s Fields as did a crowd of about 12,000, who were addressed by local reformers, including John Bagguley, a Manchester apprentice aged 18, and Samuel Drummond, a Manchester reedmaker, aged 24. They attacked the excessive spending of the government, high rents, the Corn Laws, the libel laws, the suspension of <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">habeas corpus</em> and the Prince Regent’s ministers</div>
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One local magistrate noted the presence of female radicals.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The women of the lower class seem to take a strong part against the preservation of good order and in the course of the morning of the 10<sup style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup>, it was very general and undisguised cry amongst them that the gentry had had the upper hand long enough and that their turn has now come. </span></div>
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Shortly after the march had set off the magistrates ordered the arrest of the speakers, reading the Riot Act, and using the King’s Dragoon <span class="skimlinks-unlinked" style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Guards.to</span> clear the people from the field. The marchers were pursued by troops and stopped at Stockport’s Lancashire Bridge where 48 were arrested. A number avoided arrest by wading across the Mersey. Thousands came out to watch the proceedings. Another 170 were arrested in the Market Place. Some struggled on towards Macclesfield but gave up. Just one man from Stalybridge, Abel Coudwell, allegedly succeeded in getting to London and presenting his petition to the Home Secretary, Lord Sidmouth.</div>
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The authorities in Manchester followed up their operation by claiming that “a most daring and traitorous conspiracy “ had been discovered and on 28 March arrested a number of reform leaders, including Samuel Bamford, John Knight and Benbow at a meeting in Ardwick. For the time being the authorities had succeeded in disputing radical activity.</div>
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For the rest of 1817 there was little radical activity in Manchester or Stockport Government repression seems to have worked but it was only a pause, however, and not an end.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">1818</span></div>
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On 3 January 1818 the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em> began publishing with offices at 18 Market Street. Its founders were John Knight, James Wroe and John Saxton. It helped fan the reviving radical movement and was soon selling in 4,000 copies each week. and circulated well beyond Manchester. Henry Hunt called the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em> “the only newspaper in England that I know, fairly and honestly devoted to such reform as would give the people their whole rights”.</div>
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Throughout the spring reform meetings were held in Manchester and other towns. Stockport radicals held a meeting on 13 April , chaired by Joseph Bertinshaw, the veteran radical cobbler. The meeting passed resolution in favour of annual parliaments, adult male suffrage, reform of taxation and the formation of reform societies.</div>
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At the end of July 1818 there were major strikes by spinners, powerloom weavers and handloom weavers for higher wages. This was opportunity for the reformers to reach a larger audience. Bagguley addressed a weavers meeting before the strike and allegedly urged them to arm themselves in preparation got their confrontation with the masters.</div>
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On 1 September, the first day of the weavers strike, 1,222 men and 355 women marched through Stockport with banners and music. Some of them, joined a reform meeting which lasted 5 hours and was addressed by Bagguley, Drummond and Johnston. It dispersed peacefully. The speakers were arrested and bail was set out the enormous sum of £2,000. Their trial did not take place until the following spring</div>
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The following day Stockport weavers, “with many women” amongst them, according to the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Chronicle,”</em>marched to Manchester with music and large banners, including one which read “Seven Shillings in the Pound and No Less”. On 3 September weavers from Manchester came to Stockport and paraded through the streets. The following weavers from Manchester and Stockport went to Ashton to march there. Within days the strike was over with weavers accepting the masters offer, an increase of 10% each month until 35% was met.</div>
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In the autumn the radical movement in the town revived with veterans John Knight from Manchester and Joseph Mitchell from Liverpool giving support. In October the Stockport Union for the Promotion of Human Happiness was established which within months grew into the most successful radical organisation the town had ever known to this . Its objects were the traditional radical programme – universal manhood suffrage, annual parliaments and vote by secret ballot. G L Bolsover, a Stockport surgeon and union member, wrote to Henry Hunt that the object was</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">…to obtain a great and positive good, viz equal rights, equal laws, and equal justice; and our weapons being reason , discussion and persuasion, it follows that we shall obtain our object without either anarchy or confusion.</span></div>
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The town was divided into a dozen sections. The core activity was the provision the holding of weekly classes which consisted of readings out loud for about 30 minutes, followed by 30 minutes of general conversation , when, according to someone who attended in 1819, “each member states his opinion and ideas of government…” Those attending paid a penny each week, collected by the class leader who forwarded it to the Union committee where the permanent secretary was Joseph Harrison and the Treasurer Thomas Cheetham . Other members of the Committee were delegates from each district. The headquarters were the Windmill Rooms on Edward street which also contained a reading room. They also provided reading and writing schools for children, an evening class on for adults and a Sunday school. where Henry Hunt noted on a visit that scholars were”<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> taught</em> on the basis of of true Christian morality and the spirit of genuine liberty”. Within year 2,000 children were being taught. It inspired similar schools in Manchester , Oldham and Bury. Another Union society was set up at Gee Cross.</div>
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Women had already been attending radical meetings but not as speakers or even as voters. In his memoirs Sam Bamford claimed credit for a radical innovation in the summer of 1818 in the rights of women attending public gatherings.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">At one of these meetings , which took place at Lydgate, in Saddleworth…..I, in the course of an address, insisted on the right, and the propriety also, of females who were present at such assemblages, voting by show of hand, for, or against the resolutions. This was a new idea; and the women, who attended numerously on that bleak ridge, were mightily pleased with it, – and the men being nothing dissentient, – when the resolution was put, the women held up their hands, amidst much laughter; and ever from that time females voted with the men at radical meetings. I was not then aware, that the new impulse thus given to political movement, would in a short time be applied to charitable and religious purposes. But it was so; our females voted at every subsequent meetings; it became the practice, – female political unions were formed, with their chair-women, committees, and other officials…..</span></div>
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The radical newspaper <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em> devoted an editorial on 9 September to the “Rights of Women” which begins by attacking the so-called “Dandies”.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Some of the present race ashamed to wear a name to which they have no pretensions have adopted a new one. They are no longer Englishmen but “Dandies”! …Their gender is not yet ascertained, but as their principal ambition seems to be to look as pretty as women, it would be uncharitable to call them men.</span></div>
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He then goes on to consider women:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Their arguments are very forcible. They say that since the men abandoned the cause of freedom, they will support it. They say freedom was a woman and therefore every woman ought to be free. Man, they say, has shamefully deserted his post – and has no right to control woman; – since he has lost the power of defending himself …that woman can expect no protection from the cowards that cannot protect themselves! And they demand Universal Suffrage in its fullest extent.</span></div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">1819</span></div>
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On 2 January the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em> called for a vigorous reform campaign. Henry Hunt was invited to speak in Manchester for the first time. He addressed a crowd of at least 8,000 people at a meeting on St Peter’s Fields. It was a colourful gathering with flags and banners and bands . He urged the assembly not to waste time sending yet another petition to the House of Commons but draw up a Remonstrance to be sent directly to the Prince Regent. The meeting also approved a lengthy Declaration which set out the Radical programme in detail. This was unequivocal in its view of where political power originated from, stating “That the only source of all legitimate power, is in the People, the whole People and nothing but the People That all governments, not immediately derived from and strictly accountable to the People, are usurpations, and ought to be resisted and destroyed.” It went on to declare that:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">That every individuals, of mature age, and not incapacitated by crime or insanity, has a right to a vote for the election of a Representative in Parliament: and to refuse or with hold from any individuals the exercise of this just and lawful right, is to deprive him of all security for his life, liberty, and property, and reduce him to the abject condition of a slave; for a man cannot be said to be really free, or to enjoy either life, liberty or property, when these may, at any time, be taken from him, at the arbitrary will of another: and by laws that are made without his own consent.</span></div>
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The Declaration also called for annual parliaments and universal suffrage and defended the right of the people to possess arms to defend their liberties. In its political programme – and even its language – there are clear continuities with the views expressed by the Levellers at the Putney debates. Thomas Rainborough would have found little to disagree with.</div>
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The <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em> reported that</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">the order of the meeting met with no disturbance : although it would appear that some of the manufacturers were disposed to do what they could to occasion tumult. Some of them, it is said, actually locked their men in the manufacturies, lest they should attend the meeting! That this should occur in England is certainly , after all our boasting a melancholy circumstances; for its shews that our boasted liberty is bauble – our freedom a mere name, not worthy of our treasuring in sound. …Upon such a subject the wish the duty to attend was naturally felt by the mechanics and artizans of Manchester. They posses a high degree of political intelligence; and upon subjects of political economy, they know more in tenfold degree than the tyrants who oppress them</span></div>
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As the reform movement gathered momentum women stepped onto the public stage, setting up Female Reform societies in Manchester, Stockport, Blackburn, Oldham and Royton.</div>
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Blackburn women led the way, setting up their society on 18 June. On 5 July the Female Reformers attended a very large outdoor public meeting, chaired by John Knight This is a report from <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em>:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Committee of the Blackburn Female Reform Society appeared at the entrance to the ground, and were desirous of approaching the hustings. – they were very neatly dressed for the occasion, and each wore a green favour in her bonnet and cap. No sooner did our worthy Chairman perceive the anxiety of the ladies to make their way through the immense crowds, than her signified his wish that road might be opened for the accommodation of the Committee of the FeMale Reform Society; which was no sooner said, than the request was instantly complied with. The ladies ascended the hustings amidst the reiterated acclamations of the people which continued for several minutes before the silence could be restored. The ladies then stepping forward toward the chairman; one of them, with becoming diffidence and respect, presented him with a most beautiful Cap of Liberty, made of scarlet silk or satin, lined with green, with a serpentine gold lace, terminating with a rich gold tassel.</span></div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">No language can express the torrent of appreciation that spontaneously burst from the people “LIBERTY” or DEATH” was vociferated from every mouth – the tear of welcome sympathy seemed to trickle from every eye “<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">God Bless the women</em>”, was uttered from every tongue; in fcat, imagination can only do justice to this interesting scene.</span></div>
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Alice Kitchen made a short speech, a rare example of a woman at this time speaking in public:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Will you Sir, accept this token of our respect to these brave men who are nobly struggling for liberty and life: by placing it at the head of your banner, you will confer a lasting obligation on the Female Reformers of Blackburn. We shall esteem it as an additional favour, if the address which I deliver into your hands, be read to the Meeting: it embraces a faint description of our woes and may apologise for our interference in the politics of our country. </span><em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em>, 14 July 1819, <span class="skimlinks-unlinked" style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">pp.455</span>- 456.</div>
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Alice’s speech was greeted with very great applause. John Knight then read the address which began:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The members of the Blackburn Female Reformers, beg leave, with the greatest diffidence and respect, to render into your hands the emblem that has ever been held scared , in the most enlightened ages of our history and particularly to our ancestors , who contributed much to the fame of our beloved country. In presenting this Cap of liberty, which we trust no ruffian banditti will be allowed to wrest from your hands but with the forfeiture of your existence, we hope it will not be deemed presumptious to offer a faint sketch of the misery and sufferings we are doomed to endure; and which we are thoroughly convinced, arise from the misrule of a profligate system of government.</span></div>
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The women said that they came forward determined to instill into the minds of their children</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> a deep rooted abhorrence of tyranny, come in what shape it may, whether under the mask of civil and religious government, and particularly of the present borough-mongering and Jesuitical system which ahs brought the best artisans, manufacturers, and labourers of this vast community, to a state of wretchedness and misery and driven them to the very verge of beggary and ruin.</span></div>
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They stated that their homes</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">which once bore ample testimony, of our industry and cleanliness, and were once fit for the reception of a prince, are now, alas!, robbed for all their ornaments, and our beds, that once afforded us cleanliness, health and sweet repose , are now torn away from the us by the relentless hand of the unfeeling tax-gatherer, to satisfy the greatest monsters of cruelty, the borough-mongering tyrants…..But above all , behold our innocent wretched children! Sweet emblems of our mutual love! how appalling are their cries for bread! We are daily cut to the heart to see them greedily devour the coarse food that some would scarcely give to their swine “</span></div>
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The women finished by addressing themselves directly to men@</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">We the Female Reformers of Blackburn, therefore earnestly entreat you and every man in England, in the most solemn manner, to come forward and join the general union, that by a determined and constitutional resistance to our oppressors, the people may obtain annual parliaments, universal suffrage and election by ballot, which alone can save us from lingering misery and premature death. We look forward with horror to an approaching winter, when the necessity of food, clothing, and every requisite will increase double-fold…</span> <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em>, 14 July 1819, p. 456.</div>
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William Cobbett commented on the address.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Never was there a paper that did more honour to its authors than did this address. Unaffected, clear, strong eloquent and pathetic; the heart that dictated it is worthy of the fairest and most tender bosom, and the heart that remains unarmed by it is unworthy of the breast of a human being. We shall, by and by, see this address, side by side with the address of a <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Queen; </em>and then, we will challenge the<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> “higher orders” </em>to a comparison of the two<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">. </em>The men, of what our foes have the insolence to call the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“lower orders” </em>have, long since, shown their superiority , in point of mind, over the self-styled “<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">higher orders”,</em> and now we have before us the proof that our sisters surpass them in the same degree. We have too long, much too long, had the false modesty to admit, as a matter of course, that we were inferior to them in knowledge and talent. This gross and mischevious error is now, thank God, <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">corrected</em></span>.</div>
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<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em> opined:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">I have news to tell thee – news that will make thy heart leap with satisfaction; as I know thee to be advocate of female heroism, and a zealous advocate for the rights of woman, as well as of the rights of man…Here the ladies are determined at last to speak for themselves; and they address their brother reformers in very manly language. …this array of women against the system my friend, I deem the most fatal omen of its fall.</span></div>
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Conversely the women were attacked by anti-reformers in a pro-government newspaper, the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Courier</em> on 15 July, for abandoning domestic considerations for political consideration</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Of the degraded females who thus exhibited themselves, we know nothing, and should care less, if we did not discern, in their conduct the strongest proof of the corruption of their husbands, fathers and brothers. We consider, therefore, the fact of these women, thus <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">deserting their station, </em>as a painful evidence that their male kindred, in the pursuit of their guilty objects, have disunited themselves from those social ties and endearments which are the best pledges of their <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">fidelity to their God , their country and their King </em></span> L</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">We have lately witnessed a new contrivance for the ruin of society: Female Establishments, for demoralizing the rising generation: Mothers instructed to train their infants to the hatred of every thing that is orderly and decent, and to rear up Rebels against Good and State. Hitherto, this diabolical attempt has been confined to the most degraded of the sex: and it is to be hoped, that no woman who has a spark of virtue or honor remaining in her character, will engage in a scheme so disgusting and abominable.</span> Quoted in Robert Glen, Urban workers p.232</div>
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The women were also attacked in a cartoon <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Belle Alliance or the Female Reformers</em> of Blackburn, by George Cruikshank, in which they are portrayed as harridans.</div>
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A female reformer from Ashton sent a letter to the women in Blackburn congratulating them on forming the Society. She argued against waiting patiently for the rulers of the country to grant political redress because “hope hath failed and it is ridiculous to look any more to that quarter.” She declared that “if the reformers have both women and truth on their side, they cannot fail of proving victorious…let there be no more begging and praying ”. If reform was not granted, they should urge men to take direct action, they had “nothing to lose but [their] lives ; and those will be better lost than kept, on the terms that we hold them at present”. She concluded that “we are on the precipice from which there is no retreat…let us boldly take the plunge for there is no other way left but either slavery or exertion.. Let us prove we are true-born English women and that we are determined to bear this illegal oppression no longer ”.</div>
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It was reported in a hostile report in the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Morning Post</em> that the Blackburn women had held a meeting on the morning of 15 July:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">With the names of the Chairwomen and different lady speakers it would be idle to trouble you: they can never shine brighter than by being left in their native obscurity. The business of the day was to consider of the best means of forwarding the great object for which they have abandoned their proper domestic cares, and given themselves up to mania of mending Constitution, to the neglect of the more fitting occupation of mending their husband’s breeches. It was, after some discussion, unamimously that the Members should go in parties to the public market on Thursday next, and endeavour by every means at their disposal to win people over the cause of Reform</span>, Morning Post 19/7/1819, p. 3</div>
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There was no female reform society in Middleton because, it appears, that women in the village were allowed full membership in the reform union.</div>
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The Stockport Female Union was founded on 12 July at the third meeting of the women reformers. They decided that each class should number twelve and that a committee of twelve would run the Union, six to go out office every six weeks. They explained in their Articles of Association that it had been founded “for the purpose of co-operating with their male associates”.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">We who form and constitute the Stockport Female Union Society, having reviewed for a considerable time past the apathy, and frequent insult of our oppressed countrymen, by those sordid and all-devouring fiends, the Borough-mongering Aristocracy, and in order to accelerate the emancipation of this suffering nation, we, do declare, that we will assist the Male Union formed in this town, with all the might and energy that we possess, and that we will adhere to the principles, etc., of the Male Union…and assist our Male friends to obtain legally, the long-lost Rights and Liberties of our country.</span></div>
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In their rules they pledged themselves to:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> “collectively and individually to instill into the minds of our children a thorough knowledge of their natural and inalienable rights, whereby they shall be able to form just and correct notions of those legalised banditti of plunderers, who rob their parents of more than half the produce of their labours; we also pledge ourselves to stimulate our husbands, and sons to imitate the ancient Romans, who fought to a man in defence of their liberty and our daughters and female friends to imitate the Spanish women, who, when their husbands, sons and other kindred had gone out to fight in defence of their freedom, would rather have heard of the death of any of them, than their deserting the standard of liberty<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">. </em></span><em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Lancaster Gazette,</em> 31/7/1819, p.<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> 4.</span></div>
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They appealed for correspondence from like-minded societies so that a “national union of sentiment can be formed”. All communications to Mrs Hallam at the Union Rooms, Union Place, Stockport.</div>
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That same day (12 July) the Blackburn women visited Manchester and paraded “different parts of the town, but particularly the neighbourhood of Newtown, in the costume that made such an impression at the late meeting in Blackburn”. They then attended a meeting of the Manchester Female Reform Society at the Union Rooms on George Leigh Street.</div>
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The second meeting of the Stockport Female Reformers took place on 19 July in the large room at the Windmill. Mrs Stewart moved that Mrs Hallam be president as she knew her from her well tried principles. She accepted and asked the men present to withdraw because “if in our debates (for it is something new for women to turn political orators) we should for want of knowledge make any blunders, we should be laughed at, to prevent which we should prefer being by ourselves.” The men immediately obeyed.</div>
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Mrs Hallam said:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ladies, you have this evening placed me in a situation which I never occupied before, I kindly thank you for the honour you have done me, but cannot help observing that I am a very unfit person for the office, but as you have placed me here to protect order and peace, I will perform the task as well I am able. I assure you that I am determined to dedicate to Liberty, my heart, my body, yea, my very life (<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">unbounded applause with cries of “Liberty</em>”) I am young , but Ladies, young as I am, I can assure you, that the Borough villains have furnished me with such a woeful life of wretched experience, that I can <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">feel for myself</em>, and equally with myself <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">feel for my injured</em>, plundered country- women, this feeling is so acute, that an eternal war is waged betwixt us , which will never end, but in the emancipation of a distressed and over burthened people from slavery to Liberty (<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">reiterated applause</em>)…These are sentiments I imbibed when almost a child , and as i grow older, the grumbling spirit goes <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">(Laughter</em>) I thank you Ladies for your kind attention, but assure you, I do not look for your applauses, applaud me not, it cannot please me, for I consider it my duty to use every ability in the cause without receiving any reward at all for my weak endeavours. It is a good cause, it is the cause of God…for its is the cause of the people and the voice of the people is the voice of God. ..we therefore are sure to triumph. Seeing then, that it is the common cause, let us all unite, and never cease from persevering in a cause so just and holy, until we possess those constitutional liberties and privileges which are the birth-right of every Englishman and woman.</span></div>
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In the discussion it was moved that the Female Union “cooperate with their male brethren in relieving those unfortunate individuals , now confined in Chester Castle, Messrs Bagguley, Johnston, and Drummond and all who may in future be incarcerated the cause of the people.”</div>
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Miss Whalley addressed the meeting:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Mrs President and Sisters, I love liberty and hate slavery. I know too truly the horrors of the one, and the virtues of the other. If a Borough-monger were to come to Stockport and be compelled to weave for his living, he would more impatiently (when he saw he could get nothing more than a mess of pottage for his labour) cry out for Liberty and Reform! As well as those who are called the incorrigible swine, the disaffected, and the lower orders. I will not detain you, I have only to say that I could wish us to have a Cap of Liberty , and present it at the next Public Meeting, as our sisters at Blackburn did at theirs; and that we form the determination to bring it victoriously back again, or lose our lives in its defence.</span></div>
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A commitee was elected: Miss Goodier, Miss Knowles, Miss Lowe, Mrs Hodgson, Miss Whalley, Mrs Kenworthy, Mrs Rhodes, Miss Longson, Miss Johnstone, Mrs Stewart (Secretary), Mrs Hambleton (Treasurer).</div>
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A vote of thanks was proposed to their “Presidentess” who replied:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ladies, I do assure you, you have so wounded me by the kind attention you have honoured me with , that the load overwhelms me with such a sense of obligation, that I cannot express my thanks. Suffice it to say, that this mark of esteem ,I will ever dearly cherish in my heart. I can only say that it will be a fresh stimulus to spur me on with greater avidity in the common cause. Go peaceably home, for fear of furnishing the Borough-mongers, with materials for another green bag. A plot is what they are, as Cobbett observes, dying for; and the only plan to frustrate their hellish wish, is to act constitutionally in all your undertakings.</span></div>
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The meeting then dispersed about half-past ten o’clock, “highly pleased with the proceedings of the evening .”</div>
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The Manchester Female Reform Society was also formed in July and issued an address on 20 July. It was an appeal directed at other women “to the wives, mothers, sisters and daughters of the higher and middling classes of society”.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Dear Sisters of the Earth, It is with a spirit of peaceful consideration and due respect that we are induced to address you, upon the causes of that have compelled us to associate together in aid of our suffering children, our dying parents, and the miserable partners of our woes. Bereft, not only of that support, the calls of nature require for existence; but the balm of sweet repose hath long been a stranger to us. Our minds are filled with a horror and despair, fearful on each returning morn, the light of heaven should present to us the corpse of some of our famished off spring, or nearest kindred, which the more kind hand of death had released from the oppressor. The Sabbath, which is set apart by the all-wise creator for a day of rest, we are compelled to employ in repairing the tattered garments, to over the nakedness . Every succeeding nights bring with it new terror, so that we are sick of life and weary of a world, where poverty , wretchedness, tyranny and injustice, have so long been permitted to reign amongst men. </span></div>
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Like their sisters in other societies they blamed the aristocracy and land-owners for their plight . “The lazy boroughmongering eagles of destruction” who have “nearly picked bare the bones of those who labour” will “chase you to misery and death until the middle and useful class of society is swept by their relentless hands from the face of creation.”</div>
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The address also condemned the recent war against France and the carnage at Waterloo and called on women to join to eradicate tyranny and oppression “our enemies are resolved upon destroying the natural Rights of Man, and we are determined to establish it….it is not possible therefore for us to submit to bear the onerous weight of our chains any longer, but to use our endeavour to tear them asunder , and dash them in the face them”.</div>
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The Society’s address was issued from Union Rooms on George Leigh Street, Ancoats and the public was advised that the Committee sat every Tuesday evening from six to nine for the purpose of enrolling new members and transacting business. The address was signed by Susanna Saxton as Secretary of the Society. She was the wife of John Saxton, a former weaver and now a leading reformer, who had founded the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em> with James Wroe and John Johnston. Like many of the women whose names appear in the press at the time little is known about them, other than that they were often the wives or sisters of the male reformers.</div>
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At the end of July a member of the Stockport Female Union Society spoke at a meeting in Macclesfield, addressing the women present. According to the report in the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Times </em> (which did not state her name) she said, “ Sisters, I am deputed by the Stockport Female Union Society to impress upon you the necessity of forming a similar union in this town, and as the rules of the society are here I cannot explain to you better than causing them to be read. “After they had been read she urged them to adopt the same course and said that the Stockport Society was corresponding with the Blackburn Society, and if the sisters in Macclesfield needed help, they had only to write to the Union Rooms in Stockport and they should have an immediate answer. She again begged them to persevere, to stand firm and they were sure to conquer. <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></em></div>
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At a large reform meeting in Wigan John Saxton paid tribute to” the great number of females who appeared to take such an unusual interest in the proceedings of the day – it was indeed delightful to behold the sweetest bloom of the country all arrayed under the banners of Freedom – he hoped they would persevere in the great principle of Freedom, and suffer no coxcomb to divert them from the noble cause in which they had volunteered their welcome services – (Very great applause)…At the end of the meeting the Cap of Liberty which had been presented by the Rochdale Society of Female Reformers, and the banners were then taken down, and carried in procession with a band of music from the place of Meeting. The people then peaceably departed to their respective homes.</div>
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At a very large reform meeting held on 19 July in Nottingham the resolutions included the following:</div>
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<li style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">That this Meeting hear with peculiar pleasure the zeal manifested by the females of Blackburn, in promoting a Radical Reform and hope that their example, and the extreme sufferings of the poor in this town and neighbourhood, will stimulate the females of Nottingham and its vicinity to form themselves into societies, in order to accelerate the good cause, and thereby prevent the actual starvation of themselves, and their beloved children.</span> Sherwin’s Weekly Political Register, 24/7/1819, p.182</li>
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On 11 August twelve young women attended a political meeting in the marketplace in Leigh “all dressed in black with white sashes” and carried a banner that read “No Corn Laws, Annual Parliament and Universal Suffrage.”</div>
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In these addresses the women, whilst expressing solidarity with men and asserting their right to comment publicly on political questions, made no claim for political rights for themselves, at least publicly. Their private thoughts are more difficult to discern as, unlike the men, none of the women published political memoirs in later life.</div>
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Joseph Johnson wrote to Henry Hunt on behalf of the Manchester Reform Society, asking him to visit Manchester again, thus setting in train the events that led to Peterloo.</div>
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At the end of July it was announced that a meeting would be convened for Monday 9<sup style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> August at St Peter’s Field’s “for the purpose of taking into consideration the most effectual legal means of obtaining a Reform in the Representation of the House of Commons”, and that Henry Hunt would be speaking. This was a direct challenge to the existing political order which reserved the right to vote for a handful of wealthy men., as any person chosen by a meeting of thousands would have greater political legitimacy and set a dangerous precedent.</div>
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<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Sherwin’s Weekly Political Register</em> reported in its issue dated 7 August that;</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">We are informed by the daily press that is the intention of the Magistracy to disperse the meeting by force. ‘The Magistrates,’ say the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Courier</em>, ‘have come to a determination to act with decision, and suppress all seditious meetings immediately as they assemble, and if the civil power be not sufficient, then to read the Riot Act and call in the military.’ It will be seen whether the People will submit to this infamous violation of law.</span></div>
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William Perry of the Stockport Union wrote to Hunt, inviting him to stop at Stockport on the way to Manchester, telling him “ the idea of your arrival strike terror to the very foundation of the borough faction in this part of the country.” Hunt did stop in Stockport on 8th August before proceeding to Manchester.</div>
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On 12 August Colonel Fletcher wrote to the Home Secretary reporting on developments including a meeting that day in Leigh:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">During the morning a great concourse of the lower order of people were waiting for the arrival of Mr. Hunt, whose presence was anxiously expected, in consequence of which, the meeting was delayed until past two o’clock. Mr. Hunt, and none of his partisans forthcoming, it was deemed necessary to commence the proceedings of the day. Two carts were lashed together in the market place, (a fine open space of ground), when Mr. Battersby, (an itinerant preacher,) Mr. Thomas Cleworth, and a Mr. Bamber, (one of the Society of Friends) with several others, as- cended the platform.</span></div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> </span><span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">As soon as Mr. Bamber was chosen for their chairman, a parade of the female reformers took place, headed by a committee of twelve young women. The members of the female committee were honoured with places in the carts. They were dressed in white, with black sashes ; and what was more novel, these women planted a standard with an inscription, ” No Corn Laws, Annual Parliaments, and Universal Suffrage ;” as well as another standard, surmounted with the cap of liberty, on the platform. Both the flag and the cap were presents from the Ladies’ Union ! !</span></div>
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In the meantime the magistrates in Manchester had issued an order banning the meeting, plastering the town with placards to this effect. The reformers, after having sought a legal opinion which went against them, baulked at a direct challenge to the town authorities, and therefore re-arranged the meeting for the following. Monday, 16<sup style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> August. The purpose of the meeting was now announced as to consider “the propriety of adopting the most legal and effectual means of obtaining a Reform in the Commons’ House of Parliament.” The requisition for the meeting was opened for signatures at the office of the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em> where in space of three hours over 700 householders added their names, with hundreds of others gathered, unable to get into the office.</div>
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.On reaching Manchester Hunt issued a letter from Smedley Cottage.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">You will meet on Monday next , my friends, and by your <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">steady , firm and temperate</em> deportment, you will convince all your enemies, that you feel you have an <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">important,</em> and an <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">imperious public duty</em> to perform; and that you will not suffer any private consideration on earth to deter you from exerting every nerve to carry your praiseworthy and patriotic intentions. The eyes of all England, nay, of all Europe, are fixed upon you; and every friend of real Reform, and of rational Liberty, is tremblingly alive to the results of your Meeting on Monday next. OUR ENEMIES will seek every opportunity , by the means of their sanguinary agents, to excite a RIOT, that they may have a pretence for SPILLING OUR BLOOD, reckless of the awful and certain retaliation that would ultimately fall on their heads…..Come, then, my friends to the Meeting on Monday, <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">armed </em>with NO OTHER WEAPON but that of aself-approving conscience; determined not to suffer youselves to be irritated or excited, by any means whatsoever</span>, to commit any breaches of the public peace. <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Impartial Narrative</em> , p.25.</div>
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On the morning of 16<sup style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> August for miles around Manchester people gathered in their thousands and set off on the long walk into Manchester. The Middleton contingent carried brightly coloured silk banners, whose slogans included “UNITY AND STRENGTH!, !LIBERTY AND FRATERNITY”, “PARLIAMENTS ANNUAL” and “SUFFRAGE UNIVERSAL” . The Saddleworth, Lees and Mossley Union banner read “EQUAL REPRESENTATION OR DEATH”.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Reformers, who seemed determined to make this a splendid day…..in preparing flags and small bands of music, and in arranging matters for the approaching meeting. It is evident, however, from the great number of females, and even children, who formed part of the procession, that nothing was anticipated that could involve them in the least degree of peril; and an immense multitude gathered together, relying in confidence on each other’s peaceful intentions, and certainly not expecting , that the precautions taken by the magistracy to preserve the peace, would be employed to destroy it, and convert a peaceable assembly into a scene of terror and alarm, danger and death.</span></div>
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Francis Philips, a Manchester manufacturer and merchant observed the Stockport procession as it made its way along the road to Manchester</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">On the 16<sup style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> August I went on the Stockport Road about eleven or a little after, and I met a great number of persons advancing towards Manchester with all the regularity of a regiment, only they had no uniform .They were all marching in file, principally three abreast. They had two banners with them. There were persons by the side, acting as officers and regulating the files. The order was beautiful indeed.</span></div>
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The banners read NO CORN LAWS, ANNUAL PARLIAMENTS, UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE, VOTE BY BALLOT and SUCCESS TO THE FEMALE REFORMERS OF STOCKPORT, the latter banner was carried by Mary Waterworth. Phillips estimated that there were about 15,000 with 40 women.</div>
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The Royton women numbered about 100 and had their own flag. The Oldham column was headed by a group of about 150 women in white. The Failsworth contingent was led by a group of 20 women, also dressed in white who took it in turns to carry the flag. The Bury contingent was led by a group of 300 women, walking five abreast.</div>
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According to Sam Bamford, the Middleton contingent included six thousand men and several hundred women, including his own wife.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Our whole column, with the Rochdale people, would probably consist of six thousand men. At our head were a hundred or two of women, mostly young wives, and mine own was amongst them – women, mostly young wives , and mine own was amongst them – A hundred or two of our handsomest girls, – sweethearts to the lads who were with us – danced to the music, or sung snatches of popular songs: a score or two of children were sent back , though some went forward ; whilst, on each side of our line walked some thousands of stragglers. And this, accompanied by our friends, and our nearest and most tender connections, we went slowly towards Manchester. </span>Bamford, chapter 34</div>
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The column from Oldham was headed by a band of 156 women dressed in white They were joined en route by a contingent of reformers from Failsworth, led by a troop of twenty women in white who took it in turns to hold the flag. The procession from Bury had a contingent walking five abreast, numbering 300.</div>
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Richard Carlile from London wrote the first published account of what happened which wa s published in<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Sherwin’s Weekly Political Register </em>just two days after the events <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> </em>on 21 August. It was entitled “Horrid Massacre in Manchester” and began:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">It is impossible to find the words to express the horror which every man must feel at the proceedings of the agents of the Borough-mongers on Monday last, at Manchester. It is out of the pale of words to describe the abhorrence which every true Englishman must feel towards the abettors and the actors in that murderous scene. All prospect of reconciliation must be now considered as being effectually destroyed, and the people have no resource left but to arm themselves immediately, for the recovery of their rights, and the defence of their persons, or patiently to submit to the most unconditional slavery. The Governmnet</span></div>
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He had walked the three miles out of Manchester to where Hunt was staying at Smedley Cottage and presented him with several copies of a pamphlet “An Address to People of Great Britain and People of Ireland, which carried a speech made by Hunt in London on 21 July in which he had urged unity of the reform movements in the two countries under the banner of “Universal Civil and Religious Liberty.” Carlile noted that people gathered around Smedley Cottage at 11am, and Hunt set off in a barouche at noon in which Carlile managed to get a seat:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> They had not proceeded far when they were met by the Committee of the Female Reformers, one of whom, an interesting looking woman, bore a standard on which was painted a female holding in her hand a flag surmounted with a cap of liberty, whilst she trod underfoot an emblem of corruption, on which was inscribed that word. She was requested to take a seat on the box of the carriage, (a most appropriate one ) which she boldly and immediately acquiesced in, and continued waving her flag and handkerchief until she reached the hustings, where she took her stand at the front, on the right. ..Females from the age of twelve to eighty were seen cheering with their caps in their hands, and their hair, in consequence, disheveled…<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> </em></span></div>
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The Manchester Female Reformers had intended to present Hunt with an address and the flag in the course of the meeting, but this was not be. (The undelivered address was later published in the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer </em>and other newspapers). The banner of the Union Female Society of Royton was also on the platform, a crimson banner with the motto “Let Us Die Like Men and Not Be Sold Be Slaves”. According to eye-witnesses, there were a number of other women on the platform, and also a group immediately in front of the hustings, eager to see Hunt.</div>
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The procession came through Shudehilll, Hanging Ditch, Old Millgate, Market Place, St Mary’s Gate, Deansgate and Peter Street. By 1pm tens <a href="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgb(254, 119, 147); background: 0px 0px; color: #2e6eb0; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><img alt="" class="alignleft wp-image-575" data-attachment-id="575" data-comments-opened="1" data-image-description="" data-image-meta="{"aperture":"0","credit":"","camera":"","caption":"","created_timestamp":"0","copyright":"","focal_length":"0","iso":"0","shutter_speed":"0","title":"","orientation":"0"}" data-image-title="Peterloo 2" data-large-file="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png?w=674&h=463?w=300" data-medium-file="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png?w=674&h=463?w=300" data-orig-file="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png?w=674&h=463" data-orig-size="300,206" data-permalink="https://redflagwalks.wordpress.com/2018/08/15/women-at-peterloo/peterloo-2/" height="463" sizes="(max-width: 674px) 100vw, 674px" src="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png?w=674&h=463" srcset="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png 300w, https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png?w=150&h=103 150w" style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; float: left; height: auto; margin: 0px 20px 0px 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" width="674" /></a>of thousands were gathered in St Peter’s Fields. The <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em> estimated the crowd at 153,000</div>
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Hunt began speaking</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">My friends and fellow countrymen – I must entreat your indulgence for a short time; and I beg you will endeavour to preserve the most prefect silence. I hope you will exercise the all powerful right of the people in an orderly manner; and if you perceive any man that wants to raise a disturbance, let him instantly be put down , and be kept secure. For the honour you have done me in inviting me a second time to preside at your meeting, I return you my thanks ; and all I have to beg of you is , that you will indulge us with your patient attention. It is impossible, that, with the utmost silence, we shall be able to make ourselves heard by this tremendous assembly. It is useless for me to relate to you the proceedings of the past week or ten days in this town and neighbourhood. You know them all, and the cause of meeting appointed for last Monday being prevented. I will not therefore say one word on that subject; only to observe, that those who put us down, and prevented us from meeting on Monday last, by their malignant exertions have produced two-fold the number to-day. It will be perceived, that in consequences of the calling of this new victory, our enemies, who flattered themselves they had gained a victory, have sustained a great defeat. There have been two or three placards posted up during the past week with the names of one or two insignificant individuals attached to them…”</span></div>
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Here he broke off as a troop of horsemen approached.</div>
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What had happened was that the magistrates had, prior to the crowd assembling, taken oaths from number of men that the peace of the town was endangered by the assembly. They later claimed to have read the Riot Act, although nobody present on the field ever claimed to have heard it. They summoned the Manchester and Cheshire Yeomanry, who were stationed in Pickford’s Yard. They mounted their horses and galloped onto the field. On the way knocked over a woman and child, a young boy named William Fildes, who was killed.</div>
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The troop arrived on the field, about a hundred, and halted in front of the magistrates house. Hunt called for three cheers and urged the crowd to be firm. They then wheeled and began pushing through crowd towards the hustings, using their sabres, both on the crowd and the special constables who were in their way. They were led by a bugler and an officer . One of the constables later died from his injuries.</div>
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John Tyas, <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Times</em> reporter wrote in his account, “ Not a brickbat was thrown, not a pistol was fired during this period; all was quiet and orderly , as if the cavalry had been the friends of the multitude and had marched as such into them.” They were led by a bugler and an officer. The officer told Hunt that he had a warrant for his arrest. Hunt said, ”I will willingly surrender myself to any civil officer who will show me his warrant”. Joseph Nadin then stepped forward. They also arrested Mr Johnson.</div>
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Richard Carlile writes that the Yeomanry:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">…galloped furiously round the field, going over every person who could not get out of their way, to the spot were the police were fixed, and after a moment’s pause, they received the cheers of the Police as the signal to attack. The meeting at the entrance of the Cavalry, and from the commencement was one of the most calm and orderly I ever witnessed. Hilarity was seen on the countenance of all, whilst the Female Reformers crowned the asemblage with grace, and excited a feeling particularly interesting. The Yeomanry made their charge with the most infuriate frenzy : they cut down men, women and children indiscriminately, and appeared to have commenced a premeditated attack with most insatiable thirst for blood and destruction…The women appear to have been the particular objects of the Cavalry Assasins. One woman, who was near the spot where I stood, and who held an infant in her arms, was sabred over the head and her tender offspring DRENCHED IN HER MOTHER’S BLOOD. Another was actually stabbed in the neck with the point of a sabre which must have been a deliberate attempt on the part of the military assassin. Some were sabred in the breast: so inhuman, indiscriminate, and fiend-like, was the conduct of the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry. </span>SWPR, 21/8/1819. P. 241<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">.</span></div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> </span>Carlile wrote a further account of the events of the day in February 1822 in the course of a long and bitter letter to Henry Hunt with whom he was now totally at odds:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgb(254, 119, 147); background: 0px 0px; color: #2e6eb0; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><img alt="" class="alignleft wp-image-574" data-attachment-id="574" data-comments-opened="1" data-image-description="" data-image-meta="{"aperture":"0","credit":"","camera":"","caption":"","created_timestamp":"0","copyright":"","focal_length":"0","iso":"0","shutter_speed":"0","title":"","orientation":"0"}" data-image-title="Peterloo 1819" data-large-file="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg?w=464" data-medium-file="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg?w=512&h=347" data-orig-file="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg" data-orig-size="464,314" data-permalink="https://redflagwalks.wordpress.com/2018/08/15/women-at-peterloo/peterloo-1819-3/" height="347" sizes="(max-width: 512px) 100vw, 512px" src="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg?w=512&h=347" srcset="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg 464w, https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg?w=150&h=102 150w, https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg?w=300&h=203 300w" style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; filter: url("https://redflagwalks.wordpress.com/2018/08/15/women-at-peterloo/#hc_extension_off"); float: left; height: auto; margin: 0px 20px 0px 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" width="512" /></a>I was on the hustings until almost the last, or until the Yeomanry were almost within a sabre’s length. There were five women on the hustings, part of the Female Reformers’ committee, another part had seated themselves in the barouche in which we had rode to the hustings. Four of the women took a stand in the bottom of the wagons that formed the hustings, the other who was Mary Fildes, I believe, was elevated at one corner in the front, with a banner in her hand and resting on a large drum, a most singular and interesting situation for a female at such a meeting..,On the first approach of the Yeomanry I was standing by the side of Mary Fildes in the front of the hustings…I offered comfort and courage to Mary Fildes but I found her above everything like fear…</span></div>
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Once Hunt and others had been arrested there was a cry from the mounted horsemen “Have at their flags”. They began attacking the flags on the hustings, but also those in the crowd held aloft, attacking the crowd with their sabres to get at them. Two horsemen singled out John Saxton, one saying to the other “there is that villain Saxton, do you run him through the body”, “no “, said the other, “I had rather not, I leave it to you.” The man immediately lunged at Saxton and it was only by slipping aside that he saved his life, as it was his coat and waistcoat were cut. Another man a few yards away had his nose completely cut off by a blow from a sabre.</div>
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Sarah Taylor was under the hustings and saw John Ashton, who carried the Saddleworth flag, sabred and trampled. He died two days later.</div>
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The Manchester Yeomanry were joined by the Cheshire Yeomanry, the Dragoons and 15<sup style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> Hussars, who did not hesitate to use their swords on the people and within moments the crowd was fleeing in terror.</div>
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This is a vivid account by Jemima Bamford.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> By this time Mr. Hunt was on the hustings, addressing the people. In a minute or two some soldiers came riding up. The good folks of the house, and some who seemed to be visitors, said, ‘the soldiers were only come to keep order; they would not meddle with the people;’ but I was alarmed. The people shouted, and then the soldiers shouted, waving their swords. Then they rode amongst the people, and there was a great outcry, and a moment after, a man passed without hat, and wiping the blood of his head with his hand, and it ran down his arm in a great stream.</span></div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The meeting was all in a tumult; there were dreadful cries; the soldiers kept riding amongst the people, and striking with their swords. I became faint, and turning from the door, I went unobserved down some steps into a cellared passage; and hoping to escape from the horrid noise, and to be concealed, I crept into a vault, and sat down, faint and terrified, on some fire wood. The cries of the multitude outside, still continued, and the people of the house, up stairs, kept bewailing most pitifully. They could see all the dreadful work through the window, and their exclamations were so distressing, that I put my fingers in my ears to prevent my hearing more; and on removing them, I understood that a young man had just been brought past, wounded. The front door of the passage before mentioned, soon after opened, and a number of men entered, carrying the body of a decent, middle aged woman, who had been killed. I thought they were going to put her beside me, and was about to scream, but they took her forward, and deposited her in some premises at the back of the house.” </span>Bamford, <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Passages in the Life of a Radical</em>, XIII & XIV pp. 222-223</div>
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In his account Samuel Bamford describes an anonymous young woman fighting back against the soldiery:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">A number of our people, were driven to some timber which lay at the foot of the wall of he Quakers’ meeting house. Being pressed by the yeomanry, a number sprang over the balks and defended themselves with stones which they found there. It was not without difficulty, and after several were wounded, that they were driven out. A heroine, a young married woman of our party, with her face all bloody, her hair streaming about her, her bonnet hanging by the string, and her apron weighted with stones, kept her assailant at bay until she fell backwards and was near being taken; but she got away covered with severe bruises. It was near this place and about this time that one of the yeomanry was dangerously wounded, and unhorsed, by a blow from the fragment of a brick; and it was supposed to have been flung by this woman . </span>Bamford, <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Passages,</em> chapter 36.</div>
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According to research carried by Michael Bush for his book <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> The</em> <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Casualties of Peterloo</em>, at least 18 people (including a child) were killed either on the day or died of the injuries. Four of them were women.</div>
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Margaret Downes, Manchester – sabred in the breast.</div>
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Mary Heys, Chorlton Row – trampled by cavalry and died of her injuries four months later after giving birth prematurely</div>
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Sarah Jones, Silk Street Manchester – truncheoned on the head by a special constable, Thomas Woodworth.</div>
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Martha Partington, Barton – crushed to death in a cellar</div>
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Michael Bush has established that 654 people were recorded as being injured, of whom 168 were women. He believes, based on the casualty figures, that the women were present were particularly singled out for violent attack for having involved themselves publicly in the campaign for political reform</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Accounting for the violence committed against the women was not simply the fact that they were inescapably in the way, but that the considerations of protection, respite and mercy that men were normally expected to show to women – in accordance with deeply imbedded notions of gallantry, chivalry and paternalism – failed to come into operation. This was undoubtedly in reaction to the obtrusive behaviour of female reformers at recent political meetings in the North West – an unprecedented and successful invasion by women of a world traditionally accepted as a male prerogative. </span>Bush , <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Casualties of Peterloo, </em>p. 33.</div>
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Mary Fildes was truncheoned by the Special Constables when she refused to let go of the flag she was carrying. She tried to escape by leaping off the hustings but a protruding nail caught her dress and she was suspended. One of the Yeomanry slashed at her and then seized her flag but by a miracle, she escaped serious injury.</div>
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Women were also amongst those arrested. Elizabeth Gaunt was in the crowd, but was put in Hunt’ s carriage for her own safety where she fainted. She came to and went to a house but was arrested later in the day, it was believed, because the authorities thought she was Mary Fildes. She was released after 12 days by which time she was very weak. Sarah Hargreaves was also held for 12 days and released, “very ill from confinement” according to one report.</div>
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Ann Scott, of Liverpool Road, was arrested on the evening of Peterloo by Charles Ashworth Special Constable, In a statement she said she was “violently laid of in Deansgate” and then dragged to the police office and then taken with others to the New Bailey prison. She was detained from Monday to Friday with no bed, even though the floor was floating with water and filth, and were not allowed to leave the cell, even to perform what she called “the common offices of nature”. On Friday she charged at a hearing before the Reverend Ethelstone with inciting the people to commit assault, a charge she vehemently denied. She was sent back to prison where she was confined with other women and allowed occasionally to take air. Not surprisingly she became ill because of the conditions in the prison and was eventually moved to the hospital. She made a statement about her treatment in mid October.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Afterwards, when I had been a fortnight in the hospital, and suffering under a relapse of the fever, I was permitted to see my husband, for the first time since my arrest, although I had repeatedly entreated that he might be let in to speak to me; and when I saw him I was scarcely able to speak to him. He remained with me about ten minutes, when Jackson ordered him away…About a fortnight afterwards, I was again allowed to see my husband: but he was not permitted to remain with me above ten minutes, the turnkey standing beside us during our conversation.</span> Ruth and Eddie Frow, <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Political Women</em> , <span class="skimlinks-unlinked" style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">pp.28-29</span></div>
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The Manchester Female Reformers flag, seized from Mary Fildes by a cavalryman, was put on display that evening in Mr Tate’s grocers shop on Oldham Road in the manner of a spoil of war. An angry crowd of women and children quickly gathered and threw stones, breaking the windows, The military were sent for, who read the Riot Act and then opened fire. Some accounts say that people were killed. They also arrested a number of women, including one whom it was alleged had “talked loudly against the Prince Regent”, and said things “it would not be proper to repeat”. There were further disturbances in the area and two women were , reportedly shot by the military.</div>
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The day after the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Times </em>reported that the military were patrolling the streets and that the Reformers were angry and that threats of revenge were directed against members of the Manchester Yeomanry who lived in the town and “being well known to the disaffected persons, became distinctly marked out as objects of their hatred. The female part of the multitude were not less conspicuous than on Monday for the share they took in what was going on and were even more bitter and malignant in their invectives than their male associates”.</div>
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Robert Campbell, a special constable was killed by a crowd in Newton Lane on 18 August.</div>
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Women relatives of reformers were targeted by the authorities in their crackdown in the wake of the massacre, as detailed by Joseph Johnson in a letter to the press in late September.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Not content with multiplying indictments upon Mr Wroe, the intrepid proprietor of the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em>, and exasperated at his perseverance and their capacity to obtain possession of his person , the revengeful animals have directed all the engines of their prostituted authority to the persecution of his wife and children, who continue to sell that and other obnoxious publications. Twice have the mean violators of the law and deciders of justice held Mrs Wroe to bail, and twice have her children been taken out of his shop, and sureties been demanded for their appearance to answer the charge of having published scandalous libel that told too much truth of these… In addition to Mrs Wroe, the wife of one of the journeymen Mrs Hough and her daughter, were arrested and confined in the New Bailey all night because forsooth the magistrates, after having them into custody, could not make it convenient to wait until their friends could be sent for to put in security for an appearance which the magistrates dare never require of them before any jury. </span><em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em> , 29 September 1819, p.633</div>
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A vivid glimpse of the experiences of some women at Peterloo can be found in the pages of the inquest into the death of John Lees, a weaver from Lees near Oldham, who was sabred on the field and died on his injuries on 6 September. The inquest into his death was turned into an enquiry into the events of Peterloo by Mr Hamer – a solicitor engaged by the Lees family – who, in the teeth of bitter opposition from the Coroner and an opposing solicitor engaged by the magistrates, cross-examined the Crown’s witnesses and also summoned his own. The proceedings were taken down in notes and shorthand and published in full by William Hone the following year. (The inquest was adjourned after ten days and never resumed).</div>
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Martha Kearsley from Oldham, had been sitting on the outside of Henry Hunt’s carriage very close the hustings. She said that what occasioned the tumult on the field had been “the soldiers coming and cutting and slashing among the people” . She had seen a man fighting off two soldiers who were attacking him with swords when a third came up and wounded him on the back of the shoulder. “I was so struck with horror, that I turned round and saw no more of him.” She saw many others cut by the soldiers.</div>
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Ellizabeth Farren, of Lombard Street, Manchester, explained she had been cut on the forehead, raising her bonnet and cap and bandage to show the wound, which had not completely healed. She said she was cut as the cavalry went to the hustings. “I was with this child (<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">shewing the child she held in her arms</em>). I was frightened for its safety, and to protect it, held it close to my side with head downwards, to avoid the blow. I desired them to spare my child, and I was directly cut on my forehead.” She passed out and awoke three hours later in a strange cellar.</div>
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Hannah Croft was living in a house Windmill Street, right by St Peter’s Fields. She described looking out of the window and seeing the Manchester cavalry riding among the crowd “and the people falling in heaps”. The people tried to get away “but the soldiers rode so hard that they knocked them down before they could get out of the way”.</div>
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Margaret Goodwin from Salford was situated between Saint Peter’s church and the hustings. She saw two men wounded near the church “ and all covered with blood and gore” and a woman cut within a few yards of where she was standing. She was trying to get away when she was wounded by Thomas Shelmerdine and knocked unconscious.</div>
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Ann Jones lived on Windmill Street. She told the inquest that she saw the cavalry cutting and slashing and saw a large quantity of blood on the field after they were gone. “I saw a great many people wounded, and very bloody indeed,…there a great many people in my house, and all was in great confusion, and some of the special constables came up in great triumph before my door, calling out, “<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">This is Waterloo for you! This is Waterloo</em>.”</div>
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A militant position was taken by Ethelinda Wilson who wrote articles in <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Republican, </em>a journal published by the political and sexual radical Richard Carlile. She condemned the failure of the male reformers to hold another meeting on St Peter’s fields and said it now up to women to take up the fight. Future generations would thank them for doing so, exclaiming “our mothers, our revered mothers, cultivated the soil in which this universal blessing grew”. Ethelinda left Manchester for London where she attended meetings touting a loaded pistol wrapped in handkerchief.</div>
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<figure style="color: #7d7dff; font-size: 15px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-top: 35px; text-align: center;"><img alt="Women reformers in 1819" src="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfemale1.JPG" height="357" style="border: 0px; height: auto; max-width: 100%;" width="472" /><figcaption style="font-size: 13px; line-height: 20px; margin: 10px; padding: 10px;">Women reformers in 1819</figcaption></figure><div style="font-size: 15px;">
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<a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRsaxton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Susanna Saxton</a>, was the secretary of the Manchester Female Reformers. Susanna wrote several pamphlets on universal suffrage. The most popular was The Manchester Female Reformers Address to the Wives, Mothers, Sisters and Daughters of the Higher and Middling Classes of Society. Although Saxton addressed women as "Sisters of the Earth", she argued that women's main role was to support their husbands in their struggle for universal male suffrage. They were also urged "to install into the minds of our children, a deep and rooted hatred of our corrupt and tyrannical rulers." Of the pamphlets published during this period that have survived, none suggest that women should be given the vote.</div>
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<section id="source" style="position: relative;"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h2 style="font-size: 24px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 10px;">
Primary Sources</h2>
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(1) <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbamford.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Samuel Bamford</a> wrote about the involvement of women in the struggle for universal suffrage in his book <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_ss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=Samuel+Bamford&x=14&y=17" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Passage in the Life of a Radical</a></i>.</h4>
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At one of these meetings, which took place at Lydgate, in Saddleworth, and at which Bagguley, Drummond, Fitton, Haigh, and others were the principal speakers, I, in the course of an address, insisted on the right, and the propriety also, of females who were present at such assemblages voting by a show of hands for or against the resolutions. This was a new idea; and the women, who attended numerously on that bleak ridge, were mightily pleased with it. When the resolution was put the women held up their hands amid much laughter; and ever from that time females voted with the men at the Radical meetings.</div>
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(2) <i>The British Volunteer </i>newspaper (10th July, 1819)</h4>
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Among the many schemes which now endanger the peace of our society, are some for the forming female political associations, to inculcate in the minds of mothers and of the rising generation a disrespect for parliament. One of these, it is alleged, has been formed in Blackburn, in this county!!!</div>
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(3) In his account in<i> <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRtimes.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Times</a> </i>published on 19th August, 1819, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRtyas.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Tyas</a> described the female reformers at St. Peter's Field.</h4>
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A club of Female Reformers, amounting in numbers, according to our calculations, 150 came from Oldham; and another, not quite so numerous, from Royton. The first bore a white silk banner, by far the most elegant displayed during the day, inscribed 'Major Cartwright's Bill, Annual Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, and Vote by Ballot'. The females of Royton bore two red flags, the one inscribed 'Let us die like men, and not sold like slaves'; the other 'Annual Parliaments and Universal Suffrage'.</div>
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A group of women of Manchester, attracted by the crowd, came to the corner of the street where we had taken our post. They viewed the Oldham Female Reformers for some time with a look in which compassion and disgust was equally blended, and at last burst out into an indignant exclamation - "Go home to your families, and leave <i>sike-like as thes</i>e to your husbands and sons, who better understand them." The women who addressed them were of the lower order of life.</div>
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<figure style="color: #7d7dff; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-top: 35px; text-align: center;"><img alt="George Cruikshank produced Female Reformers of Blackburnafter he read about the group in the Black Dwarf (12th August 1819)" src="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfemale2.JPG" height="349" style="border: 0px; height: auto; max-width: 100%;" width="515" /><figcaption style="font-size: 13px; line-height: 20px; margin: 10px; padding: 10px;"><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRcruikshank.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">George Cruikshank</a> produced <i>Female Reformers of Blackburn</i><br />after he read about the group in the <i>Blackburn Area</i></figcaption></figure></blockquote>
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Women at Peterloo</h1>
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“<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Dear Sisters of the Earth”: Women at Peterloo</span></h1>
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In October 1816 there was an open air-meeting In Manchester attended by a number from outside Manchester, including Failsworth. On 7 October a meeting calling for parliamentary reform was held in Stockport at which speakers asserted that there had to be a change in government or no government at all. Resolutions were passed proposing that parliament be convened immediately to deal with the distress , that the sinecures and standing army be ended, and that parliament be reformed</div>
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The revived reform movement attracted a good deal of support amongst working people in the north of England because of the growing economic distress in industrial towns.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">1817</span></div>
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The government reacted swiftly to this imagined threat with its tried and tested methods, honed over three decades of repression; suspending Habeas Corpus until July and passing Acts which banned public meetings of more than 50 persons. It also rallied its network of supporters, as in the 1790s, to publicly attack the emerging radical movement.</div>
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In Manchester on 13 January 1817 Loyalists called a meeting “to consider the necessity of adopting additional measures for the maintenance of the public peace”. Speakers at the meeting denounced “the numerous meetings held both publicly and secretly – the organized system of committees, delegates and missionaries” which “afford strong manifestation of mediated disorder and tumult”. They established the Association for the Protection and Support of the Civil Authorities.</div>
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In Stockport the same day Stockport radicals held another meeting to protest at the Corn Laws and call for parliamentary reform. At the same time the radical press and radical pamphlets were being sold in Stockport such as<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Black Dwarf, Sherwin’s Political Register, Hone’s Political Catechism </em>and<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Political Litany. </em>Samuel Bamford said that the writings of Cobbett “were read on nearly every cottage in the manufacturing districts of South Lancashire”.</div>
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The Manchester authorities noted in February that Reformers’ meetings “are swelled much in numbers from the moment the Spinning Factories in the neighbourhood leave off working – a proof that the discontent is not confined to those who are distressed, the circumstances of the Spinners are comparatively good. This body have of late contributed out of their funds assistance to the Reformers”.</div>
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On 3 March the Manchester reformers held a public meeting at which they announced that they intended to march to London to present a petition to the Prince Regent. Marchers were to take a blanket to sleep on and hence it became known as the March of the Blanketeers .</div>
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On 10 March a group of several hundred marchers gathered at St Peter’s Fields as did a crowd of about 12,000, who were addressed by local reformers, including John Bagguley, a Manchester apprentice aged 18, and Samuel Drummond, a Manchester reedmaker, aged 24. They attacked the excessive spending of the government, high rents, the Corn Laws, the libel laws, the suspension of <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">habeas corpus</em> and the Prince Regent’s ministers</div>
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One local magistrate noted the presence of female radicals.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The women of the lower class seem to take a strong part against the preservation of good order and in the course of the morning of the 10<sup style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup>, it was very general and undisguised cry amongst them that the gentry had had the upper hand long enough and that their turn has now come. </span></div>
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Shortly after the march had set off the magistrates ordered the arrest of the speakers, reading the Riot Act, and using the King’s Dragoon <span class="skimlinks-unlinked" style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Guards.to</span> clear the people from the field. The marchers were pursued by troops and stopped at Stockport’s Lancashire Bridge where 48 were arrested. A number avoided arrest by wading across the Mersey. Thousands came out to watch the proceedings. Another 170 were arrested in the Market Place. Some struggled on towards Macclesfield but gave up. Just one man from Stalybridge, Abel Coudwell, allegedly succeeded in getting to London and presenting his petition to the Home Secretary, Lord Sidmouth.</div>
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The authorities in Manchester followed up their operation by claiming that “a most daring and traitorous conspiracy “ had been discovered and on 28 March arrested a number of reform leaders, including Samuel Bamford, John Knight and Benbow at a meeting in Ardwick. For the time being the authorities had succeeded in disputing radical activity.</div>
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For the rest of 1817 there was little radical activity in Manchester or Stockport Government repression seems to have worked but it was only a pause, however, and not an end.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">1818</span></div>
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On 3 January 1818 the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em> began publishing with offices at 18 Market Street. Its founders were John Knight, James Wroe and John Saxton. It helped fan the reviving radical movement and was soon selling in 4,000 copies each week. and circulated well beyond Manchester. Henry Hunt called the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em> “the only newspaper in England that I know, fairly and honestly devoted to such reform as would give the people their whole rights”.</div>
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Throughout the spring reform meetings were held in Manchester and other towns. Stockport radicals held a meeting on 13 April , chaired by Joseph Bertinshaw, the veteran radical cobbler. The meeting passed resolution in favour of annual parliaments, adult male suffrage, reform of taxation and the formation of reform societies.</div>
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At the end of July 1818 there were major strikes by spinners, powerloom weavers and handloom weavers for higher wages. This was opportunity for the reformers to reach a larger audience. Bagguley addressed a weavers meeting before the strike and allegedly urged them to arm themselves in preparation got their confrontation with the masters.</div>
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On 1 September, the first day of the weavers strike, 1,222 men and 355 women marched through Stockport with banners and music. Some of them, joined a reform meeting which lasted 5 hours and was addressed by Bagguley, Drummond and Johnston. It dispersed peacefully. The speakers were arrested and bail was set out the enormous sum of £2,000. Their trial did not take place until the following spring</div>
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The following day Stockport weavers, “with many women” amongst them, according to the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Chronicle,”</em>marched to Manchester with music and large banners, including one which read “Seven Shillings in the Pound and No Less”. On 3 September weavers from Manchester came to Stockport and paraded through the streets. The following weavers from Manchester and Stockport went to Ashton to march there. Within days the strike was over with weavers accepting the masters offer, an increase of 10% each month until 35% was met.</div>
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In the autumn the radical movement in the town revived with veterans John Knight from Manchester and Joseph Mitchell from Liverpool giving support. In October the Stockport Union for the Promotion of Human Happiness was established which within months grew into the most successful radical organisation the town had ever known to this . Its objects were the traditional radical programme – universal manhood suffrage, annual parliaments and vote by secret ballot. G L Bolsover, a Stockport surgeon and union member, wrote to Henry Hunt that the object was</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">…to obtain a great and positive good, viz equal rights, equal laws, and equal justice; and our weapons being reason , discussion and persuasion, it follows that we shall obtain our object without either anarchy or confusion.</span></div>
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The town was divided into a dozen sections. The core activity was the provision the holding of weekly classes which consisted of readings out loud for about 30 minutes, followed by 30 minutes of general conversation , when, according to someone who attended in 1819, “each member states his opinion and ideas of government…” Those attending paid a penny each week, collected by the class leader who forwarded it to the Union committee where the permanent secretary was Joseph Harrison and the Treasurer Thomas Cheetham . Other members of the Committee were delegates from each district. The headquarters were the Windmill Rooms on Edward street which also contained a reading room. They also provided reading and writing schools for children, an evening class on for adults and a Sunday school. where Henry Hunt noted on a visit that scholars were”<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> taught</em> on the basis of of true Christian morality and the spirit of genuine liberty”. Within year 2,000 children were being taught. It inspired similar schools in Manchester , Oldham and Bury. Another Union society was set up at Gee Cross.</div>
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Women had already been attending radical meetings but not as speakers or even as voters. In his memoirs Sam Bamford claimed credit for a radical innovation in the summer of 1818 in the rights of women attending public gatherings.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">At one of these meetings , which took place at Lydgate, in Saddleworth…..I, in the course of an address, insisted on the right, and the propriety also, of females who were present at such assemblages, voting by show of hand, for, or against the resolutions. This was a new idea; and the women, who attended numerously on that bleak ridge, were mightily pleased with it, – and the men being nothing dissentient, – when the resolution was put, the women held up their hands, amidst much laughter; and ever from that time females voted with the men at radical meetings. I was not then aware, that the new impulse thus given to political movement, would in a short time be applied to charitable and religious purposes. But it was so; our females voted at every subsequent meetings; it became the practice, – female political unions were formed, with their chair-women, committees, and other officials…..</span></div>
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The radical newspaper <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em> devoted an editorial on 9 September to the “Rights of Women” which begins by attacking the so-called “Dandies”.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Some of the present race ashamed to wear a name to which they have no pretensions have adopted a new one. They are no longer Englishmen but “Dandies”! …Their gender is not yet ascertained, but as their principal ambition seems to be to look as pretty as women, it would be uncharitable to call them men.</span></div>
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He then goes on to consider women:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Their arguments are very forcible. They say that since the men abandoned the cause of freedom, they will support it. They say freedom was a woman and therefore every woman ought to be free. Man, they say, has shamefully deserted his post – and has no right to control woman; – since he has lost the power of defending himself …that woman can expect no protection from the cowards that cannot protect themselves! And they demand Universal Suffrage in its fullest extent.</span></div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">1819</span></div>
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On 2 January the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em> called for a vigorous reform campaign. Henry Hunt was invited to speak in Manchester for the first time. He addressed a crowd of at least 8,000 people at a meeting on St Peter’s Fields. It was a colourful gathering with flags and banners and bands . He urged the assembly not to waste time sending yet another petition to the House of Commons but draw up a Remonstrance to be sent directly to the Prince Regent. The meeting also approved a lengthy Declaration which set out the Radical programme in detail. This was unequivocal in its view of where political power originated from, stating “That the only source of all legitimate power, is in the People, the whole People and nothing but the People That all governments, not immediately derived from and strictly accountable to the People, are usurpations, and ought to be resisted and destroyed.” It went on to declare that:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">That every individuals, of mature age, and not incapacitated by crime or insanity, has a right to a vote for the election of a Representative in Parliament: and to refuse or with hold from any individuals the exercise of this just and lawful right, is to deprive him of all security for his life, liberty, and property, and reduce him to the abject condition of a slave; for a man cannot be said to be really free, or to enjoy either life, liberty or property, when these may, at any time, be taken from him, at the arbitrary will of another: and by laws that are made without his own consent.</span></div>
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The Declaration also called for annual parliaments and universal suffrage and defended the right of the people to possess arms to defend their liberties. In its political programme – and even its language – there are clear continuities with the views expressed by the Levellers at the Putney debates. Thomas Rainborough would have found little to disagree with.</div>
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The <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em> reported that</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">the order of the meeting met with no disturbance : although it would appear that some of the manufacturers were disposed to do what they could to occasion tumult. Some of them, it is said, actually locked their men in the manufacturies, lest they should attend the meeting! That this should occur in England is certainly , after all our boasting a melancholy circumstances; for its shews that our boasted liberty is bauble – our freedom a mere name, not worthy of our treasuring in sound. …Upon such a subject the wish the duty to attend was naturally felt by the mechanics and artizans of Manchester. They posses a high degree of political intelligence; and upon subjects of political economy, they know more in tenfold degree than the tyrants who oppress them</span></div>
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As the reform movement gathered momentum women stepped onto the public stage, setting up Female Reform societies in Manchester, Stockport, Blackburn, Oldham and Royton.</div>
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Blackburn women led the way, setting up their society on 18 June. On 5 July the Female Reformers attended a very large outdoor public meeting, chaired by John Knight This is a report from <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em>:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Committee of the Blackburn Female Reform Society appeared at the entrance to the ground, and were desirous of approaching the hustings. – they were very neatly dressed for the occasion, and each wore a green favour in her bonnet and cap. No sooner did our worthy Chairman perceive the anxiety of the ladies to make their way through the immense crowds, than her signified his wish that road might be opened for the accommodation of the Committee of the FeMale Reform Society; which was no sooner said, than the request was instantly complied with. The ladies ascended the hustings amidst the reiterated acclamations of the people which continued for several minutes before the silence could be restored. The ladies then stepping forward toward the chairman; one of them, with becoming diffidence and respect, presented him with a most beautiful Cap of Liberty, made of scarlet silk or satin, lined with green, with a serpentine gold lace, terminating with a rich gold tassel.</span></div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">No language can express the torrent of appreciation that spontaneously burst from the people “LIBERTY” or DEATH” was vociferated from every mouth – the tear of welcome sympathy seemed to trickle from every eye “<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">God Bless the women</em>”, was uttered from every tongue; in fcat, imagination can only do justice to this interesting scene.</span></div>
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Alice Kitchen made a short speech, a rare example of a woman at this time speaking in public:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Will you Sir, accept this token of our respect to these brave men who are nobly struggling for liberty and life: by placing it at the head of your banner, you will confer a lasting obligation on the Female Reformers of Blackburn. We shall esteem it as an additional favour, if the address which I deliver into your hands, be read to the Meeting: it embraces a faint description of our woes and may apologise for our interference in the politics of our country. </span><em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em>, 14 July 1819, <span class="skimlinks-unlinked" style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">pp.455</span>- 456.</div>
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Alice’s speech was greeted with very great applause. John Knight then read the address which began:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The members of the Blackburn Female Reformers, beg leave, with the greatest diffidence and respect, to render into your hands the emblem that has ever been held scared , in the most enlightened ages of our history and particularly to our ancestors , who contributed much to the fame of our beloved country. In presenting this Cap of liberty, which we trust no ruffian banditti will be allowed to wrest from your hands but with the forfeiture of your existence, we hope it will not be deemed presumptious to offer a faint sketch of the misery and sufferings we are doomed to endure; and which we are thoroughly convinced, arise from the misrule of a profligate system of government.</span></div>
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The women said that they came forward determined to instill into the minds of their children</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> a deep rooted abhorrence of tyranny, come in what shape it may, whether under the mask of civil and religious government, and particularly of the present borough-mongering and Jesuitical system which ahs brought the best artisans, manufacturers, and labourers of this vast community, to a state of wretchedness and misery and driven them to the very verge of beggary and ruin.</span></div>
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They stated that their homes</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">which once bore ample testimony, of our industry and cleanliness, and were once fit for the reception of a prince, are now, alas!, robbed for all their ornaments, and our beds, that once afforded us cleanliness, health and sweet repose , are now torn away from the us by the relentless hand of the unfeeling tax-gatherer, to satisfy the greatest monsters of cruelty, the borough-mongering tyrants…..But above all , behold our innocent wretched children! Sweet emblems of our mutual love! how appalling are their cries for bread! We are daily cut to the heart to see them greedily devour the coarse food that some would scarcely give to their swine “</span></div>
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The women finished by addressing themselves directly to men@</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">We the Female Reformers of Blackburn, therefore earnestly entreat you and every man in England, in the most solemn manner, to come forward and join the general union, that by a determined and constitutional resistance to our oppressors, the people may obtain annual parliaments, universal suffrage and election by ballot, which alone can save us from lingering misery and premature death. We look forward with horror to an approaching winter, when the necessity of food, clothing, and every requisite will increase double-fold…</span> <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em>, 14 July 1819, p. 456.</div>
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William Cobbett commented on the address.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Never was there a paper that did more honour to its authors than did this address. Unaffected, clear, strong eloquent and pathetic; the heart that dictated it is worthy of the fairest and most tender bosom, and the heart that remains unarmed by it is unworthy of the breast of a human being. We shall, by and by, see this address, side by side with the address of a <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Queen; </em>and then, we will challenge the<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> “higher orders” </em>to a comparison of the two<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">. </em>The men, of what our foes have the insolence to call the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“lower orders” </em>have, long since, shown their superiority , in point of mind, over the self-styled “<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">higher orders”,</em> and now we have before us the proof that our sisters surpass them in the same degree. We have too long, much too long, had the false modesty to admit, as a matter of course, that we were inferior to them in knowledge and talent. This gross and mischevious error is now, thank God, <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">corrected</em></span>.</div>
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<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em> opined:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">I have news to tell thee – news that will make thy heart leap with satisfaction; as I know thee to be advocate of female heroism, and a zealous advocate for the rights of woman, as well as of the rights of man…Here the ladies are determined at last to speak for themselves; and they address their brother reformers in very manly language. …this array of women against the system my friend, I deem the most fatal omen of its fall.</span></div>
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Conversely the women were attacked by anti-reformers in a pro-government newspaper, the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Courier</em> on 15 July, for abandoning domestic considerations for political consideration</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Of the degraded females who thus exhibited themselves, we know nothing, and should care less, if we did not discern, in their conduct the strongest proof of the corruption of their husbands, fathers and brothers. We consider, therefore, the fact of these women, thus <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">deserting their station, </em>as a painful evidence that their male kindred, in the pursuit of their guilty objects, have disunited themselves from those social ties and endearments which are the best pledges of their <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">fidelity to their God , their country and their King </em></span> L</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">We have lately witnessed a new contrivance for the ruin of society: Female Establishments, for demoralizing the rising generation: Mothers instructed to train their infants to the hatred of every thing that is orderly and decent, and to rear up Rebels against Good and State. Hitherto, this diabolical attempt has been confined to the most degraded of the sex: and it is to be hoped, that no woman who has a spark of virtue or honor remaining in her character, will engage in a scheme so disgusting and abominable.</span> Quoted in Robert Glen, Urban workers p.232</div>
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The women were also attacked in a cartoon <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Belle Alliance or the Female Reformers</em> of Blackburn, by George Cruikshank, in which they are portrayed as harridans.</div>
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A female reformer from Ashton sent a letter to the women in Blackburn congratulating them on forming the Society. She argued against waiting patiently for the rulers of the country to grant political redress because “hope hath failed and it is ridiculous to look any more to that quarter.” She declared that “if the reformers have both women and truth on their side, they cannot fail of proving victorious…let there be no more begging and praying ”. If reform was not granted, they should urge men to take direct action, they had “nothing to lose but [their] lives ; and those will be better lost than kept, on the terms that we hold them at present”. She concluded that “we are on the precipice from which there is no retreat…let us boldly take the plunge for there is no other way left but either slavery or exertion.. Let us prove we are true-born English women and that we are determined to bear this illegal oppression no longer ”.</div>
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It was reported in a hostile report in the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Morning Post</em> that the Blackburn women had held a meeting on the morning of 15 July:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">With the names of the Chairwomen and different lady speakers it would be idle to trouble you: they can never shine brighter than by being left in their native obscurity. The business of the day was to consider of the best means of forwarding the great object for which they have abandoned their proper domestic cares, and given themselves up to mania of mending Constitution, to the neglect of the more fitting occupation of mending their husband’s breeches. It was, after some discussion, unamimously that the Members should go in parties to the public market on Thursday next, and endeavour by every means at their disposal to win people over the cause of Reform</span>, Morning Post 19/7/1819, p. 3</div>
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There was no female reform society in Middleton because, it appears, that women in the village were allowed full membership in the reform union.</div>
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The Stockport Female Union was founded on 12 July at the third meeting of the women reformers. They decided that each class should number twelve and that a committee of twelve would run the Union, six to go out office every six weeks. They explained in their Articles of Association that it had been founded “for the purpose of co-operating with their male associates”.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">We who form and constitute the Stockport Female Union Society, having reviewed for a considerable time past the apathy, and frequent insult of our oppressed countrymen, by those sordid and all-devouring fiends, the Borough-mongering Aristocracy, and in order to accelerate the emancipation of this suffering nation, we, do declare, that we will assist the Male Union formed in this town, with all the might and energy that we possess, and that we will adhere to the principles, etc., of the Male Union…and assist our Male friends to obtain legally, the long-lost Rights and Liberties of our country.</span></div>
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In their rules they pledged themselves to:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> “collectively and individually to instill into the minds of our children a thorough knowledge of their natural and inalienable rights, whereby they shall be able to form just and correct notions of those legalised banditti of plunderers, who rob their parents of more than half the produce of their labours; we also pledge ourselves to stimulate our husbands, and sons to imitate the ancient Romans, who fought to a man in defence of their liberty and our daughters and female friends to imitate the Spanish women, who, when their husbands, sons and other kindred had gone out to fight in defence of their freedom, would rather have heard of the death of any of them, than their deserting the standard of liberty<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">. </em></span><em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Lancaster Gazette,</em> 31/7/1819, p.<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> 4.</span></div>
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They appealed for correspondence from like-minded societies so that a “national union of sentiment can be formed”. All communications to Mrs Hallam at the Union Rooms, Union Place, Stockport.</div>
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That same day (12 July) the Blackburn women visited Manchester and paraded “different parts of the town, but particularly the neighbourhood of Newtown, in the costume that made such an impression at the late meeting in Blackburn”. They then attended a meeting of the Manchester Female Reform Society at the Union Rooms on George Leigh Street.</div>
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The second meeting of the Stockport Female Reformers took place on 19 July in the large room at the Windmill. Mrs Stewart moved that Mrs Hallam be president as she knew her from her well tried principles. She accepted and asked the men present to withdraw because “if in our debates (for it is something new for women to turn political orators) we should for want of knowledge make any blunders, we should be laughed at, to prevent which we should prefer being by ourselves.” The men immediately obeyed.</div>
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Mrs Hallam said:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ladies, you have this evening placed me in a situation which I never occupied before, I kindly thank you for the honour you have done me, but cannot help observing that I am a very unfit person for the office, but as you have placed me here to protect order and peace, I will perform the task as well I am able. I assure you that I am determined to dedicate to Liberty, my heart, my body, yea, my very life (<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">unbounded applause with cries of “Liberty</em>”) I am young , but Ladies, young as I am, I can assure you, that the Borough villains have furnished me with such a woeful life of wretched experience, that I can <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">feel for myself</em>, and equally with myself <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">feel for my injured</em>, plundered country- women, this feeling is so acute, that an eternal war is waged betwixt us , which will never end, but in the emancipation of a distressed and over burthened people from slavery to Liberty (<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">reiterated applause</em>)…These are sentiments I imbibed when almost a child , and as i grow older, the grumbling spirit goes <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">(Laughter</em>) I thank you Ladies for your kind attention, but assure you, I do not look for your applauses, applaud me not, it cannot please me, for I consider it my duty to use every ability in the cause without receiving any reward at all for my weak endeavours. It is a good cause, it is the cause of God…for its is the cause of the people and the voice of the people is the voice of God. ..we therefore are sure to triumph. Seeing then, that it is the common cause, let us all unite, and never cease from persevering in a cause so just and holy, until we possess those constitutional liberties and privileges which are the birth-right of every Englishman and woman.</span></div>
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In the discussion it was moved that the Female Union “cooperate with their male brethren in relieving those unfortunate individuals , now confined in Chester Castle, Messrs Bagguley, Johnston, and Drummond and all who may in future be incarcerated the cause of the people.”</div>
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Miss Whalley addressed the meeting:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Mrs President and Sisters, I love liberty and hate slavery. I know too truly the horrors of the one, and the virtues of the other. If a Borough-monger were to come to Stockport and be compelled to weave for his living, he would more impatiently (when he saw he could get nothing more than a mess of pottage for his labour) cry out for Liberty and Reform! As well as those who are called the incorrigible swine, the disaffected, and the lower orders. I will not detain you, I have only to say that I could wish us to have a Cap of Liberty , and present it at the next Public Meeting, as our sisters at Blackburn did at theirs; and that we form the determination to bring it victoriously back again, or lose our lives in its defence.</span></div>
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A commitee was elected: Miss Goodier, Miss Knowles, Miss Lowe, Mrs Hodgson, Miss Whalley, Mrs Kenworthy, Mrs Rhodes, Miss Longson, Miss Johnstone, Mrs Stewart (Secretary), Mrs Hambleton (Treasurer).</div>
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A vote of thanks was proposed to their “Presidentess” who replied:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ladies, I do assure you, you have so wounded me by the kind attention you have honoured me with , that the load overwhelms me with such a sense of obligation, that I cannot express my thanks. Suffice it to say, that this mark of esteem ,I will ever dearly cherish in my heart. I can only say that it will be a fresh stimulus to spur me on with greater avidity in the common cause. Go peaceably home, for fear of furnishing the Borough-mongers, with materials for another green bag. A plot is what they are, as Cobbett observes, dying for; and the only plan to frustrate their hellish wish, is to act constitutionally in all your undertakings.</span></div>
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The meeting then dispersed about half-past ten o’clock, “highly pleased with the proceedings of the evening .”</div>
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The Manchester Female Reform Society was also formed in July and issued an address on 20 July. It was an appeal directed at other women “to the wives, mothers, sisters and daughters of the higher and middling classes of society”.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Dear Sisters of the Earth, It is with a spirit of peaceful consideration and due respect that we are induced to address you, upon the causes of that have compelled us to associate together in aid of our suffering children, our dying parents, and the miserable partners of our woes. Bereft, not only of that support, the calls of nature require for existence; but the balm of sweet repose hath long been a stranger to us. Our minds are filled with a horror and despair, fearful on each returning morn, the light of heaven should present to us the corpse of some of our famished off spring, or nearest kindred, which the more kind hand of death had released from the oppressor. The Sabbath, which is set apart by the all-wise creator for a day of rest, we are compelled to employ in repairing the tattered garments, to over the nakedness . Every succeeding nights bring with it new terror, so that we are sick of life and weary of a world, where poverty , wretchedness, tyranny and injustice, have so long been permitted to reign amongst men. </span></div>
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Like their sisters in other societies they blamed the aristocracy and land-owners for their plight . “The lazy boroughmongering eagles of destruction” who have “nearly picked bare the bones of those who labour” will “chase you to misery and death until the middle and useful class of society is swept by their relentless hands from the face of creation.”</div>
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The address also condemned the recent war against France and the carnage at Waterloo and called on women to join to eradicate tyranny and oppression “our enemies are resolved upon destroying the natural Rights of Man, and we are determined to establish it….it is not possible therefore for us to submit to bear the onerous weight of our chains any longer, but to use our endeavour to tear them asunder , and dash them in the face them”.</div>
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The Society’s address was issued from Union Rooms on George Leigh Street, Ancoats and the public was advised that the Committee sat every Tuesday evening from six to nine for the purpose of enrolling new members and transacting business. The address was signed by Susanna Saxton as Secretary of the Society. She was the wife of John Saxton, a former weaver and now a leading reformer, who had founded the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em> with James Wroe and John Johnston. Like many of the women whose names appear in the press at the time little is known about them, other than that they were often the wives or sisters of the male reformers.</div>
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At the end of July a member of the Stockport Female Union Society spoke at a meeting in Macclesfield, addressing the women present. According to the report in the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Times </em> (which did not state her name) she said, “ Sisters, I am deputed by the Stockport Female Union Society to impress upon you the necessity of forming a similar union in this town, and as the rules of the society are here I cannot explain to you better than causing them to be read. “After they had been read she urged them to adopt the same course and said that the Stockport Society was corresponding with the Blackburn Society, and if the sisters in Macclesfield needed help, they had only to write to the Union Rooms in Stockport and they should have an immediate answer. She again begged them to persevere, to stand firm and they were sure to conquer. <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></em></div>
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At a large reform meeting in Wigan John Saxton paid tribute to” the great number of females who appeared to take such an unusual interest in the proceedings of the day – it was indeed delightful to behold the sweetest bloom of the country all arrayed under the banners of Freedom – he hoped they would persevere in the great principle of Freedom, and suffer no coxcomb to divert them from the noble cause in which they had volunteered their welcome services – (Very great applause)…At the end of the meeting the Cap of Liberty which had been presented by the Rochdale Society of Female Reformers, and the banners were then taken down, and carried in procession with a band of music from the place of Meeting. The people then peaceably departed to their respective homes.</div>
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At a very large reform meeting held on 19 July in Nottingham the resolutions included the following:</div>
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<li style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">That this Meeting hear with peculiar pleasure the zeal manifested by the females of Blackburn, in promoting a Radical Reform and hope that their example, and the extreme sufferings of the poor in this town and neighbourhood, will stimulate the females of Nottingham and its vicinity to form themselves into societies, in order to accelerate the good cause, and thereby prevent the actual starvation of themselves, and their beloved children.</span> Sherwin’s Weekly Political Register, 24/7/1819, p.182</li>
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On 11 August twelve young women attended a political meeting in the marketplace in Leigh “all dressed in black with white sashes” and carried a banner that read “No Corn Laws, Annual Parliament and Universal Suffrage.”</div>
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In these addresses the women, whilst expressing solidarity with men and asserting their right to comment publicly on political questions, made no claim for political rights for themselves, at least publicly. Their private thoughts are more difficult to discern as, unlike the men, none of the women published political memoirs in later life.</div>
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Joseph Johnson wrote to Henry Hunt on behalf of the Manchester Reform Society, asking him to visit Manchester again, thus setting in train the events that led to Peterloo.</div>
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At the end of July it was announced that a meeting would be convened for Monday 9<sup style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> August at St Peter’s Field’s “for the purpose of taking into consideration the most effectual legal means of obtaining a Reform in the Representation of the House of Commons”, and that Henry Hunt would be speaking. This was a direct challenge to the existing political order which reserved the right to vote for a handful of wealthy men., as any person chosen by a meeting of thousands would have greater political legitimacy and set a dangerous precedent.</div>
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<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Sherwin’s Weekly Political Register</em> reported in its issue dated 7 August that;</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">We are informed by the daily press that is the intention of the Magistracy to disperse the meeting by force. ‘The Magistrates,’ say the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Courier</em>, ‘have come to a determination to act with decision, and suppress all seditious meetings immediately as they assemble, and if the civil power be not sufficient, then to read the Riot Act and call in the military.’ It will be seen whether the People will submit to this infamous violation of law.</span></div>
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William Perry of the Stockport Union wrote to Hunt, inviting him to stop at Stockport on the way to Manchester, telling him “ the idea of your arrival strike terror to the very foundation of the borough faction in this part of the country.” Hunt did stop in Stockport on 8th August before proceeding to Manchester.</div>
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On 12 August Colonel Fletcher wrote to the Home Secretary reporting on developments including a meeting that day in Leigh:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">During the morning a great concourse of the lower order of people were waiting for the arrival of Mr. Hunt, whose presence was anxiously expected, in consequence of which, the meeting was delayed until past two o’clock. Mr. Hunt, and none of his partisans forthcoming, it was deemed necessary to commence the proceedings of the day. Two carts were lashed together in the market place, (a fine open space of ground), when Mr. Battersby, (an itinerant preacher,) Mr. Thomas Cleworth, and a Mr. Bamber, (one of the Society of Friends) with several others, as- cended the platform.</span></div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> </span><span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">As soon as Mr. Bamber was chosen for their chairman, a parade of the female reformers took place, headed by a committee of twelve young women. The members of the female committee were honoured with places in the carts. They were dressed in white, with black sashes ; and what was more novel, these women planted a standard with an inscription, ” No Corn Laws, Annual Parliaments, and Universal Suffrage ;” as well as another standard, surmounted with the cap of liberty, on the platform. Both the flag and the cap were presents from the Ladies’ Union ! !</span></div>
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In the meantime the magistrates in Manchester had issued an order banning the meeting, plastering the town with placards to this effect. The reformers, after having sought a legal opinion which went against them, baulked at a direct challenge to the town authorities, and therefore re-arranged the meeting for the following. Monday, 16<sup style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> August. The purpose of the meeting was now announced as to consider “the propriety of adopting the most legal and effectual means of obtaining a Reform in the Commons’ House of Parliament.” The requisition for the meeting was opened for signatures at the office of the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em> where in space of three hours over 700 householders added their names, with hundreds of others gathered, unable to get into the office.</div>
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.On reaching Manchester Hunt issued a letter from Smedley Cottage.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">You will meet on Monday next , my friends, and by your <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">steady , firm and temperate</em> deportment, you will convince all your enemies, that you feel you have an <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">important,</em> and an <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">imperious public duty</em> to perform; and that you will not suffer any private consideration on earth to deter you from exerting every nerve to carry your praiseworthy and patriotic intentions. The eyes of all England, nay, of all Europe, are fixed upon you; and every friend of real Reform, and of rational Liberty, is tremblingly alive to the results of your Meeting on Monday next. OUR ENEMIES will seek every opportunity , by the means of their sanguinary agents, to excite a RIOT, that they may have a pretence for SPILLING OUR BLOOD, reckless of the awful and certain retaliation that would ultimately fall on their heads…..Come, then, my friends to the Meeting on Monday, <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">armed </em>with NO OTHER WEAPON but that of aself-approving conscience; determined not to suffer youselves to be irritated or excited, by any means whatsoever</span>, to commit any breaches of the public peace. <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Impartial Narrative</em> , p.25.</div>
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On the morning of 16<sup style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> August for miles around Manchester people gathered in their thousands and set off on the long walk into Manchester. The Middleton contingent carried brightly coloured silk banners, whose slogans included “UNITY AND STRENGTH!, !LIBERTY AND FRATERNITY”, “PARLIAMENTS ANNUAL” and “SUFFRAGE UNIVERSAL” . The Saddleworth, Lees and Mossley Union banner read “EQUAL REPRESENTATION OR DEATH”.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Reformers, who seemed determined to make this a splendid day…..in preparing flags and small bands of music, and in arranging matters for the approaching meeting. It is evident, however, from the great number of females, and even children, who formed part of the procession, that nothing was anticipated that could involve them in the least degree of peril; and an immense multitude gathered together, relying in confidence on each other’s peaceful intentions, and certainly not expecting , that the precautions taken by the magistracy to preserve the peace, would be employed to destroy it, and convert a peaceable assembly into a scene of terror and alarm, danger and death.</span></div>
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Francis Philips, a Manchester manufacturer and merchant observed the Stockport procession as it made its way along the road to Manchester</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">On the 16<sup style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> August I went on the Stockport Road about eleven or a little after, and I met a great number of persons advancing towards Manchester with all the regularity of a regiment, only they had no uniform .They were all marching in file, principally three abreast. They had two banners with them. There were persons by the side, acting as officers and regulating the files. The order was beautiful indeed.</span></div>
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The banners read NO CORN LAWS, ANNUAL PARLIAMENTS, UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE, VOTE BY BALLOT and SUCCESS TO THE FEMALE REFORMERS OF STOCKPORT, the latter banner was carried by Mary Waterworth. Phillips estimated that there were about 15,000 with 40 women.</div>
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The Royton women numbered about 100 and had their own flag. The Oldham column was headed by a group of about 150 women in white. The Failsworth contingent was led by a group of 20 women, also dressed in white who took it in turns to carry the flag. The Bury contingent was led by a group of 300 women, walking five abreast.</div>
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According to Sam Bamford, the Middleton contingent included six thousand men and several hundred women, including his own wife.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Our whole column, with the Rochdale people, would probably consist of six thousand men. At our head were a hundred or two of women, mostly young wives, and mine own was amongst them – women, mostly young wives , and mine own was amongst them – A hundred or two of our handsomest girls, – sweethearts to the lads who were with us – danced to the music, or sung snatches of popular songs: a score or two of children were sent back , though some went forward ; whilst, on each side of our line walked some thousands of stragglers. And this, accompanied by our friends, and our nearest and most tender connections, we went slowly towards Manchester. </span>Bamford, chapter 34</div>
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The column from Oldham was headed by a band of 156 women dressed in white They were joined en route by a contingent of reformers from Failsworth, led by a troop of twenty women in white who took it in turns to hold the flag. The procession from Bury had a contingent walking five abreast, numbering 300.</div>
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Richard Carlile from London wrote the first published account of what happened which wa s published in<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Sherwin’s Weekly Political Register </em>just two days after the events <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> </em>on 21 August. It was entitled “Horrid Massacre in Manchester” and began:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">It is impossible to find the words to express the horror which every man must feel at the proceedings of the agents of the Borough-mongers on Monday last, at Manchester. It is out of the pale of words to describe the abhorrence which every true Englishman must feel towards the abettors and the actors in that murderous scene. All prospect of reconciliation must be now considered as being effectually destroyed, and the people have no resource left but to arm themselves immediately, for the recovery of their rights, and the defence of their persons, or patiently to submit to the most unconditional slavery. The Governmnet</span></div>
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He had walked the three miles out of Manchester to where Hunt was staying at Smedley Cottage and presented him with several copies of a pamphlet “An Address to People of Great Britain and People of Ireland, which carried a speech made by Hunt in London on 21 July in which he had urged unity of the reform movements in the two countries under the banner of “Universal Civil and Religious Liberty.” Carlile noted that people gathered around Smedley Cottage at 11am, and Hunt set off in a barouche at noon in which Carlile managed to get a seat:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> They had not proceeded far when they were met by the Committee of the Female Reformers, one of whom, an interesting looking woman, bore a standard on which was painted a female holding in her hand a flag surmounted with a cap of liberty, whilst she trod underfoot an emblem of corruption, on which was inscribed that word. She was requested to take a seat on the box of the carriage, (a most appropriate one ) which she boldly and immediately acquiesced in, and continued waving her flag and handkerchief until she reached the hustings, where she took her stand at the front, on the right. ..Females from the age of twelve to eighty were seen cheering with their caps in their hands, and their hair, in consequence, disheveled…<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> </em></span></div>
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The Manchester Female Reformers had intended to present Hunt with an address and the flag in the course of the meeting, but this was not be. (The undelivered address was later published in the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer </em>and other newspapers). The banner of the Union Female Society of Royton was also on the platform, a crimson banner with the motto “Let Us Die Like Men and Not Be Sold Be Slaves”. According to eye-witnesses, there were a number of other women on the platform, and also a group immediately in front of the hustings, eager to see Hunt.</div>
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The procession came through Shudehilll, Hanging Ditch, Old Millgate, Market Place, St Mary’s Gate, Deansgate and Peter Street. By 1pm tens <a href="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgb(254, 119, 147); background: 0px 0px; color: #2e6eb0; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><img alt="" class="alignleft wp-image-575" data-attachment-id="575" data-comments-opened="1" data-image-description="" data-image-meta="{"aperture":"0","credit":"","camera":"","caption":"","created_timestamp":"0","copyright":"","focal_length":"0","iso":"0","shutter_speed":"0","title":"","orientation":"0"}" data-image-title="Peterloo 2" data-large-file="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png?w=674&h=463?w=300" data-medium-file="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png?w=674&h=463?w=300" data-orig-file="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png?w=674&h=463" data-orig-size="300,206" data-permalink="https://redflagwalks.wordpress.com/2018/08/15/women-at-peterloo/peterloo-2/" height="463" sizes="(max-width: 674px) 100vw, 674px" src="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png?w=674&h=463" srcset="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png 300w, https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-2.png?w=150&h=103 150w" style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; float: left; height: auto; margin: 0px 20px 0px 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" width="674" /></a>of thousands were gathered in St Peter’s Fields. The <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em> estimated the crowd at 153,000</div>
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Hunt began speaking</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">My friends and fellow countrymen – I must entreat your indulgence for a short time; and I beg you will endeavour to preserve the most prefect silence. I hope you will exercise the all powerful right of the people in an orderly manner; and if you perceive any man that wants to raise a disturbance, let him instantly be put down , and be kept secure. For the honour you have done me in inviting me a second time to preside at your meeting, I return you my thanks ; and all I have to beg of you is , that you will indulge us with your patient attention. It is impossible, that, with the utmost silence, we shall be able to make ourselves heard by this tremendous assembly. It is useless for me to relate to you the proceedings of the past week or ten days in this town and neighbourhood. You know them all, and the cause of meeting appointed for last Monday being prevented. I will not therefore say one word on that subject; only to observe, that those who put us down, and prevented us from meeting on Monday last, by their malignant exertions have produced two-fold the number to-day. It will be perceived, that in consequences of the calling of this new victory, our enemies, who flattered themselves they had gained a victory, have sustained a great defeat. There have been two or three placards posted up during the past week with the names of one or two insignificant individuals attached to them…”</span></div>
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Here he broke off as a troop of horsemen approached.</div>
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What had happened was that the magistrates had, prior to the crowd assembling, taken oaths from number of men that the peace of the town was endangered by the assembly. They later claimed to have read the Riot Act, although nobody present on the field ever claimed to have heard it. They summoned the Manchester and Cheshire Yeomanry, who were stationed in Pickford’s Yard. They mounted their horses and galloped onto the field. On the way knocked over a woman and child, a young boy named William Fildes, who was killed.</div>
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The troop arrived on the field, about a hundred, and halted in front of the magistrates house. Hunt called for three cheers and urged the crowd to be firm. They then wheeled and began pushing through crowd towards the hustings, using their sabres, both on the crowd and the special constables who were in their way. They were led by a bugler and an officer . One of the constables later died from his injuries.</div>
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John Tyas, <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Times</em> reporter wrote in his account, “ Not a brickbat was thrown, not a pistol was fired during this period; all was quiet and orderly , as if the cavalry had been the friends of the multitude and had marched as such into them.” They were led by a bugler and an officer. The officer told Hunt that he had a warrant for his arrest. Hunt said, ”I will willingly surrender myself to any civil officer who will show me his warrant”. Joseph Nadin then stepped forward. They also arrested Mr Johnson.</div>
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Richard Carlile writes that the Yeomanry:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">…galloped furiously round the field, going over every person who could not get out of their way, to the spot were the police were fixed, and after a moment’s pause, they received the cheers of the Police as the signal to attack. The meeting at the entrance of the Cavalry, and from the commencement was one of the most calm and orderly I ever witnessed. Hilarity was seen on the countenance of all, whilst the Female Reformers crowned the asemblage with grace, and excited a feeling particularly interesting. The Yeomanry made their charge with the most infuriate frenzy : they cut down men, women and children indiscriminately, and appeared to have commenced a premeditated attack with most insatiable thirst for blood and destruction…The women appear to have been the particular objects of the Cavalry Assasins. One woman, who was near the spot where I stood, and who held an infant in her arms, was sabred over the head and her tender offspring DRENCHED IN HER MOTHER’S BLOOD. Another was actually stabbed in the neck with the point of a sabre which must have been a deliberate attempt on the part of the military assassin. Some were sabred in the breast: so inhuman, indiscriminate, and fiend-like, was the conduct of the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry. </span>SWPR, 21/8/1819. P. 241<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">.</span></div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> </span>Carlile wrote a further account of the events of the day in February 1822 in the course of a long and bitter letter to Henry Hunt with whom he was now totally at odds:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgb(254, 119, 147); background: 0px 0px; color: #2e6eb0; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><img alt="" class="alignleft wp-image-574" data-attachment-id="574" data-comments-opened="1" data-image-description="" data-image-meta="{"aperture":"0","credit":"","camera":"","caption":"","created_timestamp":"0","copyright":"","focal_length":"0","iso":"0","shutter_speed":"0","title":"","orientation":"0"}" data-image-title="Peterloo 1819" data-large-file="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg?w=464" data-medium-file="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg?w=512&h=347" data-orig-file="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg" data-orig-size="464,314" data-permalink="https://redflagwalks.wordpress.com/2018/08/15/women-at-peterloo/peterloo-1819-3/" height="347" sizes="(max-width: 512px) 100vw, 512px" src="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg?w=512&h=347" srcset="https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg 464w, https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg?w=150&h=102 150w, https://redflagwalks.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/peterloo-18191.jpg?w=300&h=203 300w" style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; filter: url("https://redflagwalks.wordpress.com/2018/08/15/women-at-peterloo/#hc_extension_off"); float: left; height: auto; margin: 0px 20px 0px 0px; max-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" width="512" /></a>I was on the hustings until almost the last, or until the Yeomanry were almost within a sabre’s length. There were five women on the hustings, part of the Female Reformers’ committee, another part had seated themselves in the barouche in which we had rode to the hustings. Four of the women took a stand in the bottom of the wagons that formed the hustings, the other who was Mary Fildes, I believe, was elevated at one corner in the front, with a banner in her hand and resting on a large drum, a most singular and interesting situation for a female at such a meeting..,On the first approach of the Yeomanry I was standing by the side of Mary Fildes in the front of the hustings…I offered comfort and courage to Mary Fildes but I found her above everything like fear…</span></div>
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Once Hunt and others had been arrested there was a cry from the mounted horsemen “Have at their flags”. They began attacking the flags on the hustings, but also those in the crowd held aloft, attacking the crowd with their sabres to get at them. Two horsemen singled out John Saxton, one saying to the other “there is that villain Saxton, do you run him through the body”, “no “, said the other, “I had rather not, I leave it to you.” The man immediately lunged at Saxton and it was only by slipping aside that he saved his life, as it was his coat and waistcoat were cut. Another man a few yards away had his nose completely cut off by a blow from a sabre.</div>
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Sarah Taylor was under the hustings and saw John Ashton, who carried the Saddleworth flag, sabred and trampled. He died two days later.</div>
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The Manchester Yeomanry were joined by the Cheshire Yeomanry, the Dragoons and 15<sup style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> Hussars, who did not hesitate to use their swords on the people and within moments the crowd was fleeing in terror.</div>
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This is a vivid account by Jemima Bamford.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> By this time Mr. Hunt was on the hustings, addressing the people. In a minute or two some soldiers came riding up. The good folks of the house, and some who seemed to be visitors, said, ‘the soldiers were only come to keep order; they would not meddle with the people;’ but I was alarmed. The people shouted, and then the soldiers shouted, waving their swords. Then they rode amongst the people, and there was a great outcry, and a moment after, a man passed without hat, and wiping the blood of his head with his hand, and it ran down his arm in a great stream.</span></div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The meeting was all in a tumult; there were dreadful cries; the soldiers kept riding amongst the people, and striking with their swords. I became faint, and turning from the door, I went unobserved down some steps into a cellared passage; and hoping to escape from the horrid noise, and to be concealed, I crept into a vault, and sat down, faint and terrified, on some fire wood. The cries of the multitude outside, still continued, and the people of the house, up stairs, kept bewailing most pitifully. They could see all the dreadful work through the window, and their exclamations were so distressing, that I put my fingers in my ears to prevent my hearing more; and on removing them, I understood that a young man had just been brought past, wounded. The front door of the passage before mentioned, soon after opened, and a number of men entered, carrying the body of a decent, middle aged woman, who had been killed. I thought they were going to put her beside me, and was about to scream, but they took her forward, and deposited her in some premises at the back of the house.” </span>Bamford, <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Passages in the Life of a Radical</em>, XIII & XIV pp. 222-223</div>
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In his account Samuel Bamford describes an anonymous young woman fighting back against the soldiery:</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">A number of our people, were driven to some timber which lay at the foot of the wall of he Quakers’ meeting house. Being pressed by the yeomanry, a number sprang over the balks and defended themselves with stones which they found there. It was not without difficulty, and after several were wounded, that they were driven out. A heroine, a young married woman of our party, with her face all bloody, her hair streaming about her, her bonnet hanging by the string, and her apron weighted with stones, kept her assailant at bay until she fell backwards and was near being taken; but she got away covered with severe bruises. It was near this place and about this time that one of the yeomanry was dangerously wounded, and unhorsed, by a blow from the fragment of a brick; and it was supposed to have been flung by this woman . </span>Bamford, <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Passages,</em> chapter 36.</div>
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According to research carried by Michael Bush for his book <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> The</em> <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Casualties of Peterloo</em>, at least 18 people (including a child) were killed either on the day or died of the injuries. Four of them were women.</div>
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Margaret Downes, Manchester – sabred in the breast.</div>
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Mary Heys, Chorlton Row – trampled by cavalry and died of her injuries four months later after giving birth prematurely</div>
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Sarah Jones, Silk Street Manchester – truncheoned on the head by a special constable, Thomas Woodworth.</div>
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Martha Partington, Barton – crushed to death in a cellar</div>
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Michael Bush has established that 654 people were recorded as being injured, of whom 168 were women. He believes, based on the casualty figures, that the women were present were particularly singled out for violent attack for having involved themselves publicly in the campaign for political reform</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Accounting for the violence committed against the women was not simply the fact that they were inescapably in the way, but that the considerations of protection, respite and mercy that men were normally expected to show to women – in accordance with deeply imbedded notions of gallantry, chivalry and paternalism – failed to come into operation. This was undoubtedly in reaction to the obtrusive behaviour of female reformers at recent political meetings in the North West – an unprecedented and successful invasion by women of a world traditionally accepted as a male prerogative. </span>Bush , <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Casualties of Peterloo, </em>p. 33.</div>
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Mary Fildes was truncheoned by the Special Constables when she refused to let go of the flag she was carrying. She tried to escape by leaping off the hustings but a protruding nail caught her dress and she was suspended. One of the Yeomanry slashed at her and then seized her flag but by a miracle, she escaped serious injury.</div>
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Women were also amongst those arrested. Elizabeth Gaunt was in the crowd, but was put in Hunt’ s carriage for her own safety where she fainted. She came to and went to a house but was arrested later in the day, it was believed, because the authorities thought she was Mary Fildes. She was released after 12 days by which time she was very weak. Sarah Hargreaves was also held for 12 days and released, “very ill from confinement” according to one report.</div>
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Ann Scott, of Liverpool Road, was arrested on the evening of Peterloo by Charles Ashworth Special Constable, In a statement she said she was “violently laid of in Deansgate” and then dragged to the police office and then taken with others to the New Bailey prison. She was detained from Monday to Friday with no bed, even though the floor was floating with water and filth, and were not allowed to leave the cell, even to perform what she called “the common offices of nature”. On Friday she charged at a hearing before the Reverend Ethelstone with inciting the people to commit assault, a charge she vehemently denied. She was sent back to prison where she was confined with other women and allowed occasionally to take air. Not surprisingly she became ill because of the conditions in the prison and was eventually moved to the hospital. She made a statement about her treatment in mid October.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Afterwards, when I had been a fortnight in the hospital, and suffering under a relapse of the fever, I was permitted to see my husband, for the first time since my arrest, although I had repeatedly entreated that he might be let in to speak to me; and when I saw him I was scarcely able to speak to him. He remained with me about ten minutes, when Jackson ordered him away…About a fortnight afterwards, I was again allowed to see my husband: but he was not permitted to remain with me above ten minutes, the turnkey standing beside us during our conversation.</span> Ruth and Eddie Frow, <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Political Women</em> , <span class="skimlinks-unlinked" style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">pp.28-29</span></div>
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The Manchester Female Reformers flag, seized from Mary Fildes by a cavalryman, was put on display that evening in Mr Tate’s grocers shop on Oldham Road in the manner of a spoil of war. An angry crowd of women and children quickly gathered and threw stones, breaking the windows, The military were sent for, who read the Riot Act and then opened fire. Some accounts say that people were killed. They also arrested a number of women, including one whom it was alleged had “talked loudly against the Prince Regent”, and said things “it would not be proper to repeat”. There were further disturbances in the area and two women were , reportedly shot by the military.</div>
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The day after the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Times </em>reported that the military were patrolling the streets and that the Reformers were angry and that threats of revenge were directed against members of the Manchester Yeomanry who lived in the town and “being well known to the disaffected persons, became distinctly marked out as objects of their hatred. The female part of the multitude were not less conspicuous than on Monday for the share they took in what was going on and were even more bitter and malignant in their invectives than their male associates”.</div>
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Robert Campbell, a special constable was killed by a crowd in Newton Lane on 18 August.</div>
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Women relatives of reformers were targeted by the authorities in their crackdown in the wake of the massacre, as detailed by Joseph Johnson in a letter to the press in late September.</div>
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<span style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Not content with multiplying indictments upon Mr Wroe, the intrepid proprietor of the <em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Manchester Observer</em>, and exasperated at his perseverance and their capacity to obtain possession of his person , the revengeful animals have directed all the engines of their prostituted authority to the persecution of his wife and children, who continue to sell that and other obnoxious publications. Twice have the mean violators of the law and deciders of justice held Mrs Wroe to bail, and twice have her children been taken out of his shop, and sureties been demanded for their appearance to answer the charge of having published scandalous libel that told too much truth of these… In addition to Mrs Wroe, the wife of one of the journeymen Mrs Hough and her daughter, were arrested and confined in the New Bailey all night because forsooth the magistrates, after having them into custody, could not make it convenient to wait until their friends could be sent for to put in security for an appearance which the magistrates dare never require of them before any jury. </span><em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Black Dwarf</em> , 29 September 1819, p.633</div>
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A vivid glimpse of the experiences of some women at Peterloo can be found in the pages of the inquest into the death of John Lees, a weaver from Lees near Oldham, who was sabred on the field and died on his injuries on 6 September. The inquest into his death was turned into an enquiry into the events of Peterloo by Mr Hamer – a solicitor engaged by the Lees family – who, in the teeth of bitter opposition from the Coroner and an opposing solicitor engaged by the magistrates, cross-examined the Crown’s witnesses and also summoned his own. The proceedings were taken down in notes and shorthand and published in full by William Hone the following year. (The inquest was adjourned after ten days and never resumed).</div>
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Martha Kearsley from Oldham, had been sitting on the outside of Henry Hunt’s carriage very close the hustings. She said that what occasioned the tumult on the field had been “the soldiers coming and cutting and slashing among the people” . She had seen a man fighting off two soldiers who were attacking him with swords when a third came up and wounded him on the back of the shoulder. “I was so struck with horror, that I turned round and saw no more of him.” She saw many others cut by the soldiers.</div>
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Ellizabeth Farren, of Lombard Street, Manchester, explained she had been cut on the forehead, raising her bonnet and cap and bandage to show the wound, which had not completely healed. She said she was cut as the cavalry went to the hustings. “I was with this child (<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">shewing the child she held in her arms</em>). I was frightened for its safety, and to protect it, held it close to my side with head downwards, to avoid the blow. I desired them to spare my child, and I was directly cut on my forehead.” She passed out and awoke three hours later in a strange cellar.</div>
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Hannah Croft was living in a house Windmill Street, right by St Peter’s Fields. She described looking out of the window and seeing the Manchester cavalry riding among the crowd “and the people falling in heaps”. The people tried to get away “but the soldiers rode so hard that they knocked them down before they could get out of the way”.</div>
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Margaret Goodwin from Salford was situated between Saint Peter’s church and the hustings. She saw two men wounded near the church “ and all covered with blood and gore” and a woman cut within a few yards of where she was standing. She was trying to get away when she was wounded by Thomas Shelmerdine and knocked unconscious.</div>
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Ann Jones lived on Windmill Street. She told the inquest that she saw the cavalry cutting and slashing and saw a large quantity of blood on the field after they were gone. “I saw a great many people wounded, and very bloody indeed,…there a great many people in my house, and all was in great confusion, and some of the special constables came up in great triumph before my door, calling out, “<em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">This is Waterloo for you! This is Waterloo</em>.”</div>
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<span style="background-color: initial; color: #444444; font-family: "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;">A militant position was taken by Ethelinda Wilson who wrote articles in </span><span style="background-color: initial; color: #444444; font-family: "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;"> </span><em style="background: 0px 0px; border: 0px; color: #444444; font-family: "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Republican, </em><span style="background-color: initial; color: #444444; font-family: "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;">a journal published by the political and sexual radical Richard Carlile. She condemned the failure of the male reformers to hold another meeting on St Peter’s fields and said it now up to women to take up the fight. Future generations would thank them for doing so, exclaiming “our mothers, our revered mothers, cultivated the soil in which this universal blessing grew”. Ethelinda left Manchester for London where she attended meetings touting a loaded pistol wrapped in handkerchief.</span><br />
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Mary Fildes</h1>
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The <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfemale.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester Female Reform Group</a> was formed in the summer of 1819. One of the main figures in the group was Mary Fildes. A passionate radical Mary named her two sons after <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRcartwright.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Cartwright</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRhunt.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry Hunt</a>. Fildes was also involved in the campaign for birth control and when she attempted to sell books on the subject she was accused in the local press of distributing pornography.</div>
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Fildes was one of the main speakers at the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmap.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">St. Peter's Field</a> meeting on 16th August, 1819. Some reports claimed that the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRyeomanry.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester & Salford Yeomanry</a> attempted to murder Fildes while arresting the leaders of the demonstration. One eyewitness described how "Mrs. Fildes, hanging suspended by a nail which had caught her white dress, was slashed across her exposed body by one of the brave cavalry." Although badly wounded Mary Fildes survived and continued her campaign for the vote.</div>
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<img alt="The woman on the platform in the white dress is believed to be Mary Fildes." src="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfemale.JPG" height="444" style="border: 0px; color: #7d7dff; font-weight: 700; height: auto; max-width: 100%; text-align: center;" width="547" /><br />
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<figure style="color: #7d7dff; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-top: 35px; text-align: center;"><figcaption style="font-size: 13px; line-height: 20px; margin: 10px; padding: 10px;">The woman on the platform in the white dress is believed to be Mary Fildes.</figcaption></figure><br />
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In the 1830s and 1840s Mary Fildes was active in the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/CHmoral.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Chartist</a> movement. Fildes later moved to Chester where she ran the Shrewsbury Arms in Frodsham Street. She also adopted her grandson, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jfildes.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Luke Fildes</a>, who was later to become one of Britain's most successful artists.</div>
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Mary Fildes died in May 1875 while visiting friends in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester</a>.</div>
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<section id="source" style="position: relative;"><header style="background: rgb(185, 207, 255); color: #000066; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; width: 360px;"><h2 style="font-size: 24px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 10px;">
Primary Sources</h2>
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(1) <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbamford.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Samuel Bamford</a> wrote about the involvement of women in the struggle for universal suffrage in his book <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_ss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=Samuel+Bamford&x=14&y=17" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Passage in the Life of a Radical</a></i>.</h4>
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At one of these meetings, which took place at Lydgate, in Saddleworth, and at which Bagguley, Drummond, Fitton, Haigh, and others were the principal speakers, I, in the course of an address, insisted on the right, and the propriety also, of females who were present at such assemblages voting by a show of hands for or against the resolutions. This was a new idea; and the women, who attended numerously on that bleak ridge, were mightily pleased with it. When the resolution was put the women held up their hands amid much laughter; and ever from that time females voted with the men at the Radical meetings.</div>
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(2) <i>The British Volunteer </i>newspaper (10th July, 1819)</h4>
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Among the many schemes which now endanger the peace of our society, are some for the forming female political associations, to inculcate in the minds of mothers and of the rising generation a disrespect for parliament. One of these, it is alleged, has been formed in Blackburn, in this county!!!</div>
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(3) In his account in<i><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRtimes.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">The Times</a> </i>published on 19th August, 1819, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRtyas.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Tyas</a> described the female reformers at St. Peter's Field.</h4>
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A club of Female Reformers, amounting in numbers, according to our calculations, 150 came from Oldham; and another, not quite so numerous, from Royton. The first bore a white silk banner, by far the most elegant displayed during the day, inscribed 'Major Cartwright's Bill, Annual Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, and Vote by Ballot'. The females of Royton bore two red flags, the one inscribed 'Let us die like men, and not sold like slaves'; the other 'Annual Parliaments and Universal Suffrage'.</div>
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A group of women of Manchester, attracted by the crowd, came to the corner of the street where we had taken our post. They viewed the Oldham Female Reformers for some time with a look in which compassion and disgust was equally blended, and at last burst out into an indignant exclamation - "Go home to your families, and leave <i>sike-like as thes</i>e to your husbands and sons, who better understand them." The women who addressed them were of the lower order of life.</div>
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Manchester National Society for Women's Suffrage</h1>
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In October 1865, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Welmy.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Wolstenholme-Elmy</a>, established the Manchester Committee for the Enfranchisement of Women. Early members included Ursula Bright, Jacob Bright, Phillippine Kyllman and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/TUpankhurst.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Pankhurst</a>. Wolstenholme-Elmy later recalled the group was formed with the express purpose of working for the women's suffrage petition to be presented to <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfawcett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry Fawcett</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a>, two MPs who supported universal suffrage. The Manchester group managed to obtain 300 signatures and they joined forces with the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wkensington.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Kensington Society</a>, who were organising a petition in London.</div>
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<a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wgarrett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Louisa Garrett Anderson</a> later recalled: "John Stuart Mill agreed to present a petition from women householders… On 7th June 1866 the petition with 1,500 signatures was taken to the House of Commons. It was in the name of Barbara Bodichon and others, but some of the active promoters could not come and the honour of presenting it fell to Emily Davies and Elizabeth Garrett…. Elizabeth Garrett liked to be ahead of time, so the delegation arrived early in the Great Hall, Westminster, she with the roll of parchment in her arms. It made a large parcel and she felt conspicuous. To avoid attracting attention she turned to the only woman who seemed, among the hurrying men, to be a permanent resident in that great shrine of memories, the apple-woman, who agreed to hide the precious scroll under her stand; but, learning what it was, insisted first on adding her signature, so the parcel had to be unrolled again." Mill added an amendment to the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PR1867.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">1867 Reform Act</a> that would give women the same political rights as men but it was defeated by 196 votes to 73.</div>
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<span style="font-size: 15px;">In 1867 the Manchester Committee for the Enfranchisement of Women changed its name to the Manchester National Society for Women's Suffrage.</span></div>
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<a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Welmy.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Wolstenholme-Elmy</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> now handed over the post of secretary to </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbecker.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Lydia Becker</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">. She now began working very closely with the </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WlondonNS.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">London Society for Women's Suffrage</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">. In August 1867 Becker wrote to </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WtaylorH.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> asking for a donation. she pointed out that the </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> group was so rich in comparison with that in </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITmanchester.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">.</span></div>
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On 30th October 1868, the Manchester National Society for Women's Suffrage established a new executive committee that included <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbecker.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lydia Becker</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Welmy.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Wolstenholme-Elmy</a>, Ursula Bright, Jacob Bright, Phillippine Kyllman, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbutler.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Josephine Butler</a> and Katherine Thomasson. Other people who joined over the next few years included Alice Scatcherd, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wmaclaren.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Eva Maclaren</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WroperE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Esther Roper</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/IREgorebooth.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Eva Gore-Booth</a>.</div>
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According to <a href="http://www.andrewlownie.co.uk/authors/martin-pugh" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Martin Pugh</a>, the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/Pankhursts-Martin-Pugh/dp/0713994398/ref=sr_1_6/202-0213039-9571844?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1173291866&sr=1-6" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">The Pankhursts</a> (2001), <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WpankhurstE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emmeline Pankhurst</a> attended her first suffrage meeting in 1872, hosted by veteran campaigner, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbecker.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lydia Becker</a>. "During the late 1860s Manchester also became the scene of one of the earliest campaigns for women's suffrage, and at fourteen Emmeline returned home from school one day to find her mother preparing to attend a suffrage meeting addressed by Lydia Becker in the city. Jane Pankhurst had no hesitation in agreeing to Emmeline, satchel in hand, accompanying her to hear the arguments."</div>
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After the death of Lydia Becker in 1890 the Manchester National Society for Women's Suffrage went into decline until <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WroperE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Esther Roper</a> was appointed secretary in 1893. In this role she tried to recruit working-class women from the emerging trade union movement. In 1897, along with 500 other suffrage societies, the Manchester group joined the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wnuwss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies</a>.</div>
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Kensington Society</h1>
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In 1865 a group of women in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a> formed a discussion group called the Kensington Society. It was given this name because they held their meetings at <a href="http://www.londontown.com/LondonStreets/upper_phillimore_gardens_f1b.html" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">44 Phillimore Gardens</a> in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kensington" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Kensington</a>. One of the founders of the group was Alice Westlake. On 18th March, Westlake wrote to <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a> inviting her to join the group. She claimed that "none but intellectual women are admitted and therefore it is not likely to become a merely puerile and gossiping Society." Westlake followed this with another letter on the 28th March: "There are very few few of the members whom you will know by name... the object of the Society is chiefly to serve as a sort of link, though a slight one, between persons, above the average of thoughtfulness and intelligence who are interested in common subjects, but who had not many opportunities of mutual intercourse."</div>
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Nine of the eleven women who attended the early meetings were unmarried and were attempting to pursue a career in education or medicine.</div>
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The group eventually included <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbodichon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Barbara Bodichon</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wboucherett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Jessie Boucherett</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wdavies.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Davies</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbuss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Francis Mary Buss</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbeale.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Dorothea Beale</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wclough.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Anne Clough</a>, Louisa Smith, Alice Westlake, Katherine Hare, Harriet Cook, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Welmy.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Wolstenholme-Elmy</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WandersonE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Garrett</a>.</div>
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On 21st November 1865, the women discussed the topic of parliamentary reform. The question was: "Is the extension of the Parliamentary suffrage to women desirable, and if so, under what conditions?. Both <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbodichon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Barbara Bodichon</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a> submitted a paper on the topic. The women thought it was unfair that women were not allowed to vote in parliamentary elections. They therefore decided to draft a petition asking Parliament to grant women the vote.<span style="font-size: 15px;">The women took their petition to </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfawcett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry Fawcett</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> and </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">, two MPs who supported universal suffrage. </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wgarrett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Louisa Garrett Anderson</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> later recalled: "John Stuart Mill agreed to present a petition from women householders… On 7th June 1866 the petition with 1,500 signatures was taken to the House of Commons. It was in the name of Barbara Bodichon and others, but some of the active promoters could not come and the honour of presenting it fell to Emily Davies and Elizabeth Garrett…. Elizabeth Garrett liked to be ahead of time, so the delegation arrived early in the Great Hall, Westminster, she with the roll of parchment in her arms. It made a large parcel and she felt conspicuous. To avoid attracting attention she turned to the only woman who seemed, among the hurrying men, to be a permanent resident in that great shrine of memories, the apple-woman, who agreed to hide the precious scroll under her stand; but, learning what it was, insisted first on adding her signature, so the parcel had to be unrolled again." Mill added an amendment to the </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PR1867.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">1867 Reform Act</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> that would give women the same political rights as men but it was defeated by 196 votes to 73.</span></div>
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Members of the Kensington Society were very disappointed when they heard the news and they decided to form the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WlondonNS.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London Society for Women's Suffrage</a>. Soon afterwards similar societies were formed in other large towns in Britain. Eventually seventeen of these groups joined together to form the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wnuwss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies</a>.</div>
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Barbara Bodichon</h1>
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Barbara Bodichon, the daughter of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Benjamin_Leigh_Smith_senior" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Benjamin Leigh Smith</a> and Anne Longden, was born near Robertsbridge, Sussex, in 1827. Her father came from a well-known <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRunitarian.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">unitarian</a> radical family. Barbara's grandfather had worked closely in Parliament with <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/REwilberforce.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; outline: 0px; text-decoration-line: none;">William Wilberforce</a> in his campaign against the slave-trade and had supported the French Revolution, whereas her great-grandfather had favoured the American colonists against the British government. The family was also related to Fanny Smith, the mother of <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/REnightingale.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Florence Nightingale</a>.</div>
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When Barbara was born her father was a member of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Pcommons.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">House of Commons</a>and her mother, Anne Longden, was a seventeen-year old milliner who had been seduced by Smith. The birth created a scandal because the couple did not marry. Anne remained his common-law wife until she died of tuberculosis when Barbara was only seven years old. As her biographer, <a href="http://www.educ.cam.ac.uk/people/staff/hirsch/" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Pam Hirsch</a>, has pointed out: "After the death of Anne Longden from tuberculosis in 1834, despite advice from some sections of his family to have the children discreetly brought up abroad, their father brought them up himself, first at Pelham Crescent, Hastings, and later at his London home, 5 Blandford Square, Marylebone."</div>
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The home of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Benjamin_Leigh_Smith_senior" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Benjamin Leigh Smith</a> was also a meeting place for fellow radicals and political refugees. This gave Barbara the opportunity to meet and make friends with a wide-range of different people involved in politics. Leigh Smith was an advocate of women's rights and treated Barbara the same way as her brothers. Barbara and her four brothers and sisters attended the local school where they were educated with working class children.</div>
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At the age of twenty-one, Benjamin Leigh Smith gave all his children £300 a year. It was extremely unusual for fathers to treat their daughters this way and it gave Barbara the chance to be independent of her family. Barbara used some of this money to establish her own progressive school in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a>. Barbara selected Elizabeth Whitehead to be the school's headteacher. Before opening what later became known as the Portman Hall School, Barbara and Elizabeth made a special study of primary schools in London. It was decided to establish an experimental school that was undenominational, co-educational, and for children of different class backgrounds.<span style="font-size: 15px;">In the 1850s Barbara concentrated on the campaign to remove women's legal disabilities. This included writing articles and organizing petitions. The writer, </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wnorton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Caroline Norton</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">, also played an important role in this campaign. Barbara gave evidence to a </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Pcommons.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">House of Commons</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> committee looking into the legal position of married women. The committee deliberations resulted in the </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wmatrimonial.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Matrimonial Causes Act</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> that allowed divorce through the law courts instead of the slow and expensive business of a Private Act of Parliament. Barbara was particularly pleased that this new act also protected the property rights of divorced women.</span></div>
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Barbara was very critical of a legal system that failed to protect the property and earnings of married women. In 1857 Barbara wrote <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=Barbara+Bodichon&x=12&y=21" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Women and Work</a></i> where she argued that a married women's dependence on her husband was degrading. As a young woman Barbara had fallen in love with John Chapman, the editor of the <i><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jwestminster.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Westminster Review</a></i>. Her views on the legal position of married women meant that she was unwilling to marry Chapman. However, after meeting Eugene Bodichon, Barbara decided to compromise her principals by marrying this former French army officer. Bodichon held radical political views and loyally supported Barbara in her many campaigns for women's rights.</div>
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In 1858 Barbara Bodichon and her friend, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbelloc.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Bessie Rayner Parkes</a>, founded the journal, <i><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Englishwoman%27s_Review" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">The Englishwoman's Review</a></i>. For the next few years the two women made their journal available to women campaigning for women doctors and the extension of opportunities for women in higher education.</div>
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Bodichon now decided the time was right to campaign for the franchise. 1866 Bodichon formed the first ever Women's Suffrage Committee. This group organised the women's suffrage petition, which <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a> presented to the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Pcommons.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">House of Commons</a> on their behalf.</div>
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Bodichon now toured the country where she held meetings on the subject of women's suffrage. Her speeches converted many women to the cause, including <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbecker.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lydia Becker</a>, the future leader of the movement. Bodichon also wrote and published a series of pamphlets on the subject of women's rights. Although her main efforts went into the women's suffrage campaign, Bodichon continued her work to improve women's education.</div>
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Bodichon joined with <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wdavies.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Davies</a> to raise funds for the first women's college in Cambridge. <a href="http://www.girton.cam.ac.uk/" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Girton College</a> was opened in 1873 but women students at Girton were not admitted to full membership of the <a href="http://www.cam.ac.uk/" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">University of Cambridge</a> until April 1948.</div>
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In 1877 Bodichon was taken seriously ill and although she recovered she was left paralyzed. Although Bodichon retained her interest in women's rights, she was no longer able to take an active role in the movement. Bodichon remained an invalid until her death in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hastings" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Hastings</a> on 11th June 1891. In her will Barbara Bodichon left a large sum of money to <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDgirton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Girton College</a>.</div>
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Jessie Boucherett</h1>
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Jessie Boucherett, the daughter of Frederick John Pigou, was born at North Willingham, near <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Market_Rasen" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Market Rasen</a>, in November 1825. Her father had been High Sheriff of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lincolnshire" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Lincolnshire</a> in 1820.</div>
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Boucherett was educated at the school run by the Byerley sisters at Avonbank, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stratford-upon-Avon" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Stratford upon Avon</a>, where <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jgaskell.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Gaskell</a> had been a pupil and where the curriculum included the works of women writers of the day. She was also influenced by the work of <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wmartineau.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Harriet Martineau</a>.</div>
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According to <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WblackburnH.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Blackburn</a> Boucherett purchased a copy of <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wwomensjournal.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"><em>English Woman's Journal</em></a> at a railway bookstall. In June 1959 she visited the journal office in London and became friendly with <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbelloc.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Bessie Rayner Parkes</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbodichon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Barbara Bodichon</a>. This resulted in the women forming the <a href="http://janus.lib.cam.ac.uk/db/node.xsp?id=EAD%2FGBR%2F0271%2FGCIP%20SPTW" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Society for Promoting the Employment of Women</a>. They also persuaded <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/IRashley.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lord Shaftesbury</a> to became the society's first president. As her biographer, Linda Walker, pointed out: "Supported by her private income and surrounded by like-minded new friends, Boucherett subsequently devoted much of her life to the cause of women's emancipation." In 1863 Jessie Boucherett published Hints for Self-Help: a Book for Young Women.</div>
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In 1865 a group of women in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a> formed a discussion group called the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wkensington.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Kensington Society</a>. It was given this name because they held their meetings at <a href="http://www.londontown.com/LondonStreets/upper_phillimore_gardens_f1b.html" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">44 Phillimore Gardens</a> in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kensington" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Kensington</a>. One of the founders of the group was Alice Westlake. On 18th March, Westlake wrote to <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a> inviting her to join the group. She claimed that "none but intellectual women are admitted and therefore it is not likely to become a merely puerile and gossiping Society." Westlake followed this with another letter on the 28th March: "There are very few few of the members whom you will know by name... the object of the Society is chiefly to serve as a sort of link, though a slight one, between persons, above the average of thoughtfulness and intelligence who are interested in common subjects, but who had not many opportunities of mutual intercourse."</div>
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Nine of the eleven women who attended the early meetings were unmarried and were attempting to pursue a career in education or medicine. The group eventually included Jessie Boucherett, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbodichon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Barbara Bodichon</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wdavies.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Davies</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbuss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Francis Mary Buss</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbeale.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Dorothea Beale</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wclough.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Anne Clough</a>, Louisa Smith, Alice Westlake, Katherine Hare, Harriet Cook, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wfaithfull.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Faithfull</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Welmy.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Wolstenholme-Elmy</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WandersonE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Garrett</a>.<span style="font-size: 15px;">On 21st November 1865, the women discussed the topic of parliamentary reform. The question was: "Is the extension of the Parliamentary suffrage to women desirable, and if so, under what conditions?. Both </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbodichon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Barbara Bodichon</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> and </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> submitted a paper on the topic. The women thought it was unfair that women were not allowed to vote in parliamentary elections. They therefore decided to draft a petition asking Parliament to grant women the vote.</span></div>
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The women took their petition to <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfawcett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry Fawcett</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a>, two MPs who supported universal suffrage. <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wgarrett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Louisa Garrett Anderson</a> later recalled: "John Stuart Mill agreed to present a petition from women householders… On 7th June 1866 the petition with 1,500 signatures was taken to the House of Commons. It was in the name of Barbara Bodichon and others, but some of the active promoters could not come and the honour of presenting it fell to Emily Davies and Elizabeth Garrett…. Elizabeth Garrett liked to be ahead of time, so the delegation arrived early in the Great Hall, Westminster, she with the roll of parchment in her arms. It made a large parcel and she felt conspicuous. To avoid attracting attention she turned to the only woman who seemed, among the hurrying men, to be a permanent resident in that great shrine of memories, the apple-woman, who agreed to hide the precious scroll under her stand; but, learning what it was, insisted first on adding her signature, so the parcel had to be unrolled again." Mill added an amendment to the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PR1867.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">1867 Reform Act</a> that would give women the same political rights as men but it was defeated by 196 votes to 73.</div>
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Members of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wkensington.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Kensington Society</a> were very disappointed when they heard the news and they decided to form the London Society for Women's Suffrage. <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a> became president and other members included <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wcobbe.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Frances Power Cobbe</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbecker.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lydia Becker</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WfawcettM.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Millicent Fawcett</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbodichon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Barbara Bodichon</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wboucherett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Jessie Boucherett</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wdavies.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Davies</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbuss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Francis Mary Buss</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbeale.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Dorothea Beale</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wclough.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Anne Clough</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WhallettA.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lilias Ashworth Hallett</a>, Louisa Smith, Alice Westlake, Katherine Hare, Harriet Cook, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Catherine_Winkworth" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Catherine Winkworth</a>, <a href="http://digitalcommons.mcmaster.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1435&context=russelljournal" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Kate Amberley</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WandersonE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Garrett</a>, Priscilla Bright McLaren and Margaret Bright Lucas.</div>
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Mentia Taylor agreed to be secretary of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WlondonNS.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London Society for Women's Suffrage</a>. On 15th July 1867 she wrote to <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a> that "Our present course of action is the dissemination of information throughout the kingdom and it seems to me, we cannot apply our pounds to better purpose than by the publication of good papers." The following year the LSWS reprinted as a pamphlet, an article written by <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Harriet Taylor</a>, The Enfranchisement of Women.</div>
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The <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WlondonNS.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London Society for Women's Suffrage</a> held several meetings every year. According to <a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=The+Women%27s+Suffrage+Movement+Elizabeth+Crawford&x=19&y=18" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Elizabeth Crawford</a>, the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/Womens-Suffrage-Movement-Reference-1866-1928/dp/0415239265/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1278527082&sr=1-1" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank"><em>The Suffragette Movement</em></a> (1999): "In the year 1875-76 the London National Society appears to have held three public meetings, four at working men's clubs, and 13 drawing-room meetings." Crawford points out that at one of these meetings held at St Pancras it was made clear that "the object of the society is to obtain the parliamentary franchise for widows and spinsters on the same conditions as those on which it is granted to men."</div>
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<a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbecker.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lydia Becker</a> became secretary of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wcentral.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Central Committee for Women's Suffrage</a> in 1881. Other members of the executive committee included Jessie Boucherett, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WblackburnH.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Blackburn</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wcobbe.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Frances Power Cobbe</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfawcett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Millicent Fawcett</a>, Margaret Bright Lucas, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wmaclaren.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Eva Maclaren</a>, Priscilla Bright McLaren, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WtaylorH.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a> and Katherine Thomasson.</div>
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By the 1890s there were seventeen individual groups that were advocating women's suffrage. This included the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WlondonNS.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London Society for Women's Suffrage</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WmanchesterS.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Manchester Society for Women's Suffrage</a> and the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wcentral.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Central Committee for Women's Suffrage</a>. On 14th October 1897, these groups joined together to form the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wnuwss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies</a> (NUWSS). <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbecker.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lydia Becker</a> was elected as president and Boucherett joined the executive committee of the NUWSS.</div>
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Jessie Boucherett died from <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liver_cancer" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">liver cancer</a> on 18th October 1905 at Willingham House. Her estate was assessed at over £39,000. She left £2,000 to the <a href="http://janus.lib.cam.ac.uk/db/node.xsp?id=EAD%2FGBR%2F0271%2FGCIP%20SPTW" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; outline: 0px; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Society for Promoting the Employment of Women</a>, £2,000 to the Freedom of Labour Defence Society, £500 to the British Union for the Abolition of Vivisection and £500 to the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wwomensjournal.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"><em>English Woman's Journal</em></a>.<br />
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Frances Buss</h1>
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Frances Buss, the daughter of Robert Buss and Frances Fleetwood was born on 16th August 1827. Robert Buss was an engraver but he was fairly unsuccessful and the family were extremely poor. Frances was the eldest of ten children, but only five of them survived beyond childhood.</div>
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Frances attended a local free school. Frances Buss did very well with her studies and at the age of fourteen she was asked to help teach the other children. Inspired by her daughter's educational achievements, Mrs. Buss decided to open her own school and Frances was given the job of teaching the older children. Frances had a strong desire to improve the standard of her teaching and in 1849 she became an evening student at the recently established <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDqueens.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Queen's College</a>.</div>
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Inspired by her training, Buss decided to start her own school and in 1850 she established the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDnorth.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">North London Collegiate School for Girls</a>. In an attempt to achieve and maintain high standards, Buss only employed qualified teachers. She also made use of visiting lecturers from <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDqueens.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Queen's College</a>.</div>
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The <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDnorth.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">North London Collegiate School</a> soon developed a reputation for providing an excellent education for its students. Other women involved in the campaign to improve the education of women visited the school. This included <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wdavies.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Davies</a> who was to persuade the authorities to allow women to become students at <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London University</a>. The two women became close friends and became involved in the campaign to secure the admission of girls to the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/IToxford.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Oxford</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITcambridge.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Cambridge</a> examinations. In 1864 the Schools Enquiry Commission agreed to look into gender inequalities in education. In 1865 Frances Buss gave evidence to the commission.</div>
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In 1865 Frances Buss joined with <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wdavies.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Davies</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WandersonE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Garrett Anderson</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbodichon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Barbara Bodichon</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor </a>and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbeale.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Dorothea Beale</a> to form a woman's discussion group called the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wkensington.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Kensington Society</a>. The following year the group formed the London Suffrage Committee and began organizing a petition asking Parliament to grant women the vote.</div>
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Buss remained a strong supporter of universal suffrage. She also worked closely with <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbutler.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Josephine Butler</a>and helped her with campaigns against the white slave trade and the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wcontagious.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Contagious Diseases Act</a>.</div>
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In 1871 Frances took the decision to change her <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDnorth.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">North London Collegiate School</a> from a private school to an endowed grammar school. Although this resulted in a loss of income, Buss was now able to offer a good education for those girls whose families could not afford the fees of a private school.</div>
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In 1880 Frances Buss began to suffer from a debilitating kidney disease, although she continued running the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDnorth.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">North London Collegiate School</a> until her death on 24th December 1894.</div>
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Anne Clough</h1>
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Anne Jemima Clough, the daughter of James Clough and Anne Perfect, was born in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liverpool</a> in 1820. Two years later the family moved to Charleston in South Carolina.</div>
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In 1836 the family returned to <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liverpool</a> where James Clough became a cotton merchant. The three sons were sent to private schools but Anne was educated at home by her mother. Anne was particularly close to her brother <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDclough.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Arthur Hugh Clough</a>. Arthur, had been taught by <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDarnold.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Thomas Arnold</a> at <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDrugby.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Rugby</a> and won a scholarship to Balliol College, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDcambridge.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Cambridge</a>. Arthur, who was later to become professor of English Literature at <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">University College</a>, London, took a keen interest in Anne's education. He directed her studies and under his influence she began to visit and teach the poor.</div>
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After James Clough's business failed in 1841, Anne opened a small school in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITliverpool.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liverpool</a> to help pay off the family debts. The school opened in January 1842 but it attracted few children. Anne had doubts about her abilities as a teacher and in May 1843, wrote in her journal: "I fear I mismanage the children; however, I must try to do better."</div>
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In 1852 Anne moved to the village of Ambleside where she opened a school for the children of local farmers and trades people. Anne's school was popular and she soon had enough children to employ two other teachers.</div>
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Devastated by the death of her brother, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDclough.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Arthur Hugh Clough</a>, Anne gave up the running of her school. However, Anne's achievements in Ambleside were well-known and in 1864 she was contacted by <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wdavies.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Davies</a> who was involved in the campaign to improve the quality of women's education. Encouraged by Davies, Clough wrote an article, <i><span class="darkred" style="color: #990000;">Hints on the Organization of Girls' Schools</span></i> for <i><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jmacmillan.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Macmillan's Magazine</a></i>.<span style="font-size: 15px;">In 1865 Clough joined </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbodichon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Barbara Bodichon</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">, </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wdavies.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Davies</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">, </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbuss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Francis Mary Buss</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">, </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbeale.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Dorothea Beale</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">, </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> and </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WandersonE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Garrett</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> at meetings of the </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wkensington.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Kensington Society</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">. After the failure of </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfawcett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry Fawcett</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">and </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> in 1867 to persuade Parliament to give women the same political rights as men, the women formed the London Society for Women's Suffrage. Soon afterwards similar societies were formed in other large towns in Britain. Eventually seventeen of these groups joined together to form the </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wnuwss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">.</span></div>
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Inspired by the success of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDnorth.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">North London Collegiate School</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDcheltenham.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Cheltenham Ladies College</a>, Clough decided to form the North of England Council for Promoting the Higher Education of Women. The council held its first meeting at <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITleeds.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Leeds</a> in 1867 and members included <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbutler.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Josephine Butler</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDbutler.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">George Butler</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Welmy.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Wolstenholme</a>. Over the next few years the council developed a scheme of lectures and a university-based examination for women who wished to become teachers.</div>
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In 1871, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDsidgwick.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry Sidgwick</a>, who taught at Trinity College, established Newnham, a residence for women who were attending lectures at <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDcambridge.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Cambridge University</a>. Anne was invited to take charge and by 1879 <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDnewnham.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Newnham College</a> was fully established with its own tutorial staff.</div>
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As well as being principal of <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/EDnewnham.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Newnham College</a>, Clough helped to establish the University Association of Assistant Mistresses (1882), the Cambridge Training College for Women (1885), and the Women's University Settlement in Southwark (1887). Anne Clough died in 1892.</div>
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Harriet Taylor</h1>
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Harriet Taylor, the daughter of Thomas Hardy, a <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a> surgeon, and his wife Harriet Hurst, was born in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walworth" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Walworth</a>, on 8th October, 1807. At the age of eighteen she married John Taylor, a wealthy businessman from <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islington" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Islington</a>. In the next few years Harriet had two sons and one daughter, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WtaylorH.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a>.</div>
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John and Harriet Taylor both became active in the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRunitarian.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Unitarian Church</a> and developed radical views on politics. They became friendly with <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Johnson_Fox" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">William Johnson Fox</a>, a leading Unitarian minister and early supporter of <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/women.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">women's rights</a>.</div>
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Harriet Taylor moved in radical circles and in 1830 she met the philosopher <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a>. Taylor was attracted to Mill, the first man she had met who treated her as an intellectual equal. Mill was impressed with Taylor and asked her to read and comment on the latest book he was working on. Over the next few years they exchanged essays on issues such as marriage and women's rights. Those essays that have survived reveal that Taylor held more radical views than Mill on these subjects. She argued: "Public offices being open to them alike, all occupations would be divided between the sexes in their natural arrangements. Fathers would provide for their daughters in the same manner as their sons."</div>
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Taylor was attracted to the socialist philosophy that had been promoted by <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/IRowen.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Robert Owen</a> in books such as <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=Robert+Owen&x=12&y=17" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">The Formation of Character</a></i> (1813) and <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=Robert+Owen&x=12&y=17" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">A New View of Society</a></i> (1814). In her essays Taylor was especially critical of the degrading effect of women's economic dependence on men. Taylor thought this situation could only be changed by the radical reform of all marriage laws. Although Mill shared Taylor's belief in equal rights, he favoured laws that gave women equality rather than independence.</div>
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In 1833 Harriet negotiated a trial separation from her husband. She then spent six weeks with Mill in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paris" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Paris</a>. On their return Harriet moved to a house at <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walton-on-Thames" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Walton-on-Thames</a> where <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Start Mill</a> visited her at weekends. Although Harriet Taylor and Mill claimed they were not having a sexual relationship, their behaviour scandalized their friends. As a result, the couple became socially isolated.</div>
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<a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRroebuck.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Roebuck</a> later argued: "My affection for Mill was so warm and so sincere that I was hurt by anything which brought ridicule upon him. I saw, or thought I saw, how mischievous might be this affair, and as we had become in all things like brothers, I determined, most unwisely, to speak to him on the subject. With this resolution I went to the India House next day, and then frankly told him what I thought might result from his connection with Mrs. Taylor. He received my warnings coldly, and after some time I took my leave, little thinking what effect my remonstrances had produced. The next day I again called at the India House. The moment I entered the room I saw that, as far he was concerned, our friendship was at an end. His manner was not merely cold, but repulsive; and I, seeing how matters were, left him. His part of our friendship was rooted out, nay, destroyed, but mine was untouched."</div>
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Except for a few articles in the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRunitarian.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Unitarian</a> journal Monthly Repository, Taylor published little of her own work during her lifetime. However, Taylor read and commented on all the material produced by <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a>. In his autobiography, Mill claimed that Harriet was the joint author of most of the books and articles that were published under his name. He added, "when two persons have their thoughts and speculations completely in common it is of little consequence in respect of the question of originality, which of them holds the pen."</div>
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In 1848 John Stuart Mill's <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=John+Stuart+Mill&x=23&y=19" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Principles of Political Economy</a></i> was published. Mill planned to include details of the role that Taylor had played in the production of the book, but when John Taylor heard about this he objected and references to his wife were removed. However, in his autobiography, Mill pointed out thatthe book was "a joint production with my wife".</div>
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John Taylor died of cancer on 3rd May, 1849. Still concerned about gossip and scandal, Harriet insisted that they wait two years before they got married. A few months after the wedding the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jwestminster.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"><i>Westminster Review</i></a> published The Enfranchisement of Women. Although the article had been mainly written by Taylor, it appeared under John Stuart Mill's name. The same happened with the publication of an article in the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Jchronicle.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"><i>Morning Chronicle</i></a> (28th August, 1851) where they advocated new laws to protect women from violent husbands. A letter written by Mill in 1854 suggests that Harriet was reluctant to be described as joint author of Mill's books and articles. "I shall never be satisfied unless you allow our best book, the book which is to come, to have our two names on the title page. It ought to be so with everything I publish, for the better half of it all is yours".</div>
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<a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a> had always favoured the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PR1872.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">secret ballot</a> but Harriet disagreed and eventually changed her husband's views on the subject. Taylor feared that people would vote in their own self-interest rather than for the good of the community. She believed that if people voted in public, the exposure of their selfishness would shame them in voting for the candidate who put forward policies that were in the interests of the majority.</div>
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Harriet Taylor and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a> both suffered from <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tuberculosis" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">tuberculosis</a>. While in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Avignon" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Avignon</a>, seeking treatment for this condition in November, 1858, Harriet died. Mill and Taylor had been working on a book <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=The+Subjection+of+Women&x=15&y=17" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">The Subjection of Women</a></i> at the time. <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WtaylorH.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a>, Harriet's daughter, now helped Mill to finish the book. The two worked closely together for the next fifteen years. In his autobiography Mill wrote that "Whoever, either now or hereafter, may think of me and my work I have done, must never forget that it is the product not of one intellect and conscience but of three, the least considerable of whom, and above all the least original, is the one whose name is attached to it."</div>
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Elizabeth Wolstenholme-Elmy</h1>
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Elizabeth Wolstenholme, the daughter of a <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/REmethodism.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Methodist</a> minister from <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eccles,_Greater_Manchester" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Eccles</a>, was born on 15th December 1833. Elizabeth's brother Joseph received an expensive private education and eventually became professor of mathematics at <a href="http://www.cam.ac.uk/" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Cambridge University</a>. The Rev. Wolstenholme held traditional views on girls schooling and Elizabeth only received two years of formal education.</div>
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After the death of both her parents, her guardians refused permission for Elizabeth to attend the newly opened, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bedford_College_(London)" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Bedford College for Women</a>. Elizabeth decided to educate herself at home until she gained her inheritance at the age of nineteen. In 1853 Elizabeth purchased her own girls' boarding school in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Worsley" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Worsley</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lancashire" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Lancashire</a>.</div>
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Elizabeth believed that teaching was a highly skilled occupation that needed special training. In 1865 Elizabeth Wolstenholme joined with other women schoolteachers in her area to form the Manchester Schoolmistresses' Association. Two years later Elizabeth and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbutler.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Josephine Butler</a> helped establish the North of England Council for the Higher Education of Women. This organisation provided lectures and examinations for women who wanted to become schoolteachers.</div>
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Wolstenholme felt passionate about improving the quality of women's education. In 1869 <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbutler.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Josephine Butler</a> asked Elizabeth to contribute an article on education for her book <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias=stripbooks&field-keywords=Elizabeth+Wolstenholme-Elmy+&x=14&y=16" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Women's Work and Women's Culture</a></i>. The article criticised middle class parents for their lack of interest in their daughter's education and set out her plans for a system of high schools for girls in every town in Britain.</div>
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In 1864 Parliament passed the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wcontagious.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Contagious Diseases Act</a>. This act required women suspected of being prostitutes to undergo compulsory medical examination. If the women were suffering from venereal disease they were placed in a locked hospital until cured. Elizabeth Wolstenholme considered this law discriminated against women, as the legislation contained no similar sanctions against men. Elizabeth and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbutler.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Josephine Butler</a> decided to form the Ladies National Association for the Repeal of the Contagious Diseases Acts. Elizabeth took the view that it would be impossible to have legislation like this reformed until after women had the vote.<span style="font-size: 15px;">In 1865 eleven women in </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> formed a discussion group called the </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wkensington.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Kensington Society </a><span style="font-size: 15px;">. Nine of the eleven women were unmarried and were attempting to pursue a career in education or medicine. The group included Elizabeth Wolstenholme, </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbodichon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Barbara Bodichon</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">, </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wdavies.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Davies</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">, </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbuss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Francis Mary Buss</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">, </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbeale.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Dorothea Beale</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">, </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wclough.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Anne Clough</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">, </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wtaylor.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Helen Taylor</a><span style="font-size: 15px;"> and </span><a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WandersonE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; font-size: 15px; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Garrett</a><span style="font-size: 15px;">. At one of the meetings the women discussed the topic of parliamentary reform. The women thought it was unfair that women were not allowed to vote in parliamentary elections. They therefore decided to draft a petition asking Parliament to grant women the vote.</span></div>
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The women took their petition to <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfawcett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry Fawcett</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a>, two MPs who supported universal suffrage. Mill added an amendment to the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PR1867.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Reform Act</a> that would give women the same political rights as men. The amendment was defeated by 196 votes to 73. Members of the Kensington Society were very disappointed when they heard the news and they decided to form the London Society for Women's Suffrage. Soon afterwards similar societies were formed in other large towns in Britain. Eventually seventeen of these groups joined together to form the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wnuwss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies</a>.</div>
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In 1868 Elizabeth became secretary of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Married_Women%27s_Property_Act_1882" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Married Women's Property Committee</a>. The main objective was to change the common law doctrine of coverture to include the wife’s right to own, buy and sell her separate property. Elizabeth served alongside <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbutler.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Josephine Butler</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WpankhurstS.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Pankhurst</a> on the executive committee of the organization.</div>
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In the early 1870s Elizabeth became friendly with <a href="http://www.reference.com/browse/elmy" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Benjamin Elmy</a>, a poet from <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congleton" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Congleton</a>. The couple lived together and in 1874 she became pregnant. Some members of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Married_Women%27s_Property_Act_1882" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Married Women's Property Committee</a> believed that Wolstenholme should resign as they felt the scandal was harming the women's movement. <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbutler.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Josephine Butler</a> sent a letter to women leaders defending their behaviour. "They have sinned against no law of Purity. They went through a most solemn ceremony and vow before witnesses. I knew of this true marriage before God - early in 1874. It would have been a legal marriage in Scotland. They blundered; but their whole action was grave and pure. The English marriage laws are impure. English law… sins against the law of purity. It is a species of legal prostitution the woman being the man's property." <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbecker.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lydia Becker</a> was not convinced by these arguments and resigned from the committee.</div>
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Elizabeth Wolstenholme, who was pregnant at the time, married Elmy at <a href="http://www.rbkc.gov.uk/az/az.asp?orgid=1329" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Kensington Register Office</a> in October 1874. The wedding was a civil ceremony and true to her principals, Elizabeth refused to make a promise of obedience to her husband. She also refused to wear a wedding ring or to give up her surname. Three months after their marriage, Elizabeth gave birth to a son. According to <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WpankhurstS.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Sylvia Pankhurst</a>, Elmy was, "a stout, sallow man" who "intensely resented and never forgave" the suffragettes for interfering in his affairs. One of her close friends, <a href="http://openlibrary.org/authors/OL4266390A/Harriet_McIlquham" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Harriet McIlquham</a>, later argued that "her life with Mr Elmy has been one of mixed happiness and sorrow... In many ways I believe he has been a great intellectual help to her, and in other ways a great tax on her energies."</div>
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Elizabeth Wolstenholme-Elmy was a great believer in presenting petitions to Parliament. She claimed to have personally communicated with 10,000 people and nearly 500,000 leaflets. Her work resulted in the collection of 90,000 signatures demanding changes in the law. The <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Married_Women%27s_Property_Act_1882" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Married Women's Property Committee</a> eventually managed to persuade the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Pcommons.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">House of Commons</a> and the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Plords.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">House of Lords</a> to pass the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wproperty.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Married Women's Property Act</a> (1882). Another one of her campaigns resulted in the passing of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wcustody.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Custody of Infants Act</a> (1886), which improved the custody rights of mothers.</div>
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In 1889 Elizabeth joined <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WpankhurstS.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Richard Pankhurst</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WpankhurstE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emmeline Pankhurst</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ursula_Mellor_Bright" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Ursula Bright</a>, to form the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%27s_Franchise_League" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Women's Franchise League</a>. Elizabeth, like Richard and Emmeline, was also a member of the Manchester branch of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Pilp.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Independent Labour Party</a>. However, she was constantly in conflict with Bright, who was a member of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Pliberal.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Liberal Party</a>. After one dispute with Bright she resigned from the Franchise League and told <a href="http://openlibrary.org/authors/OL4266390A/Harriet_McIlquham" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Harriet McIlquham</a> she did "not intend ever again to take any part whatever in political action on behalf of women.". She did not keep to her pledge and within a year had established another suffrage group, the Women's Emancipation Union.</div>
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By the early 1900s Elizabeth had become very critical of what she called the "fiddle-faddling" of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wnuwss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies</a> and was one of the first people to join the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wwspu.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Women's Social and Political Union</a>. However, Elizabeth was now in her seventies and was not able to take any actions that would result in her going to prison. She wrote: "I am old and hope many mornings that the end may be soon and sudden - and indeed I am so tired in brain, head and body, that I long for rest."</div>
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In February 1906, Elizabeth wrote to a friend that her husband was "too weak to sit up even to have his bed made". <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wmartindale.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Louisa Martindale</a> wrote to <a href="http://openlibrary.org/authors/OL4266390A/Harriet_McIlquham" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Harriet McIlquham</a> asking if she can "manage all the nursing herself?" <a href="http://www.reference.com/browse/elmy" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Benjamin Elmy</a> died the following month.</div>
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Elizabeth became concerned about the increasing use of violence by the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wnuwss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">WSPU</a>. She wrote to the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRguardian.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"><em>Manchester Guardian</em></a> in July, 1912: "Now that our cause is on the verge of success, I wish to add my protest against the madness which seems to have seized a few persons whose anti-social and criminal actions would seem designed to wreck the whole movement ... I appeal to our friends in the ministry and in Parliament not to be deterred from setting right a great wrong by the folly or criminality of a few persons." However, unlike other critics of its <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Warson.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">arson campaign</a>, Elizabeth refused to resign from the WSPU.</div>
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Elizabeth Wolstenholme-Elmy died, aged eighty-four, in a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manchester" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Manchester</a> nursing home on 12th March 1918 after falling down the stairs and hitting her head. Six days earlier, the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/W1918.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; outline: 0px; text-decoration-line: none;">Qualification of Women Act</a> had been passed by Parliament. The <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRguardian.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;"><em>Manchester Guardian</em></a> reported that she had lived long enough to be told the good news.</div>
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Elizabeth Garrett Anderson</h1>
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Elizabeth Garrett Anderson, the daughter of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Newson_Garrett" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Newson Garrett</a> (1812–1893) and Louise Dunnell (1813–1903), was born in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Whitechapel" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Whitechapel</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a> on 9th June 1836. Elizabeth's father, was the grandson of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Garrett_(1755-1839)" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Richard Garrett</a>, who founded the successful agricultural machinery works at <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leiston" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Leiston</a>.</div>
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Elizabeth's father had originally ran a pawnbroker's shop in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a>, but by the time she was born he owned a corn and coal warehouse in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aldeburgh" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Aldeburgh</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suffolk" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Suffolk</a>. The business was a great success and by the 1850s Garrett could afford to send his children away to be educated.</div>
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After two years at a school in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blackheath,_London" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Blackheath</a>, Elizabeth was expected to stay in the family home until she found a man to marry. However, Elizabeth was more interested in obtaining employment. While visiting a friend in London in 1854, Elizabeth met <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wdavies.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Davies</a>, a young women with strong opinions about women's rights. Davies introduced Elizabeth to other young feminists living in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a>.</div>
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In 1859 Garrett met <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/USACWblackwell.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Blackwell</a>, the first woman in the United States to qualify as a doctor. Elizabeth decided she also wanted a career in medicine. Her parents were initially hostile to the idea but eventually her father, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Newson_Garrett" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Newson Garrett</a>, agreed to support her attempts to become Britain's first woman doctor.</div>
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Garrett tried to study in several medical schools but they all refused to accept a woman student. Garrett therefore became a nurse at <a href="http://middlesexhospital.org/" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Middlesex Hospital</a> and attended lectures that were provided for the male doctors. After complaints from male students Elizabeth was forbidden entry to the lecture hall.</div>
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Garrett discovered that the <a href="http://www.apothecaries.org/" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Society of Apothecaries</a> did not specify that females were banned for taking their examinations. In 1865 Garrett sat and passed the Apothecaries examination. As soon as Garrett was granted the certificate that enabled her to become a doctor, the Society of Apothecaries changed their regulations to stop other women from entering the profession in this way. With the financial support of her father, Elizabeth Garrett was able to establish a medical practice in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a>.</div>
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Elizabeth Garrett was now a committed feminist and in 1865 she joined with her friends <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wdavies.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Davies</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbodichon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Barbara Bodichon</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbelloc.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Bessie Rayner Parkes</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbeale.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Dorothea Beale</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbuss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Francis Mary Buss</a> to form a woman's discussion group called the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wkensington.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Kensington Society</a>. The following year the group organized a petition asking Parliament to grant women the vote.</div>
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Although Parliament rejected the petition, the women did receive support from Liberals such as <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRfawcett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry Fawcett</a>. Elizabeth became friendly with Fawcett, the blind MP for <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITbrighton.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Brighton</a>, but she rejected his marriage proposal, as she believed it would damage her career. Fawcett later married her younger sister <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WfawcettM.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Millicent Garrett</a>.</div>
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In 1866 Garrett established a dispensary for women in London (later renamed the Elizabeth Garrett Anderson Hospital) and four years later was appointed a visiting physician to the East London Hospital. Elizabeth was determined to obtain a medical degree and after learning French, went to the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University_of_Paris" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">University of Paris</a> where she sat and passed the required examinations. However, the <a href="http://www.gmc-uk.org/doctors/register/LRMP.asp" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">British Medical Register</a>refused to recognize her MD degree.</div>
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During this period Garrett became involved in a dispute with <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbutler.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Josephine Butler</a> over the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wcontagious.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Contagious Diseases Acts</a>. Josephine believed these acts discriminated against women and felt that all feminists should support their abolition. Garrett took the view that the measures provided the only means of protecting innocent women and children.</div>
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Although she was a supporter of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wnuwss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies</a> (NUWSS) she was not an active member during this period. According to her daughter, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wgarrett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Louisa Garrett Anderson</a>, she thought "it would be unwise to be identified with a second unpopular cause. Nevertheless she gave her whole-hearted adherence."</div>
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The <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Leducation70.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">1870 Education Act</a> allowed women to vote and serve on School Boards. Garrett stood in London and won more votes than any other candidate. The following year she married James Skelton Anderson, a co-owner of the of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peninsular_and_Oriental_Steam_Navigation_Company" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Orient Steamship Company</a>, and the financial adviser to the East London Hospital.</div>
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Like other feminists at the time, Elizabeth Garrett retained her own surname. Although James Anderson supported Elizabeth's desire to continue as a doctor the couple became involved in a dispute when he tried to insist that he should take control of her earnings.</div>
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Elizabeth had three children, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wgarrett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Louisa Garrett Anderson</a>, Margaret who died of meningitis, and Alan. This did not stop her continuing her medical career and in 1872 she opened the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Hospital_for_Women" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">New Hospital for Women</a> in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a>, a hospital that was staffed entirely by women. <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/USACWblackwell.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Blackwell</a>, the woman who inspired her to become a doctor, was appointed professor of gynecology.</div>
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Elizabeth Garrett Anderson also joined with <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wjex.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Sophia Jex-Blake</a> to establish a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/London_School_of_Medicine_for_Women" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">London Medical School for Women</a>. Jex-Blake expected to put in charge but Garrett believed that her temperament made her unsuitable for the task and arranged for <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Isabel_Thorne" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Isabel Thorne</a> to be appointed instead. In 1883 Garrett Anderson was elected Dean of the London School of Medicine. Sophia Jex-Blake was the only member of the council who voted against this decision.</div>
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After the death of <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbecker.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Lydia Becker</a> in 1890, Elizabeth's sister, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WfawcettM.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Millicent Garrett Fawcett</a> was elected president of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wnuwss.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies</a>. By this time Elizabeth was a member of the Central Committee of the NUWSS.</div>
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In 1902 Garrett Anderson retired to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aldeburgh" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Aldeburgh</a>. Garrett Anderson continued her interest in politics and in 1908 she was elected mayor of the town - the first woman mayor in England. When Garret Anderson was seventy-two, she became a member of the militant <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wwspu.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Women's Social and Political Union</a>. In 1908 was lucky not to be arrested after she joined with other members of the WSPU to storm the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Pcommons.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">House of Commons</a>. In October 1909 she went on a lecture tour with <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wkenney.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Annie Kenney</a>.</div>
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However, Elizabeth left the WSPU's in 1911 as she objected to their <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Warson.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">arson campaign</a>. Her daughter <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wgarrett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Louisa Garrett Anderson</a> remained in the WSPU and in 1912 was sent to prison for her militant activities. <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WfawcettM.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Millicent Garrett Fawcett</a> was upset when she heard the news and wrote to her sister: "I am in hopes she will take her punishment wisely, that the enforced solitude will help her to see more in focus than she always does." However, the authorities realised the dangers of her going on <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Whunger.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">hunger strike</a> and released her.</div>
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<a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wsharp.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Evelyn Sharp</a> spent time with Elizabeth and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wgarrett.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Louisa Garrett Anderson</a> at their cottage in the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Scottish_Highlands" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Highlands</a>: "Dr. Elizabeth Garrett Anderson, who had a summer cottage in that beautiful part of the Highlands. I went there on both occasions with her daughter Dr. Louisa Garrett Anderson, and we had great times together climbing the easier mountains and revelling in wonderful effects of colour that I have seen nowhere else except possibly in parts of Ireland.... It was, however, so entertaining to meet both these famous public characters in the more intimate and human surroundings of a summer holiday that we did not grudge the time given to working up a suffrage meeting in the village instead of tramping about the hills. Old Mrs. Garrett Anderson-old only in years, for there was never a younger woman in heart and mind and outlook than she was when I knew her before the war was a fascinating combination of the autocrat and the gracious woman of the world."</div>
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Elizabeth Garrett Anderson died in 17th December 1917.<br />
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Elizabeth Blackwell</h1>
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Elizabeth Blackwell was born in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITbristol.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Bristol</a>, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/USAEengland.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">England</a>, on 3rd February, 1821. Her father, Samuel Blackwell, held progressive views and Elizabeth and her sisters were taught subjects such as Latin, Greek and mathematics.</div>
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In 1832 the Blackwell family emigrated to the United States. Samuel Blackwell was strongly opposed to <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/USAslavery.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">slavery</a> and after meeting <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/USASgarrison.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">William Lloyd Garrison</a>, became involved in Abolitionist activities. When her husband died in 1838 Hannah Blackwell had nine children to look after. Elizabeth contributed to the family income by opening a small private school with two of her sisters, Anna and Marian, in Cincinnati. Later she taught in Kentucky and North Carolina.</div>
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Elizabeth became interested in the topic of medicine. At that time there were no women doctors in the United States but Elizabeth argued that many women would prefer to consult with a woman rather than a man about her health problems. She was rejected by 29 medical schools before being accepted by Geneva Medical School in 1847. The male students ostracized her and teachers refused permission for her to attend medical demonstrations. Despite these problems, when graduated in 1849 she was ranked first in her class. She also became the first woman to qualify as a doctor in the United States and over 20,000 people turned up to watch Blackwell being awarded her MD.</div>
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Elizabeth now moved to Europe where she took a midwives' course at La Maternite in Paris. While in France she contracted purulent ophthalma from a baby she was treating. As a result of this infection she lost the sight of one eye. Elizabeth now had to abandon her plans to become a surgeon.</div>
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In October, 1850, Elizabeth moved to England where she worked under Dr. James Paget at St. Bartholomew's Hospital in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a>. It was here that she met and became friends with <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/REnightingale.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Florence Nightingale</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WandersonE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Garrett Anderson</a>. Both these women were inspired by Elizabeth's success and became pioneers in women's medicine in Britain.</div>
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Elizabeth returned to the United States in 1851 and attempted to find work in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/USAnewyork.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">New York</a>. Refused posts in the city's hospitals and dispensaries, she was forced to work privately. Her experiences of gender discrimination encouraged her to write the book <a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/Elizabeth-Blackwell-Pbk-Francene-Sabin/dp/0893757578/ref=sr_1_5?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1221569663&sr=1-5" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">The Laws of Life</a> (1852).</div>
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In 1853 Elizabeth opened a dispensary in the slums of New York. Soon afterwards she was joined by her younger sister, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/USACWblackwellE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Blackwell</a>, who had now also graduated with a medical degree, and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/USAzakrzewska.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Marie Zakrzewska</a>. In 1857 the three women established the New York Infirmary for Women and Children. The women gave public lectures on hygiene, created a health centre, appointed sanitary visitors and campaigned for better preventive medicine</div>
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During the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/USAcivilwar.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">American Civil War</a> Elizabeth organized the Women's Central Association of Relief. This involved the selection and training of nurses for service in the war. Blackwell, along with <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/USACWblackwellE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Emily Blackwell</a>and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/USAWlivermore.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Mary Livermore</a>, played an important role in the development of the United States Sanitary Commission.</div>
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After the war the Blackwell sisters established the Women's Medical College in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/USAnewyork.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">New York</a>. Elizabeth became professor of hygiene until 1869 when he moved to <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a> to help form the National Health Society and the London School of Medicine for Women. After meeting <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/REkingsley.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Charles Kingsley</a> Blackwell became active in the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/REsocialism.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Christian Socialist</a> movement.</div>
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In 1875 <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/WandersonE.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Elizabeth Garrett Anderson</a> invited Blackwell to became professor of gynecology at the London School of Medicine for Children. She remained in this post until she had a serious fall in 1907.</div>
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Elizabeth Blackwell died in Hastings, Sussex, on 31st May, 1910.</div>
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Bessie Rayner Belloc</h1>
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Bessie Rayner Parkes, the daughter of the solicitor, Joseph Parkes, was born in 1829. Her grandfather was <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRpriestley.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Joseph Priestley</a>, the scientist and political reformer who was forced to leave the country in 1774. Bessie's father was also a <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRunitarian.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Unitarian</a> with radical political views and was a close friend of reformers such as <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbrougham.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Henry Brougham</a> and <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a>.</div>
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In 1846 Parkes met <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbodichon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Barbara Bodichon</a>, who was running a progressive school in London. The two women became close friends and over the next few years wrote several pamphlets on women's rights, including <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=Bessie+Rayner+Belloc&x=15&y=19" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Remarks on the Education of Girls</a></i> (1856).</div>
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Parkes and Bodichon felt that there was a need for a journal for educated women and in 1858 they founded The Englishwoman's Review. Parkes became editor and over the next few years she made the journal available to writers campaigning for women doctors and the extension of opportunities for women in higher education.</div>
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Parkes continued to publish pamphlets and in <i><a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=Bessie+Rayner+Belloc&x=15&y=19" rel="nofollow" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Essays on Women's Work</a></i> (1866) she argued that the laws of the country were based on the assumption that women were supported by their husbands or fathers, but with a shortage of men in the country, this was becoming less likely to happen. Parkes therefore suggested that it was necessary to improve the standard of education for girls.</div>
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In 1866 Parkes joined with <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbodichon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Barbara Bodichon</a> to form the first ever Women's Suffrage Committee. This group organised the women's suffrage petition, which <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRmill.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">John Stuart Mill</a> presented to the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Pcommons.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">House of Commons</a> on their behalf.</div>
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On a visit to France in 1867, Parkes met Louis Belloc. The couple fell in love and decided to marry. Both families objected to the couple getting married. Belloc was younger than Parkes and had been an invalid for thirteen years. <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbodichon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Barbara Bodichon</a> also advised against the relationship but the marriage went ahead.</div>
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After Louis Belloc died of sunstroke in 1872, Bessie returned to <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/ITlondon.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">London</a> with her two children. Belloc had abandoned her <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRunitarian.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Unitarian</a> beliefs and was now a member of the <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/REcatholic.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Roman Catholic Church.</a> She was also no longer interested in <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/women.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">women's rights</a>. Her daughter, the successful novelist, Marie Belloc-Lowndes, showed little interest in the suffrage movement, and her son, <a href="http://spartacus-educational.com/PRbelloc.htm" rel="internal" style="color: #7700dd; text-decoration-line: none;">Hilaire Belloc</a>, was one of Britain's leading anti-feminists, being opposed to both women having the vote or experiencing higher education.</div>
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Bessie Rayner Belloc died in 1925.</div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6187580317170021458.post-5118373528283083072008-04-01T09:20:00.000-07:002013-03-11T04:25:20.978-07:00The Peterloo Massacre<span style="font-weight: bold;"><span style="font-size: large;">Peter's Field -The Peterloo Massacre-The Killing Field: </span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 100%;"> Peterloo 1819</span></span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Preface</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The purpose of this Book is to show through the analysis of the historiography that the major myths associated with Peterloo, are not necessarily the most plausible, or reasonable, explanation of the events they purport to describe. Created as propaganda and given mythic status by constant re-assertion as popular opinion, such myths have muddied the historical picture. In demythologising Peterloo, or the ‘Peterloo Massacre’ it is hoped that a more accurate historical picture will be revealed.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A few days after the event the Manchester Observer coined the name Peterloo, associating it in mockery with Napoleons defeat at the Battle of Waterloo which had taken place four years earlier. Thus the name Peterloo and even the Peterloo Massacre became a powerful and emotive symbol for generations in the shaping of political opinion.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[1]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In the words of Simon Schama, ‘There was something evil about Peterloo, which for many mocked the pretension of the government to be upholding British traditions against innovation. Peterloo was not, the critics believed, a British event.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[2]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Therefore this book is a serious attempt to deal with a controversial historical topic and it is considered that an overall reassessment is necessary.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Although this book is essentially a historiographical study, and solidly based on the historiographical evidence, I have used relevant primary sources and eye-witness accounts. Some of these accounts appear in F.A. Bruton’s his first study The Story of Peterloo Manchester, (1919), and in Three Accounts of Peterloo, Manchester, (1921), Both works are considered as standard modern authorities. Other relevant primary accounts appear in Samuel Bamfords, Passages in the Life of a Radical, Manchester, (1841), and in Archibald Prentice, Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Manchester, London, (1851), have also been presented. I have also relied on the more recent research of Professor Michael Bush, The Casualties of Peterloo, Manchester, (2005), in which he has published detailed list of every known casualty of Peterloo and his analysis of these lists which establishes the exact scale and nature of the Peterloo Massacre.</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Acknowledgments</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">My grateful thanks to the staff at the University of Manchester, John Rylands Library, Deansgate, the Working-class Movement Library, Salford and the Local Studies Unit of the Manchester Central Library, also known as the Round Library, located in what is now known as St Peters Square.</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> List of Maps</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Map of Manchester and surrounding districts…..p.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Map of St. Peter’s Field…………………………..p.</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> List of Illustrations</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The picture on the front cover depicts William Hone’s savage comment on the massacre announcing the erection of a mock-monument-with trooper trampling woman and child on a base of skulls, ‘in commemoration of the achievements of the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry.’</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Print on the back cover, commissioned and published Richard Carlile in his ‘Temple of Reason’ in Fleet Street showing a sympathetic view of the reformers themselves. The print is inscribed: To Henry Hunt…and the Female Reformers of Manchester and the adjacent Towns who were exposed to and suffered from the Wanton and Furious Attack made on them by that Brutal Armed Force the Manchester and Cheshire Yeomanry….dedicated by their Fellow Labourer Richard Carlile.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">(Courtesy of Manchester Library and Information Service: Manchester Archives and Local Studies.)</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Orator Henry Hunt. …………………...p.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">William Hulton………..........................p,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Home Secretary, Lord Sidmouth….p.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Prime Minister, Lord Liverpool…...p.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Duke of Wellington………………...p,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Castlereagh Viscount Stewart Robert,…p.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Archibald Prentice………………………p.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Reverend Edward Stanley………………p.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Reverend Charles Ethelstone…………...p.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Samuel Bamford………………………..p.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Major John Cartwright…………………p.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Colonel Le’ Estrange, 15th Hussars…….p.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hand Loom Weavers, Salford………….p.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Union Poor House………...p.</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> CONTENTS</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Preface……………………………………………………………..</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Acknowledgements………………………………………………..</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">List of Maps and Illustrations……………………………………...</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Chronology of Events……………………………………………...</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Biographical Sketches……………………………………………..</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Introduction………………………………………………………..</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Chapter One Historical Background to Peterloo……….</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Chapter Two Peterloo Massacre, Manchester 1819……..</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Chapter Three Peterloo and its Aftermath ……………….</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Chapter Four Poetry of Peterloo………………………… </span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Chapter Five The Historiography of Peterloo………….</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Chapter Six Concluding Peterloo………………………</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Appendix…………………………………………………………...</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bibliography………………………………………………………..</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Select Bibliography…………………………………………………</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Index………………………………………………………………..</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Biographical Sketches</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[3]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Any assessment of the political background to Peterloo must begin with a series of biographical sketches.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Baines Edward, Reporter for the Leeds Mercury at Peterloo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bamford Samuel (1788-1872) the celebrated weaver-poet from Middleton, author of Passages in the Life of a Radical, in which he gave his own account of Peterloo. He was an active member in the Hampden Club and although he disapproved of the Blanketeers meeting was nevertheless arrested by the authorities and sent to London. At Peterloo he led the Middleton contingent, to Peterloo and was arrested for his part in the meeting.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Birley, Captain Hugh Hornby, commander of the Manchester and Salford Yeomanry on 16th August 1819. Birley continued in the public life of Manchester after Peterloo, and later became the first president of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Burdett, Sir Francis was recognised as the leader of the Radicals in the House of Commons. He introduced motions for parliamentary reform and supported all attempts to expose corruption in government circles. In 1819, he was responsible for leading the campaign to press for an independent inquiry into the Peterloo Massacre.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Byng, General Sir John Commander of the Northern District in 1819. In later life he became the Whig, M.P. for Pool.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Carlile, Richard (1790-1843), A tinsmith journeyman. After being influenced by Thomas Paine’s The Rights of Man and saddened by the economic depression of 1817, Carlile secured a job as a salesman of two Radical periodicals, The Black Dwarf and Sherwin’s weekly Political Register. Later he took over Sherwin’s printing press and published a number of articles, including his Political Litany. In 1819 he was prosecuted by the Government, for publishing Thomas Paine’s works and was sentenced to a term of three years imprisonment, also receiving a heavy fine. His sentence was extended to six years for refusing to pay this fine. He later became the proprietor of Sherwin’s, Political Register changing its name to the Republican, editing twelve volumes whilst in prison. He was finally released in 1825.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cartwright, Major, John, formed the first Hampden Club. He then toured the country encouraging other parliamentary reformers to follow his example. His main objective was to unite middle class moderates with radical members of the working class. This frightened the authorities and led to his arrest at Huddersfield in 1813.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Castlereagh Viscount Stewart Robert Leader of the House of Commons in Lord Liverpool’s government.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cobbett William In 1802 he founded his newspaper The Political Register. To begin with Cobbett supported the Tory Government but gradually became a Radical. By 1806 he was a strong advocate of parliamentary reform largely due to his unsuccessful attempt to be elected as M.P. for Honiton, which convinced him of the unfairness of Rotton Boroughs. However, after Habeas Corpus was suspended; suspecting he was in the firing line, he migrated to America.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Entwistle John Member of the Select Committee of Magistrates.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ethelstone Reverend Charles Wickstead (1767-1830), who was a Manchester Magistrate, although not a member of the Special Committee of Magistrates he signed the warrant for the arrest of the speakers and read the Riot Act at Peterloo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Fielden Mr a member of the Select Committee of Magistrates.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Fletcher Colonel Ralph Member of the Select Committee of Magistrates.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Harrison Reverend Joseph was a local Nonconformist Preacher who called himself ‘Chaplin to the poor and needy.’ His politico-religious sermons became regular features of Stockport Radicalism. As a result of three speeches that he made, one on 15th August 1819, the other on 18th December 1819 and for a speech he made at Stockport on 28th June 1820, he was sentenced to three and a half years, imprisonment. Harrison’s three leading associates in Stockport in 1818 were John Bagguley, Samuel Drummond and John Johnston. All three had been leading promoters of the March of the Blanketeers in 1817 and were arrested for violent speeches to the strikers in Stockport on 1st September 1818. Both were sentenced to two years imprisonment. Although they were in prison at the time of Peterloo, their work together with Harrison made Stockport an important centre in local Radicalism</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hay, Reverend William Robert ,(1761-1839), appointed vicar of Rochdale in 1820, but also served as a Clerical magistrate and until 1823 as the Stipendiary Chairman of the Salford Quarter Sessions.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Healey, Dr., (1780-1830), In 1819, he led the Saddleworth, Lees, and Mosley Union contingent to Peterloo headed by a black flag, and this caused great consternation in local ‘loyalist’ circles. It was chiefly because of this that he was arrested at the meeting. He was another leading Radical Reformers. Of no less importance in 1819 his wife was secretary to the Manchester Female Reformers.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">who was acquitted at York, was the sub editor of the Manchester Observer.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hone William Radical, illustrator, caricaturist and author of The Political House that Jack Built, (1819), Hone’s pamphlets attacking George IV forced the king to attempt to bribe him.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hulton, William (1787-1864), was appointed as the chairman of the Special Committee of Lancashire and Cheshire Magistrates formed in July 1819.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hunt Henry (1773-1835), known as Orator Hunt, was the chief speaker at Peterloo. In 1817 he first came into contact with Lancashire Radicalism through the Hampden Club movement. His capacity as an orator his clear bell-like voice and his tall imposing appearance, soon won him a large personal following throughout the country.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Johnson Joseph (1791-1872), the most active local radical, organizer behind the Peterloo meeting In June 1818 he became the part-owner of the Radical local newspaper the Manchester Observer. It was about this time also he became secretary of the Manchester Patriotic Union Society, which invited Hunt to speak at the Peterloo meeting.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Jolliffe Lieutenant William a nineteen-year old officer in the 15th Hussars on St Peter’s Field, whose eyewitness account was latter published in Pellew’s Life of Sidmouth.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Knight John (1763-1838), a small-scale Manchester cotton manufacturer and a well established figure in local radical circles. As early as 1811 he had published a reform pamphlet, and in 1812 he was arrested for administering illegal oaths to a committee formed to prepare a reform address to the Prince Regent.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Lord Liverpool Robert Banks Jenkinson, (1770-1828), Prime Minister 1812-1827.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">L’Estrange, Lieutenant-Colonel George the military commander in Manchester 1819 under Major-General Sir John Byng, commander of the northern district.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Mallory Reverend a member if the Select Committee of Magistrates.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Marriott Mr a member of the Select Committee of Magistrates.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Marsh, Richard a member of the Select Committee of Magistrates.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Nadin Joseph (1765-1884), The Deputy Chief Constable of Manchester during and following Peterloo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Norris, James a Barrister, large landowner and a member of the Select Committee of Magistrates.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Oliver William one of the most active and energetic of the government’s secret agents nick named ‘Oliver the Spy.’</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Paine Thomas author of The Rights of Man.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Pitt, William British Tory Prime Minister and 1st Earl of Chatham, who died in 1812 and was succeeded by Lord Liverpool.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Prentice, Archibald, watched the start of the meeting in St. Peters Fields, from the window of a friend’s house in Mosley Street. Some years later Prentice, published his book, Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Manchester, (1851).</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Redford, Thomas Radical plaintiff in Redford v Birley, April, 1822</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ridings, Elijah, born 27th November 1802 at Failsworth, and died 18th October 1872. Manchester working-class poet, weaver and bookseller, Peterloo veteran, anti Corn Law campaigner and Chartist. He was removed from school at an early age in order that he might wind bobbins for his brothers and sisters, who were employed on silk looms. His family moved to Newton Heath and he later became a teacher in the Sunday school attached to St. Georges Church, Oldham Road. He later joined the Unitarian Chapel, in Dob Lane, Failsworth. Although he still worked at the loom in his leisure time, he read all the books that came his way particularly those on history and travel. In 1819, being then 17years of age, he was appointed leader of a section of parliamentary reformers at Newton Heath and Miles Platting on the memorable march to Peterloo and narrowly escaped being trampled by Yeomanry horses on the 16th August 1819.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Saxton, John assistant editor of the Manchester Observer and radical orator who was arrested on the hustings on 16th August but later acquitted at his trial at York.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Smith John, Reporter from the Liverpool Mercury at Peterloo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stanley, Reverend, Edward, (1779-1849), later Bishop of Norwhich, whose eyewitness account of the scene at Peterloo and his evidence in Redford v Birley supported the radical accounts.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sidmouth, Addington Henry (1757-1844), 1st Viscount, was the Home Secretary in Lord Liverpool’s Cabinete.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sylvester, J. Member of the Select Committee of Magistrates.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thomas Paine, Author of The Rights of Man.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Taylor John Edward, Founder of The Manchester Guardian, who along with John Tyas, a correspondent from The Times witnessed the events at Peterloo from the hustings.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Tatton Thomas W. Member of the Select Committee of Magistrates.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thislewood Arthur, Radical who planned the Cato Street Conspiracy.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Trafford, Major Thomas, Joseph the Senior Officer commanding the Manchester and Salford Yeomanry Cavalry who somehow escaped the critiscim directed at Captain Hugh Hornby Birley, his second in command.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Trafford, Trafford one of the magistrates who accompanied Lieutenant L’Estrange onto St Peters Fields.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Tyas, John London reporter for The Times newspaper, whose description of the events of Peterloo is historic.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Walker Thomas A rich Unitarian cotton merchant who established the Manchester Constitutional Society in October, 1790.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wolseley Sir Charles, (1769-1846), like Hunt was more than a local leader. He was one of the founders of the Hampden Club and was elected ‘Legislatorial Attorney’ for Birmingham at a meeting on 12th July 1819. He was imprisoned for eighteen months for a violent speech he made at Stockport along with Harrison on 28th June 1819. After his release he continued to be active in Radical affairs. However, after 1826 he retired from any public part in politics.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wright Mr a member of the Select Committee of Magistrates.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wroe, James (1788-1844), Between June 1819 and February 1820 was the editor of the Manchester Observer. He was also the chief Radical printer. One of his opponents described him as the ‘Printer Devil to the Radical Reformers.’ He was hounded by the Manchester local authorities and indicted for seditious publications and distribution. In February 1820 poverty-stricken by the cost of litigation, he was forced to give up the Manchester Observer. Nevertheless, he maintained his commitment to the Reform Movement throughout the 1820’s and 1830’s. In 1838 he was elected as one of Manchesters delegates to the first Chartist National Convention.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wooler Thomas Jonathan The editor of the Radical newspaper the Black Dwarf.</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Introduction</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">By 1819 Manchester had grown into England’s second largest city, and the world’s first industrial city. Its status remained that of a medieval market town owned by the Mosley family. It had no Member for Parliament, and magistrates from the Counties Palatine of Lancaster and Chester were empowered to take control in times of unrest. Before August 16th a Select Committee of Magistrates had already assumed control of the town, which was regarded by Lord Liverpool’s administration as the most troublesome, turbulent, seditious, and wicked area in the country. [Joyce Marlow]</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[4]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There is no doubt that Peterloo, was a major event in British history, and the most important day in Manchester’s political history.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[5]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> It was also one of the bloodiest days in Manchester’s history which occurred at St Peters Field where the Free Trade Hall stands today, and close to St. Peters Square.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[6]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Almost every writer on this early period of nineteenth century British history has touched on this controversial topic with the exception of Winston Churchill, who in A History of English Speaking Peoples, did not mention it at all.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[7]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> However, historians generally agree that a repressive Government and an equally repressive Select Committee of Magistrates brutally dispersed a peaceful Radical Reform meeting with tragic results. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[8]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Most recently Robert Poole writes ‘The ‘Peterloo Massacre’ was the bloodiest political event of the nineteenth century on English soil.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[9]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The myths that have developed in historiography surrounding Peterloo cannot be fully understood in isolation but must be placed in a wider context of the period. A major contributory factor, are the critical years between 1790 and 1819. Therefore I have attempted to put the events leading up to Peterloo into historical context and explain the social, political, economic, climate of the time and identify the various people involved. In Chapter One it will be demonstrated that the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 unleashed a wave of popular protest against government repression, social injustice, the undemocratic franchise along with widespread poverty deepened by post-war depression and that working-class demands for political and economic reform were more often met with brutal government action.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[10]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The major myths surrounding Peterloo or the Peterloo Massacre can be identified as follows: firstly, that most of the injuries were caused by the fleeing crowd; </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[11]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> secondly, the 15th Hussars only used the flats of their swords;</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[12]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> thirdly, only 11 people were killed and only 400 people were injured;</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[13]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> fourthly, there was no premeditation on behalf of the Select Committee of Magistrates to disperse the meeting by force.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[14]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> An additional misconception in the historiography is that the Irish population of Manchester did not become integrated with the movement for parliamentary reform.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn15" name="_ftnref15" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[15]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> It will be argued that other interpretations of these issues, based on the evidence available clearly show that such myths should not be believed.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Clear-headed assessments in the aftermath of Peterloo were a long time coming. Although it became known as the Peterloo Massacre, the events in and around St. Peters Field on 16th August 1819 were regarded by both sides with a great deal of passion. The reformers were regarded with fear and suspicion by the establishment, and treated accordingly. This treatment resulted in further agitation which in turn led to increased repressive government reaction. The aftermath of Peterloo is discussed in Chapter Three.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Apart from the indignation that came from both sides after Peterloo, that is, the righteous anger of those who were attacked as well as those who were ordered to attack, there is evidence of what might be regarded as the more emotional responses from both sides in the poetry produced and circulated afterwards. The efforts of the Loyalists were jingoistic and triumphant, those of the Radicals closer to the tragedy. In Chapter Four I have presented a selection of both Radical and Loyalist verse which demonstrate how the various people involved reacted to Peterloo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In Chapter Five it will be demonstrated that the historiography of Peterloo is of great importance as it reveals why, common perceptions are prejudiced, based on the origin of the political opinion, or sympathy, or inclination, of the writer. The other problem is of course, that most historians have not based their research on original, primary sources. Instead, the history of Peterloo has been largely based on the assumptions of previous writers, and their analysis of the facts taken from secondary works.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">As far as possible I have used primary resource material and eyewitness accounts, to write this book, allowing them to speak for themselves, whilst at the same time challenging many of the myths developed in the historiography of Peterloo.</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Chapter One</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Historical Background to Peterloo </span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 unleashed a wave of popular protest against government repression, social injustice, the undemocratic franchise and widespread poverty deepened by post-war depression. However, working-class demands for political and economic reform were more often met with brutal government action.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn16" name="_ftnref16" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[16]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;">[Dorothy Marshall]</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">By 1819, the manufacturing and selling of cotton was the main occupation of the people of Manchester and surrounding districts. Raw cotton arrived at Liverpool from America and dealers sold it to Manchester merchants who then sold it to the master spinners. The two basic manufacturing processes were the spinning into yarn and weaving into cloth. At this time spinning was mainly done in mills with new machinery whilst the weaving process was still largely done by handloom weavers working from home.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn17" name="_ftnref17" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[17]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Throughout the Napoleonic Wars workers had flocked in not only from Lancashire, but from all counties of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn18" name="_ftnref18" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[18]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Because of the increasing demand for children in the cotton trade, many large families were included among the migrant workers.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn19" name="_ftnref19" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[19]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> All these people were poverty stricken and had come to settle in Manchester to benefit from the work the new cotton industry provided.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn20" name="_ftnref20" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[20]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The cotton trade created modern Manchester along with a small privileged class and a large class of working men who were condemned to a life of hardship and suffering. There was no doubt that the cotton industry was responsible for the increasing growth and wealth of the town or that the ‘din of the machinery,’ was ‘the music of economic progress.’ However, there was no local government either to encourage or restrain. Everything depended on the entrepreneur and the efficient labour force. As a result Manchester soon became ‘one of the commercial capitals of Europe’ long before it became an incorporated town in 1838. On the one hand Manchester’s progress was reflected by the newness of its buildings and on the other hand by its squalor. However, very few of the buildings stood out and many were already blackened with smoke by the beginning of the nineteenth century. A visitor from Rotherham declared as early as 1808:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The town is abominably filthy, and the Steam Engine is pestiferous, the Dyehouses noisome and offensive, and the water of the river as black as ink or the Stygian lake.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn21" name="_ftnref21" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[21]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">From the late 1780s up until the first census of 1801 Manchester’s population had risen from 40,000 to over 70,000. The population of the township rose to 108,000 in 1821, and 142,000 by 1831.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn22" name="_ftnref22" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[22]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The surrounding towns like Ashton, Bolton, Blackburn, Rochdale and Stockport had also grown at an alarming rate.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn23" name="_ftnref23" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[23]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">We should perhaps first place the period in historical context. Towards the end of the 18th enlightened thinkers were writing about social equality, the will of the majority and the end of the feudal system which was still binding the rural population of Europe too it’s aristocratic rulers. These writers argued that power should not be simply vested in aristocratic elite, the Church or even the mercantile class but be shared by the people.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn24" name="_ftnref24" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[24]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Throughout these years the aristocracy in England believed that the majority, of the middle class as well as the poor should be excluded from the ‘sacred circle of the parliamentary Constitution.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn25" name="_ftnref25" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[25]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Things began to change in England when in 1790 two new political societies were formed and partisan opinions and prejudices crystallised around them. As early as March 1790, the dominant Anglican-Tory oligarchy in Manchester established The Church and King Club, to celebrate the successful defence of the Test and Corporation Acts; and it subsequently became the focus for organised campaigns against constitutional reformers. Its motto and toast of ‘Church and King, and down with the Rump,’ stemmed from earlier confrontations within the Manchester middle class.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn26" name="_ftnref26" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[26]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In contrast, during October 1790 Thomas Walker, a rich Unitarian cotton merchant, established a rival liberal association, the Manchester Constitutional Society. Between May and June of 1792 two more radical clubs were established, one the Patriotic and the other the Constitutional Society, whose members were largely weavers, labours and journeymen, [Tradesmen]. Both of these clubs were committed to peaceful reforms although still operating under the patronage of Thomas Walker’s society. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn27" name="_ftnref27" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[27]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In May of 1792, the Constitutional Society issued a declaration that Members of Parliament should owe their seats to the free suffrage of the people. However, within a week the Government issued a proclamation against these ‘wicked and seditious writings.’ </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn28" name="_ftnref28" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[28]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In June 1792, following a loyalist meeting to celebrate the king’s birthday, a large section of the loyalist crowd attacked two Dissenting chapels, one of them the Unitarian chapel in Mosley Street. However, the local authorities made no attempt to intervene. Instead, the propaganda war against the Constitutional Society and Thomas Walker gained momentum.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn29" name="_ftnref29" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[29]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">By September 1792, a total of 186 innkeepers and publicans in Manchester had signed a declaration of loyalty and banned member reformer clubs from entering their premises. It was rumoured at the time that some had had their licences threatened beforehand by the local authorities. In addition continued activity of local radicals sparked a spate of ‘loyalist-inspired mob violence,’ in December 1792. For example, The Manchester Herald offices were attacked, along with Walkers’ house and that of the spinner William Gorse, where the Reformation Society had been meeting. Again the authorities did nothing to stop the offenders. As a result of this attack Walker gathered firearms to guard against possible future attacks and he was arrested for this, which led to a trial at the Lancaster Assizes on a trumped up charge to ‘overthrow the Constitution and Government and to aid and assist the French.’ Although Walker was acquitted, he was financially ruined by this time. His trial also had the effect of frightening many reformers into inactivity.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn30" name="_ftnref30" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[30]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It should be remembered that throughout the last decades of George III’s reign, national consciousness was promoted with public celebrations of ‘loyalty and royalty,’ with spectacular military parades generating popular support for the existing order which carried over to Church and State.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn31" name="_ftnref31" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[31]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> However, during the ten years of George III’s reign Cabinet government was reduced to a shadow. Not forgetting of course, Britain experienced at the same time the greatest political reverse in her history through the loss of the American colonies.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn32" name="_ftnref32" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[32]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Between 1792 and 1815, no less than 155, military barracks were constructed to house the army. Most of these were deliberately placed in the ‘disaffected’ districts of the Midlands, the North, and especially in Manchester and surrounding districts.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn33" name="_ftnref33" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[33]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In the words of E.P. Thompson ‘ England until 1792 had been governed by consent and deference supplemented by the gallows and the Church and King mob.’ </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn34" name="_ftnref34" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[34]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> After 1795 public agitation for reform had many obstacles to overcome: in particular the repressive legislation passed by Pitt’s government, and the waves of loyalist sentiment which were aroused.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn35" name="_ftnref35" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[35]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">As early as 1800, the Government had passed the Combination Acts to prevent workers from forming organizations to fight for improved conditions.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn36" name="_ftnref36" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[36]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Furthermore the magistrates were able to lock up men and women under the Vagrancy Acts, which they frequently did. The Combination Acts made it practically impossible for workers to try to improve their lot without risking prosecution. In addition, by using the Combination Acts against workers and allowing employers to combine openly whenever they pleased, the magistrates were able to put the majority of the working-class entirely under the control of their employers.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn37" name="_ftnref37" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[37]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The attitude of William Pitt’s Government sustained the existence of the Slave Trade till 1807, and was only one element in the mental atmosphere of the time. Fear of the revolution was another. Both were unfavourable to a prudent handling of the social problems created by the Industrial Revolution.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn38" name="_ftnref38" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[38]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> When William Pitt died suddenly in 1812 Robert Banks Jenkinson, Lord Liverpool, was appointed as the new Prime Minister of the Tory Government.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn39" name="_ftnref39" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[39]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">After the closure of the American trade early in 1811 probably one-fifth of the framework knitters were unemployed or employed on a part time basis causing widespread poverty. The outcome of this poverty in the East Midlands was the birth of the Luddite movement which began in Nottingham during March 1811 and reached its peak between November 1811 and February 1812. The Luddite Rising irrupted when organised bands of textile workers began to destroy new machinery in the textile mills which they blamed for job losses. The ‘Ludds’ or better known as ‘Luddites,’ generally wore masks and operated after dark. Their leader whether he was real or imagined was known as ‘General Ludd.’ Nevertheless, the Government was prepared to believe that General Ludd was a real person, directing a highly organised body of revolutionaries seeking to overthrow the existing social order and political system.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn40" name="_ftnref40" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[40]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In fact the Luddite movement was not organized and was largely non-political; it was the work of a few bands of machine breakers supported on occasion by more or less spontaneously assembled mobs and not part of any great revolutionary plot, but simply a means of drawing attention to the sufferings of framework-knitters and their need for work and wages. Although early agitation was confined to Nottinghamshire by the end of 1811 it had spread to other areas including Yorkshire, Derbyshire and finally to Lancashire. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn41" name="_ftnref41" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[41]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Lord Liverpool’s ministry resorted to ruthless measures to stamp out the rising. Large numbers of Luddites rounded up leading to a mass trial at York in 1813. Most of those convicted were either hanged or were transported to Australia as convicts.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn42" name="_ftnref42" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[42]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There is no doubt that poverty and discontent were the most distinctive features of British society as a whole at this time. A catalogue of uprisings, agitations and plots filled the war years. As the full impact of the depression was felt, more serious riots and demonstrations occurred in protest against low wages, unemployment and poor living conditions. Despite the severity of Government measures, between 1800 and 1815, the discontent of the masses had frequently erupted in agitation in the form of strikes, rioting and machine breaking.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn43" name="_ftnref43" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[43]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> One of the most permanent results of this agitation in Manchester was the consolidation of the conservatives who formed the Manchester Association for Preserving Liberty, Order and Property who worked very closely with the local authorities. The magistrates and the town officers were some of its leading members.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn44" name="_ftnref44" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[44]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">By 1815 the parliamentary system had almost gone back to the Middle Ages, and had become a joke, certainly not reflecting the realities of a rapidly changing society. Altogether there were 658 MPs in the House of Commons but how they were elected and who they represented was to come under intense scrutiny, largely because there was no independent representation for the expanding new industrial and commercial centres like Birmingham, Leeds and Manchester.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn45" name="_ftnref45" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[45]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In fact there was no independent M.P. representing the people of Manchester. Instead the administration of justice was in the hands of a few county magistrates. There were about eighteen magistrates, including a chief stipendiary magistrate. On the other hand the administration of local poor relief and the payment of the Police were in the hands of the churchwardens and overseers of the poor. All branches of local government were controlled by the same small group of elite, members of a close knit circle of men who were Tory in their politics and Anglican in their religion.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn46" name="_ftnref46" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[46]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Directly under the magistrates was the Deputy Chief Constable of Manchester, Joseph Nadin, who was hated by the majority of the working-class.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn47" name="_ftnref47" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[47]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Archibald Prentice later described him as ‘the real ruler of Manchester.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn48" name="_ftnref48" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[48]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">After the introduction of the factory system into cotton spinning in the generation preceding Peterloo, the cotton industry throughout Lancashire was revolutionised. Because new social groups of master and operative spinners emerged. Most of the new cotton manufacturers employed large numbers of immigrants from Ireland and Scotland who were either Dissenters or Roman Catholics. Consequently during the thirty years preceeding Peterloo Manchester was transformed from a predominantly Anglican into a largely Nonconformist town. In fact Nonconformists outnumbered Anglicans two to one both in Manchester and surrounding districts. The Unitarians in particular were most radical in their outlook. Thus rivalry between the Establishment and Nonconformity was a prominent feature in the religious life of Manchester at the time of Peterloo.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn49" name="_ftnref49" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[49]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Anglican attitude in Manchester on the question of Catholic Emancipation was one of even more uncompromising hostility. Soon after Peterloo the Reverend Melville Horne, curate of St. Stephen’s, Salford, denounced both the Radical Reformers and Roman Catholics in equal terms saying ‘That the Radicals have publicly invited all Catholics to join their banners is no novelty.’ Earlier in May 1819 when a petition against Roman Catholic relief was prepared in Manchester, the local Anglican clergy were its chief supporters.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn50" name="_ftnref50" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[50]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Throughout the time frame of these years the wealthy classes enjoyed a monopoly of every form of power unparalleled in English history.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn51" name="_ftnref51" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[51]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The rich were becoming richer and the poor were becoming poorer.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn52" name="_ftnref52" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[52]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> By 1815, the ruling classes in Britain were still convinced that only they were fit to rule and their interests were those of society as a whole. Therefore, when Britain was experienced the economic crisis after 1815, the aristocratic rulers of Britain concentrated on protecting their own property and repressing all threats to their position. It is clear the Government and the ruling classes still believed in the possibility of a popular revolution in line with the savage French revolution that had taken place twenty years earlier. Their official reaction was to repress all agitation rather than to attempt to deal with the causes of it. The demands of the working-classes and their discontent, was only a ‘warning of horror to come.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn53" name="_ftnref53" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[53]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It must also be remembered by 1815 Britain had been at war with France for twenty two years, costing the Government £800 million. In 1815 the last year of the war had cost Britain £81 million, of which £27 million had been raised by a loan. Nevertheless, on Wellington’s triumphant return to London after defeating Napoleon at Waterloo, a grateful Parliament rewarded him with £200,000. However, the veteran soldiers who had fought on the battlefield, returning to the manufacturing towns, in the north of England, were not so fortunate, as they were rewarded with nothing.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn54" name="_ftnref54" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[54]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Napoleonic Wars ended amidst riots which had been spasmodic for twenty-three years. For example, during the passing of the Corn Laws in 1815, the Houses of Parliament had to be defended by troops from menacing crowds.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn55" name="_ftnref55" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[55]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In addition 300,000, disbanded soldiers and sailors suddenly swamped the already stretched unemployment market.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn56" name="_ftnref56" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[56]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> There was also no need for new uniforms, blankets and other products to sustain the war effort which had thrown the cotton industry into deep depression.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn57" name="_ftnref57" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[57]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In 1815, at the end of the long endurance of war, there was fear, envy and greed, but little hope.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn58" name="_ftnref58" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[58]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> However the next four years were to become the ‘heroic age of popular Radicalism.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn59" name="_ftnref59" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[59]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There seems little doubt that the five years following the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 brought Britain closer to the brink of revolution than at any other time in her history. These were to be years of social unrest which found their voice in open-air meetings and the radical press. The radical voices, that had been suppressed in the aftermath of the French Revolution and through the long endurance years of war, re-surfaced, especially, in the new industrial areas of the country where working men’s associations, called Hampden Clubs that had mushroomed. They were named after John Hampden, the man who had challenged the absolute rule of Charles I.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn60" name="_ftnref60" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[60]</a> <br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Hampden Clubs these were eventually to be replaced by Political Unions who held open-air meetings and sent huge petitions to Parliament signed by thousands of people, only to find them ignored by the central government. For this is reason, the working-classes in the towns were demanding a reform of Parliament universal male suffrage, lower taxation, and relief from the terrible poverty from which they were suffering.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn61" name="_ftnref61" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[61]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Early radical activity had centred in London. This was largely because from the Glorious Revolution, of 1688, the people had been given the right to petition the reigning monarch about their grievances.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn62" name="_ftnref62" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[62]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Although at this time the Prince Regent was standing in for King George III, who in 1811 had lost his mind so that petitions were presented to the Prince Regent instead. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn63" name="_ftnref63" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[63]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Another way the radicals aired their grievances in London was by calling for a mass meeting. After the petition had been adopted, the crowds usually dispersed peacefully.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn64" name="_ftnref64" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[64]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">With the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815, everybody had hoped for better times. However, the ‘masked prosperity’ of wartime ended, and the period between 1815 and 1830 proved to be one of deep depression.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn65" name="_ftnref65" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[65]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The depression shook the nation at a time when poor living and working conditions, population growth, unemployment, and economic insecurity, had already created a state of discontent. These problems were aggravated by the fact that the Governments immediate reaction was to protect the interests of the wealthy classes.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn66" name="_ftnref66" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[66]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The commercial groups and the landed gentry put pressure on the Tory Government to abolish income tax.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn67" name="_ftnref67" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[67]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> As it happens taxation was already crippling, due to the fact that the interest on the massive war debt still had to be paid. On 12th March 1816, Manchester local authorities presented a petition to the House of Commons against Property Tax. Although the Prime Minister Mr Pitt had also introduced the Income Tax as an emergency measure during the war years but its selfish withdrawal led to a large increase indirect taxation.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn68" name="_ftnref68" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[68]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Government was forced to raise revenue by increasing sales tax on essential goods such as shoes, salt, tea, soap, paper, candles, tobacco, and even bricks. This meant for example a labourer earning £18 a year was forced to pay out half of his wages in the form of indirect taxation. Another major concern of the Government was to arrest the agricultural depression. Consequently in an effort to preserve the investments of wealthy landowners and to make England self-supporting in corn, laws were passed to prevent foreign corn from being imported until the price of English corn reached 80s.0d. per quarter.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn69" name="_ftnref69" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[69]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> This forced the price of bread to a cost of about 1s. for a 2 lb. loaf, at a time when the usual wages of a labourer were 7s. a week. As a result for the next twenty years, the main subsistence of the working classes was meal, potatoes and turnips. Bread became a luxury.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn70" name="_ftnref70" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[70]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It was, in Lancashire that the new pattern of the constitutional reform demonstration first matured. The introduction of the Corn Law of 1815 appeared to the Radicals the supreme instance of arbitrary legislation. ‘It was proof’ declared the Oldham delegate meeting, that ‘the interest of a few Land Proprietors, preponderates in our Legislative Assemblies, over the interest of millions of labourers.’ Furthermore, the Radicals argued the ‘Corn Laws, not only forced up the price of food, it also reduced the demand for labour and therefore the rate of wages.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn71" name="_ftnref71" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[71]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">As early as October 1816, there was an orderly open-air meeting in Blackburn. In January 1817, an Oldham meeting was preceeded by a procession, complete with a band. The procession was headed by a Quaker apothecary to symbolize the peaceable intentions of the demonstrators.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn72" name="_ftnref72" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[72]</a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn73" name="_ftnref73" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[73]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> However, in the industrial areas of Manchester and surrounding districts a new Radicalism developed with its own independent working-class character.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn74" name="_ftnref74" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[74]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> This new ‘Radicalism indicated intransigent opposition to the Government; contempt for the weakness of the Whigs; opposition to restrictions on political liberties; open exposure of corruption and the Pitt system and general support for parliamentary reform.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn75" name="_ftnref75" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[75]</a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn76" name="_ftnref76" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[76]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Because their position was unchallenged, the wealthy classes fell unconsciously into the habit of believing that all national and economic problems were in keeping with their own self interest.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn77" name="_ftnref77" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[77]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> It seemed that the law of the land existed for no other purpose than the control and punishment of the working-class. There is no doubt the Home Secretary, Lord Sidmouth, with his unbending reverence for law and order was responsible for maintaining this policy.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn78" name="_ftnref78" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[78]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Another aspect of Sidmouth’s policy was the employment of paid spies who often also acted as agents provocateurs. The Home Office had a special fund which it distributed to magistrates to maintain their spy network. Records show that the Manchester magistrates used this fund freely. After the great success in which Yorkshire Luddites had been arrested in 1812 and convicted on the evidence of spies, it was now being successfully used again in Manchester and surrounding districts.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn79" name="_ftnref79" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[79]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> During the great strike of 1818, according to a government spy:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The spinners marched by Piccadilly [Manchester City Centre] on Tuesday and was 23 minets in going by.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn80" name="_ftnref80" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[80]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Meanwhile Henry Hunt had been gaining a reputation as a radical speaker. On 2nd December 1816 he was the main speaker at a large popular meeting held in the Spa Fields, London.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn81" name="_ftnref81" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[81]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> At this time of course, the main interest of the working class in demanding political reform was to gain representatives in Parliament who could legislate on their behalf to put an end to their poverty.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn82" name="_ftnref82" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[82]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In fact it was Henry Hunt who ‘inaugurated the radical mass platform’ to put pressure on the central government for constitutional reform, to include universal manhood suffrage, annual parliaments and the ballot for all. There is no doubt that this offended some members of the reform movement and middle-class reformers who favoured direct-taxation, universal suffrage and close co-operation with the Whig opposition.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn83" name="_ftnref83" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[83]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">After the Spa Fields meeting there was some rioting and many demonstrators were arrested. However, whether the Spa Fields riots were real or imagined, the Government made full mileage out of the occasion in its propaganda war. It was also helped by the fact that when the Prince Regent went to open Parliament in January 1817, he had to make his way through a storm of ‘hoots and hisses’ and where a stone was thrown through his carriage window. This attracted the attention of Parliament to the ‘alarming growth of seditious societies’ and a ‘secret’ committee was soon appointed to inquire into the causes of the Spa Fields riots. Evidence was presented before the committee to prove that ‘popular unrest’ was due to the ‘licentiousness’ of the press, to public ‘agitators,’ like ‘Henry Hunt,’ and to ‘the alarming growth of Seditious Societies.’ This enabled the Government to introduce new Acts imposing severe penalties for ‘tampering with the allegiance of the Army,’ increasing the powers of magistrates to suppress meetings; and suspending the Habeas Corpus Act to permit arrests and detention without formal charge or trial.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn84" name="_ftnref84" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[84]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There were a number of meetings throughout 1816 and 1817, for example on November 4th 1816, with John Knight in the chair, about 5,000 people assembled in St Peters Fields to ‘take into consideration the present distressed state of the country.’ This first reform meeting in St Peters Fields caused considerable alarm to the authorities and in the next January a meeting of the inhabitants was held to consider ‘the necessity of adopting additional measures for the maintenance of peace.’ </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn85" name="_ftnref85" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[85]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Other meetings followed, like the one held on 10th March 1817, where it was decided to march en masse to London in order to personally present to the Prince Regent a petition for the redress of their grievances. It has been described as the first hunger march in British history. They were protesting about the government’s economic policies and in particular the Corn Laws which had driven up the price of bread. Each man carried a blanket in preparation for the journey. However, Manchester magistrates called in soldiers to disperse the meeting. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn86" name="_ftnref86" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[86]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Those who took part in the march were nicknamed the Blanketeers. However, this action turned out to be ill-advised, and ended with disastrous consequences. Fearing a mass demonstration in London the authorities sent soldiers in pursuit of the reformers.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn87" name="_ftnref87" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[87]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> When they reached Lancaster Hill, near Stockport they were dispersed by the soldiers and ‘One hundred and sixty seven were taken prisoner and several received sabre wounds. One man was shot dead.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn88" name="_ftnref88" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[88]</a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn89" name="_ftnref89" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[89]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In fact one man, Abel Couldwell, of Stalybridge, actually reached London and managed to present his petition to Lord Sidmouth to be delivered to the Prince Regent.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn90" name="_ftnref90" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[90]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">One of the results of the Blanketeers movement was the arrest by order of the magistrates of eleven leading reformers. The ill-treatment and wholesale arrests of these Blanketeers had created indignation, and leading Manchester Radicals met in a secret committee to discuss what should be done.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn91" name="_ftnref91" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[91]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> A small number of radicals began to speak of making a ‘Moscow of Manchester.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn92" name="_ftnref92" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[92]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The secret committee was called Ardwick Bridge Secret Committee, who were all arrested when it came to the notice of the authorities, along with other local leaders including Samuel Bamford and Dr Healey. However, most were discharged by the end of the month due to the lack of evidence.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn93" name="_ftnref93" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[93]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Manchester authorities announced that they had received information of ‘a most daring and traitorous conspiracy the subject of which is nothing less than open Insurrection and Rebellion.’ This hysterical outburst led to the formation of the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry, a volunteer force of which more was to be heard in August 1819.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn94" name="_ftnref94" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[94]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> On 21st June 1817, The Manchester Chronicle reported:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A meeting at the Manchester Police Office on June 19th decided under the present circumstances a force of yeomanry cavalry should be embodied.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn95" name="_ftnref95" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[95]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In fact the Manchester and Salford Yeomanry had been formed in 1817 especially to deal with the Radical Danger.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn96" name="_ftnref96" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[96]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In 1817, the Central Government suspended the Habeas Corpeas Act.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn97" name="_ftnref97" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[97]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Act made it illegal to keep a man in prison without trial and its suspension meant that men suspected of being agitators or revolutionaries could be imprisoned for as long as the Government wished.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn98" name="_ftnref98" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[98]</a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn99" name="_ftnref99" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[99]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Although the Hampden Clubs did not survive 1817, the radical campaign was kept alive through similarly organised Union Societies.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn100" name="_ftnref100" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[100]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The first was founded in Stockport in October 1818, which was largely the work of the Reverend Joseph Harrison, with the ambitious title of the Stockport Union for the Promotion of Human Happiness.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn101" name="_ftnref101" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[101]</a><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In the absence of a national organization, local societies took their lead from the Radical press. Between 1816 and 1820 Radical propaganda found its voice in the hand-press and the weekly periodicals. T. J. Wooler, the editor of Black Dwarf, commanded the largest Radical audience at this time. Radicals who preferred a newspaper rather than a periodical could read the Manchester Observer whose circulation approached that of the Black Dwarf by the end of 1819.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn102" name="_ftnref102" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[102]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Between 1817 and 1819, the works of Cobbett and Hone were extensively read by the working classes, and in many districts reading groups were formed for the purpose of hearing them read. At the time readers were scarce and Radicals like Elijah Ridings were selected to act as reader for the groups to which they belonged.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn103" name="_ftnref103" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[103]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There is no doubt that periodicals like Cobbett’s Register and the Black Dwarf played a big part in co-ordinating the reform movement.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn104" name="_ftnref104" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[104]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The caricaturists in the radical press mercilessly ridiculed and criticised what they believed to be an extravagant and corrupt ruling class headed by the decadent Prince Regent the future George IV.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn105" name="_ftnref105" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[105]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thomas Wooler however, the editor of The Black Dwarf, found himself in gaol for most of the time for inciting the public to overthrow the government.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn106" name="_ftnref106" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[106]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Both Hone and Wooler were on bail, awaiting trial for ‘sedition’ and ‘blaphemy’ when on the 9th June the Spa Fields prisoners faced trial at the Old Bailey for High Treason. On the other hand when the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, William Cobbett, suspecting quite rightly perhaps, that he was in the firing line migrated to America. William Hone immediately stepped in to Cobbett’s place and published his own Reformists Register.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn107" name="_ftnref107" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[107]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In 1819 a number of new periodicals appeared in London. These included the Medusa, the Democratic Recorder the Cap of Liberty, and the Republican, each displaying their, own aggressive style. However, except for the Republican none of these periodicals lasted more than several months.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn108" name="_ftnref108" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[108]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">If we examine the working-class response to Peterloo through the popular literature of the time, it gives us a completely new perspective on events. Because it reveals that the radicals were not only concerned with constitutional issues. They were also concerned with the behaviour of the new middle-classes, who they ‘perceived to have formed an alliance with the aristocratic government.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn109" name="_ftnref109" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[109]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Exceptional antagonism existed between the Manchester loyalists on the one hand and the radical reformers on the other. In part this was the result of the maturity of the working-class movement and a number of other factors including the loyalist sentiments of many of the great commercial and manufacturing houses along with their antagonism to the trade unions, together with the legacy of Luddism, and the events following the reform meeting in St Peters Field in 1817. Not forgetting the influence of Nadin and the Tory churchmen in particular.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn110" name="_ftnref110" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[110]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Government spies were used to infiltrate radical groups, often acting as agents provocateurs, who engineered conspiracies allowing the authorities to make arrests and thereby smash their organizations. For example during the spring of 1817, three radicals were tricked by William Oliver one of Sidmouths most energetic and active secret agents. The three radicals were encouraged to ‘lead a rising of a few hundred stocking knitters and weavers at Pentridge in Nottinghamshire.’ Right from the start the rising had been a trap engineered by the Home Secretary Lord Sidmouth to ferret out ‘artisan revolutionaries.’ Nevertheless, the three were arrested, convicted of sedition and sentenced to be hanged.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn111" name="_ftnref111" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[111]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The employment of government spies helped create an atmosphere of fear and hatred which developed in the working-classes, it was meant to control. The liberty of the individual was already at an unacceptable level and the majority of men and women had no proper representation in Parliament at all. In the words of Robert Reid, ‘the nation by 1817 had come closer in spirit to that of the early years of the Third Reich than at any other time in modern history.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn112" name="_ftnref112" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[112]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Joseph Johnson a strong supporter of universal suffrage was the most active organizer behind the Peterloo Reform Meeting. Johnson joined the Hampden Club formed by John Knight. In 1818 Johnson helped John Knight and James Wroe and John Saxton to start the radical newspaper, the Manchester Observer. Within twelve months the Manchester Observer was selling 4,000 copies a week. Although it started as a local paper, by 1819 it was sold in most large towns and cities in Britain.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Even though Hunt came from a privileged background he had earned the reputation as being the best public speaker in England. He was also the most popular radical leader in Lancashire, drawing large crowds. During 1819, Hunt was welcomed in a Lancashire village with the road carpeted with flowers.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn113" name="_ftnref113" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[113]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Records of songs that were sung included:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">With Henry Hunt we’ll go, we’ll go,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">With Henry Hunt we’ll go;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">We’ll raise the cap of liberty,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In spite of Nadin Joe.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn114" name="_ftnref114" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[114]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In contrast to the working-class Radicals, the middle-class Radical Reformers in Manchester by 1819 controlled no extensive network of agitation. They remained no more than a group of like-minded friends-‘a small but determined band’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn115" name="_ftnref115" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[115]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> and disliked Hunt, dismissing him as a vain publicity seeker.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn116" name="_ftnref116" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[116]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Working-class radicalism drew most of its support from the industrial areas of Manchester and all the surrounding districts and had a massive following, due to the hard times. Although some of this support came from the union societies, most of it came from the thousands of handloom weavers, ‘whose fervour and fanaticism gave to Manchester radicalism an intensity which was unrivalled throughout the land.’ A correspondent wrote to a Manchester newspaper in 1819:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A radical complete constitutional reform, we want nothing but this…to mend our markets and give every poor man plenty of work and good wages for doing it. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn117" name="_ftnref117" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[117]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">With ‘petitioning discredited’ after 1817, radical societies had increasingly turned to displays of massed support at open-air meetings and rallies.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn118" name="_ftnref118" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[118]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In fact there were a number of mass open-air meetings in most large towns throughout June and July 1819. Lord Liverpool’s ministry, the central government, local authorities and even middle-class reformers were concerned about the proliferation and character of these demonstrations, fuelled by government informants and spies who maintained that ‘insurrectionary plotting lay behind them.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn119" name="_ftnref119" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[119]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> This explains why by 1819, Manchester and the surrounding districts were practically under military occupation. Because the governing classes were still obsessed by the fears engendered by the French Revolution and were extremely hostile to the poor.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn120" name="_ftnref120" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[120]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">As a result Tories banded together and in Manchester they formed a Special Committee of Magistrates to strengthen their civil power. In addition special constables were recruited in disturbed areas and the persecution of the radical press was stepped up. Panic and animosity was becoming very intense.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn121" name="_ftnref121" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[121]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The antagonism that existed between loyalists and reformers on 16th August 1819, the day of Peterloo, also stemmed from earlier confrontations in Manchester and surrounding districts.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn122" name="_ftnref122" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[122]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Increasing the fears of Manchester loyalists were a number of reform meetings held in various parts of Lancashire over the previous, two months. These meetings took place at Oldham, Ashton and Stockport in June, followed by, Blackburn, Rochdale, Macclesfield, in July, and Leigh in early August. These meetings were a clear demonstration of the extent of popular support which Radical Reform enjoyed in the surrounding districts. It also showed them how well the movement was organised, with Reform Unions drawing massive crowds.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn123" name="_ftnref123" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[123]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In fact the weeks leading up to Peterloo witnessed lots of small meeting followed by more impressive demonstrations in regional centres like Manchester, in June and in Birmingham, Leeds and London in July.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn124" name="_ftnref124" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[124]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In March 1819, the leaders of the Hampden Clubs including James Wroe, Joseph Johnson and John Knight founded the Patriotic Union Society. Their main purpose was to bring about parliamentary reform. Joseph Johnson was appointed secretary and James Wroe the treasurer.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn125" name="_ftnref125" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[125]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In July 1819 they invited Orator Henry Hunt, Major Cartwright and Richard Carlile to address a public meeting in Manchester. Unfortunately Cartwright was unable to attend but Hunt and Carlile accepted the invitation and it was decided to hold a mass meeting on 9th August 1819 at St Peters Field.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn126" name="_ftnref126" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[126]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In conclusion, the background to Peterloo lay in the social and political discontent which helped create the Radical Reform Movement in Britain during the late 18th and 19th centuries. With the ending of the Napoleonic War in 1815, when Napoleon was defeated at the Battle of Waterloo, 300,000 soldiers and sailors were disbanded and returned home. This along with unprecedented population growth, high ford prices created by the Corn Laws, along with mass unemployment, social and political unrest became widespread. The existing out dated system of parliamentary representation meant that many of the urban centres that had grown rapidly in the Industrial Revolution, like Manchester and the surrounding towns, had no Member of Parliament to look after their interests.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It was against this background that the mood was set for the August meeting which was the culmination of a series of political meetings and rallies held in Manchester, and its surrounding districts in 1819, a year of industrial depression and high food prices. It was fully intended that a mass meeting would be a great peaceful demonstration of discontent and its political purpose was to put pressure on the Central Government to bring about parliamentary reform.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn127" name="_ftnref127" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[127]</a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn128" name="_ftnref128" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[128]</a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Chapter Two</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Peterloo Massacre</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The pubic are respectfully informed, that a MEETING will be held here on Monday the 9th August 1819 on the Area near St. PETER’S CHURCH, to take into consideration, the most speedy and effectual mode of obtaining Radical Reform in the Commons House of Parliament; being fully convinced, that nothing less can remove the intolerable evils under which the People of this Country have so long, and do still, groan: and also to consider the propriety of the ‘ Unrepresented Inhabitants of Manchester’ electing a Person to represent them in Parliament; and the adopting Major Cartwright’s Bill.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> H. HUNT, Esq. in the Chair. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn129" name="_ftnref129" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[129]</a><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It will be seen that the meeting had been originally set down for the 9th August. However, after the magistrates were informed that the meeting would include the election of a ‘representative to Parliament’ they declared the meeting to be illegal. Consequently the ‘offending topic’ was removed from the agenda and the meeting was postponed to the 16th.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn130" name="_ftnref130" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[130]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read points out that ‘by allowing the people to assemble…the magistrates gave them the impression that they accepted the meeting as legal and that they would not interfere.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn131" name="_ftnref131" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[131]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The major myths surrounding Peterloo or the Peterloo Massacre can be identified as follows: firstly, that most of the injuries were caused by the fleeing crowd; secondly, the 15th Hussars only used the flats of their swords;</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn132" name="_ftnref132" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[132]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> thirdly, only 11 people were killed and only 400 people were injured;</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn133" name="_ftnref133" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[133]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> fourthly, there was no premeditation on behalf of the Select Committee of Magistrates to disperse the meeting by force.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn134" name="_ftnref134" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[134]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> An additional misconception in the historiography is that the Irish population of Manchester did not become integrated with the movement for parliamentary reform.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn135" name="_ftnref135" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[135]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> It will be argued that other interpretations of these issues, based on the evidence available clearly show that such myths should not be believed.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On the morning of the 16th August 1819 the Manchester Observer reported that the morning was extremely fine and ‘well calculated to produce the attendance of an immense assemblage.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn136" name="_ftnref136" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[136]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In the words of Joyce Marlow:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">From first light, thousands of men women and children walked in from villages and hamlets clad in their best clothes, shabby as those were, clutching their packets of food. The majority were aware of the seriousness of the meeting and the tensions that existed, the occasion was regarded as a day out, a few hours away from the handloom or mill or the miseries of their existence. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn137" name="_ftnref137" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[137]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Throughout the morning contingents of radical Reformers marched in an orderly formation to music played by local amateur bands. They came from Bolton, Bury, Chadderton, Cheadle, Failsworth, Middleton, Newton Heath, Miles Platting, Oldham, Rochdale, Royton, Saddleworth, and Stockport and many more.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn138" name="_ftnref138" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[138]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The author’s maternal Great, Great, Great grandfather Elijah Ridings who was a radical poet in the post–Napoleonic era and took an active part in reform agitation, at the age of 17 years led the Newton Heath and Miles Platting contingents to the Peterloo Meeting in 1819.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn139" name="_ftnref139" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[139]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Most families that are long-term residents of Manchester and the surrounding districts can almost certainly guarantee that some of their ancestors were there too.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">All reports agree that reformers were waving flags and many were carrying banners inscribed with statements like Vote by Ballot, Annual Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, No Boroughmongering, and No Corn Laws. The Lees and Saddleworth Union contingent led by Doctor Healy carried a black banner with the words in white letters, Equal Representation or Death; this was also accompanied by a heart and two clasped hands with Love, inscribed on it. This disturbed the loyalist authorities and it was largely because of this that Dr. Healy was arrested after the meeting. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn140" name="_ftnref140" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[140]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There were also large numbers of working-class women in all-female contingents, distinctively dressed in white and with their own women leaders and carrying their own flags.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn141" name="_ftnref141" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[141]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> However, it was not only the flags or banners that aroused the alarm of the Manchester authorities, but the discipline of the massive crowd who had assembled on St Peters Field.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn142" name="_ftnref142" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[142]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Some of the contingents were singing Methodist songs and it was more like a ‘revival meeting than a revolution,’ but it is now clear that the Select Committee of Magistrates were not there to award marks for ‘good behaviour.’ On the contrary they ‘were out to break up the meeting.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn143" name="_ftnref143" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[143]</a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn144" name="_ftnref144" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[144]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The 190th anniversary of Peterloo witnessed of an essay by Tom Waghorn in his article the Killing Field appearing in The Making of Manchester, (1999), says:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Many of the weavers had marched from Oldham and Middleton over bare moorland, or across the fields from Stockport. They had arrived at Peter’s Field in dignified cohorts, preceded by bands and banners, and complaining about the appalling conditions in mills and cottages….Mancunians were puzzled by the action of magistrate William Hulton, who ordered the dispersal of the meeting. He had the reputation of being a sincere and conscientious man, and townsfolk said he made a disastrous mistake in a moment of blind panic.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn145" name="_ftnref145" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[145]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Tom Waghorn’s assertion in not a true picture and in contrast I agree with Donald Read who says:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Nobody can deny what the mass meeting was all about. The radical protesters were carrying banners demanding- Universal Suffrage, No Boroughmongering, and No Corn Laws. Hulton and the Regency Tories refused the masses their political rights, and also expected many of them to acquiesce in near starvation caused by the deep post-war economic depression.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn146" name="_ftnref146" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[146]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Although some of the crowd were drawn to the meeting by Hunt’s magnetic personality and charm, the majority of the crowd attended in the belief that the political reforms he proposed would make the government responsive to their interests and, relieve them from absolute poverty. They attributed their poverty to large scale unemployment, low wages and high food prices, which they ‘blamed upon a corrupt political system and the favours it showed on those that controlled it, especially the aristocracy and clergy.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn147" name="_ftnref147" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[147]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Within a few days after Peterloo an article appeared in The Times written by a correspondent describing the condition of the poor, in the then New Cross area of Manchester, recording:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It is occupied chiefly by spinners, weavers…its present condition is truly heart-rending and over-powering. The streets are confined and dirty; the houses neglected, and the windows often without glass. Out of the windows the miserable rags of the family…hung up to dry; the household furniture, the bedding, the clothes of the children and the husband were seen at the pawnbrokers.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn148" name="_ftnref148" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[148]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">From first light the bill-posting men were out in force in the streets of Manchester, pasting notices on every spare wall and notice board:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Borough Reeves and the Constables of Manchester and Salford most earnestly recommend the peaceable and well disposed inhabitants of the two towns, as much as possible, to remain in their own houses, during the whole of this day, Monday, August 16th inst., and to keep their children and servants within doors.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn149" name="_ftnref149" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[149]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The meeting was held under the surveillance of the Select Committee of Magistrates, responsible for policing the day’s events in Manchester on 16th. They included the Reverend William Hay, the Reverend Charles Wickstead Ethelston, the Reverend Mallory, James Norris, Colonel Ralph Fletcher, Mr Richard Marsh, Mr J. Sylvester, Thomas Tatton, William Hulton, Mr Wright, Mr Marriott and Mr Fielden. These men were a typical example of Britain’s ruling class at this time. For example, William Hulton and Thomas Tatton were both large landowners James Norris was a barrister, and the Reverends William Hay, Charles Wickstead Ethelston and the Reverend Mallory were Anglican ministers.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn150" name="_ftnref150" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[150]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There is no doubt that on the 16th August 1819 the Radical contingents had been closely watched by government spies, as they marched into Manchester. The Home Office regularly supplied magistrates with funds to operate their spies. The Reverend Mr Hay then supplied cash to Deputy Chief Constable Nadin to operate his own web of spies. As early as 1817 when John Bagguley and John Drummond were organising workers meetings they were permanently on their guard against Nadin’s spies.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn151" name="_ftnref151" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[151]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In addition as the Radical contingents approached Manchester mounted special constables rode out to meet them reporting their progress to the Select Committee.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn152" name="_ftnref152" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[152]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The organizers of the meeting knew that the government was waiting for a ‘pretext to use its muscle’ and had taken great care not to satisfy them, taking all precautions to ensure that the meeting would be a peaceful one.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn153" name="_ftnref153" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[153]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> When Hunt heard that preparations for the Manchester meeting had involved ‘secret’ drilling on the moors with pikes and even firearms, he demanded that the Lancashire radicals ‘cease playing soldiers’ and stressed that they must come to the meeting ‘armed with no other weapon but that of a self-approving conscience.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn154" name="_ftnref154" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[154]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> On 11th August Hunt issued An Address to the Reformers of Manchester and its Neighbourhood which read as follows:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">You will meet on Monday next, my friends, and by your steady, and temperate deportment, you will convince your enemies, that you feel you have an important and imperious public duty to perform…The eyes of England, nay, of all Europe, are fixed upon you and every friend of real Reform and Rational Liberty, is tremblingly alive to the result of your Meeting on Monday next. Our enemies will seek every opportunity, by means of their sanguinary agents, to excite a Riot, that they may have a pretence for spilling our blood…Come then my friends, to a Meeting on Monday, armed with NO OTHER WEAPON but that of a self-approving conscience; determined not to suffer yourselves to be irritated or excited, by any means whatsoever, to commit any breach of the public peace.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn155" name="_ftnref155" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[155]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In fact Hunt had spent the week prior to the meeting in Manchester visiting the leaders of the radical contingents, to ensure that his instructions for peace and discipline were understood and would be strictly obeyed. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn156" name="_ftnref156" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[156]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Hunt also offered to surrender himself to the magistrates well before the meeting on the 16th in order to give them no reason to break up the meeting. However, the magistrates declined his offer and instead began organising a mixed force of Yeomanry, Hussars, infantry, artillery and special constables to police the centre of Manchester. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn157" name="_ftnref157" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[157]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Later Samuel Bamford an organiser of the mass meeting in his Passages in the Life of a Radical, (1841), explained:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">We had frequently been taunted by the press, with our ragged, dirty appearance…and the moblike crowds in which our numbers were mustered; and we determined…that we should disarm the bitterness of our political opponents by a display of cleanliness, sobriety, and decorum.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn158" name="_ftnref158" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[158]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Obviously Hunt’s warning worked because when the contingents of men, women and children arrived at St Peters Fields they were not carrying weapons of any kind.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn159" name="_ftnref159" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[159]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson stresses the fact that ‘the presence of so many women and children was overwhelming testimony to the pacific character of a meeting which (the reformers knew) all England was watching.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn160" name="_ftnref160" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[160]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Not only were the reformers wearing their best Sunday clothes, they stood respectfully at one stage while the band played ‘God save the King.’ Anything less like a revolutionary meeting could not possibly have been imagined.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn161" name="_ftnref161" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[161]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Archibald Prentice, watched the start of the meeting in St. Peters Field from the window of a friend’s house in Mosley Street, but he left the area to travel home just before the attack by the yeomanry took place. On his way home he was passed by crowds of injured people who had fled from the meeting. After interviewing several of the crowd, he immediately wrote an account which he then dispatched to London. His article along with an account of John Taylor, a reporter for The Times ensured that accounts of events which had taken place at St. Peters Fields appeared in a London newspaper within 48 hours. Some years later Prentice published his Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Manchester, (1851) recording what he had seen and heard on the day. According to his eyewitness account:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The morning of the 16th of August came, and soon after nine o’clock the people began to assemble. From the window of Mr. Baxter’s house in Mosley-Street, I saw the main body proceeding towards St. Peters Field, and never saw a gayer spectacle. There were haggard-looking men certainly, but the majority were young persons, in their best Sunday suits, and the light coloured dresses of the cheerful tidy-looking women relieved the effect of the dark fustations worn by the men. The ‘marching order’ of which so much was said afterwards, was what we often see now in the processions of Sunday-school children and Temperance societies. To our eyes the numerous flags seemed to have been brought to add to the picturesque effect of the pageant. Slowly and orderly the multitudes took to their places round the hustings, which stood on a spot now included under the roof of the Free Trade Hall, near its south-east corner. Our company laughed at the fears of the magistrates, and the remark was, that if the men intended mischief they would not have brought their wives, their sisters, or their children with them. I passed round the outskirts of the meeting, and mingled with the groups that stood chatting there. I occasionally asked the women if they were not afraid to be there, and the usual laughing reply was- ‘What have, we to be afraid of?’ I saw Hunt arrive, and heard the shouts of sixty thousand persons by whom he was enthusiastically welcomed, as the carriage in which he stood made its way through the dense crowd to the hustings. I proceeded to my dwelling-house in Salford, intending to return in about an hour or so to witness in what manner so large a meeting would separate.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn162" name="_ftnref162" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[162]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Reverend Edward Stanley, Rector of Alderly, who had private business to transact in Manchester on 16th August 1819 with a Mr. Buxton, who owned the house which the Select Committee of Magistrates had chosen as their headquarters and remained there to watch the whole event from a window directly above the magistrates,</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn163" name="_ftnref163" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[163]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> and later gave evidence that:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">I saw no symptoms of riot or disturbances before the meeting; the impression on my mind was that the people were sullenly peaceful.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn164" name="_ftnref164" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[164]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The policy in Regency England was to call on the regular army in troubled times to act as a police force </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn165" name="_ftnref165" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[165]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;">but the main representatives of law and order were the local magistrates, many of whom, like the Manchester magistrates, belonged to an elite oligarchy having little sympathy with the working-class or even with the new smaller mill owners. Their main anxiety was that there would be an assault on property by the mob. Because there was no organized police force, they often swore-in special constables or asked to the Home Secretary Lord Sidmouth to authorise the use of the regular army.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn166" name="_ftnref166" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[166]</a> <br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Before the meeting, Manchester and surrounding districts were practically under military occupation. Major-General Byng listed the full complement of troops under his command in Manchester and its district at this time as follows:</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester 6 troops of cavalry : 15th Hussars `````````` 7 companies of infantry 31st & 88th Regt.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bolton 2 troops of cavalry : 6th Dragoon Guards</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Oldham 2 troops of cavalry : 6th Dragoon Guards</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ashton 2 troops of cavalry : 7th Dragoon Guards</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Rochdale 2 companies of infantry : 88th Regt.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stockport 1 troop of yeomanry cavalry : (Cheshire Yeomanry)</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> 4 companies of infantry : 31st & 88th Regt.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Macclesfield 1 squadron of yeomanry cavalry : (Cheshire Yeomanry)</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> 3 companies of infantry : 31st Regt.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Altrincham</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And Knutsford 5 troops of yeomanry cavalry : ` (Cheshire Yeomanry)</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Warrington 3 companies of infantry : 31st Regt.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Preston 1 troop of cavalry : 15th Hussars</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Blackburn 1 troop of cavalry : 15th Hussars </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn167" name="_ftnref167" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[167]</a> <br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There is no mention of the Manchester or Cheshire Yeomanry Cavalry on Major General Byng’s military list and muster-roll. This is because prior to the day of the meeting the Yeomanry were to be under the direct command of the magistrates.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn168" name="_ftnref168" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[168]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It has been asserted that there was no premeditation to disperse the meeting by force. However, this belief is contradicted by the evidence. We have also been asked to believe accounts that attempt to exonerate from blame the Select Committee of Magistrates, or accounts which assume that the magistrates were only guilty of panic or ill-judgement, and that once the Yeomanry had been ordered onto the field, all happened by chance.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn169" name="_ftnref169" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[169]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> For example J. Stevenson, in Popular Disturbances in England, 1700-1870, (1979), argues,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Whether the magistrates had intended all along to disperse the meeting once Hunt had arrived cannot be proved with certainty; at the very least they had acted with spectacular incompetence.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn170" name="_ftnref170" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[170]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">To begin with attention must be drawn to the following documentary evidence. The Reverend Mr. Hay writing to the Home Secretary Lord Sidmouth on 7th October 1819, when attempting to justify his actions after the events at Peterloo writes:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Committee continued to meet, and did so on Saturday [August] 14th Sunday, and Monday. Prior to the Saturday, different points had been discussed as to the propriety of stopping the Meeting and the manner of doing so. They were of the opinion that Multitudes coming in columns with Flags and Marching in Military array were even in the approach to the Meeting a tumultuous assembly; and it was for a little time under consideration whether each column should not be stopped at their respective entrances into the Town, but this was given up-it was considered that the Military might then be distracted and it was wished that the Town should see what the meeting was, when assembled, and also that those who came should be satisfied they were assembled in an unlawful manner. Being satisfied….that in point of Law [the Meeting] if assembled as it was expected, would be an illegal Meeting, we gave notice to Lieut-Col L’Estrange….of our wish to have the assistance of the Military on the 16th. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn171" name="_ftnref171" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[171]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Reverend Hay’s account is a clear statement of the Select Committee’s intentions. It is also absolutely clear that the magistrates had a ‘contingency plan’ for dispersing the meeting before it even started with the assistance of the regular armed forces.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn172" name="_ftnref172" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[172]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Magistrates contingency plan was prepared and the military forces were assembled. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn173" name="_ftnref173" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[173]</a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn174" name="_ftnref174" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[174]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> They included 400 hundred members of the Prince Regent’s Own Cheshire Yeomanry and 120 members of the Manchester and Salford Yeomanry Cavalry.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn175" name="_ftnref175" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[175]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">All reports agree that from early morning of 16th August, some 1500 soldiers were busily engaged taking up their positions, as were the Radical contingents. Totally unaware of the troop movements surrounding them, the crowds waited patiently for Henry Hunt and the other speakers to arrive.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn176" name="_ftnref176" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[176]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> One Troop from the Manchester Yeomanry had assembled in Portland Street, whilst another had assembled in and around St John’s Street along with a troop of the 15th Hussars and the Cheshire Yeomanry. Another detachment of Hussars and a troop of the Royal Horse Artillery with two six pounder field guns were stationed in Lower Mosley Street. In addition troops of the 31st Infantry Regiment were assembled in Brazennose Street, whilst a company of the 88th Infantry Regiment waited patiently in Dickenson Street.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn177" name="_ftnref177" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[177]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Meanwhile some members of the Manchester and Salford Yeomanry were observed drinking in nearby hotels and public houses.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn178" name="_ftnref178" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[178]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In addition to the military, the Reverend Stanley, in his eyewitness account declared that:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In the centre [St. Peters Field] were the hustings surrounded to all appearances by a numerous body of constables, easily distinguished by their respectable dress, staves and hats on….The chain from this main body was continued in a double line, two or three deep, forming an avenue to Mr. Buxton’s house, by which there seemed to be free and uninterrupted access, to and from the hustings.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn179" name="_ftnref179" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[179]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">John Edward Taylor the founder of the Manchester Guardian who along with</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">John Tyas of The Times and who witnessed the events at Peterloo recorded in his Notes and Observations, Critical and Explanatory on the Papers Relative to the Internal State of the Country (1820), that:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Early in the forenoon on August 16th persons supposed to be acquainted with the intentions of the magistrates distinctly asserted that Mr Hunt would be arrested on the hustings, and the meeting dispersed. I myself was more than once told so, but could not conceive it possible.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn180" name="_ftnref180" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[180]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The meeting was expected to be a significant occasion. Therefore the Manchester newspapers and the reforming press from other towns were there in force. They included John Tyas from The Times, Edward Baines from the Leeds Mercury and John Smith from the Liverpool Mercury. Naturally Archibald Prentice and Taylor from the Manchester Obsever were there too but nobody could have predicted that Peterloo would have as profound an effect on English sentiment as Sharpeville or Tienenmin Square has had in our troubled times.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn181" name="_ftnref181" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[181]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The estimates of the crowd numbers differ considerably as is to be expected. For example according to the magistrate Thomas Tatton, the total figure assembled was 30,000. Samuel Bamford on the other hand estimated 80,000, the Manchester Observer 153,000, The Annual Register 80,000, whilst The Times printed figures of 80,000 and, later, 100,000. Finally, Orator Henry Hunt and Archibald Prentice estimated 60,000, and this figure became the figure generally accepted by historians.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn182" name="_ftnref182" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[182]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Alan Kidd emphasizes the fact that even the highest and lowest estimates represent the ‘arithmetic of propaganda rather than reliable assessments of numbers,’ but even the lowest estimate would suggest a gathering of unprecedented proportions for the time.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn183" name="_ftnref183" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[183]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">At 10.a.m. the Select Committee of Magistrates first met at the Star Inn before moving on to Mr Baxter’s house at 6 Mount Street overlooking St. Peters Field arriving there by 11.0 a.m.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn184" name="_ftnref184" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[184]</a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn185" name="_ftnref185" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[185]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Certainly Richard Owen a pawnbroker and special constable swore an affidavit that Hunt had arrived and that ‘an immense mob is collected and I consider the town in danger.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn186" name="_ftnref186" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[186]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In fact the affidavit was sworn and the warrant for Hunt’s arrest was issued long before he arrived at St Peters Field.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn187" name="_ftnref187" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[187]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">At 1.35p.m. Reverend Charles Ethelston made a feeble attempt to read the Riot Act from an upstairs window of Mr Buxton’s house at 6 Mount Street. It is highly unlikely that the crowd would have heard the Riot Act being read and a large number of witnesses later gave evidence to that effect. Nevertheless, this procedure was required by law to give legitimacy to the military action that was about to follow:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Our Sovereign Lord the King chargeth and commandeth all persons being assembled, immediately to disperse themselves, and peaceably to disperse to their habitations of their lawful business upon the pains contained in the Act made in the first year of King George the First for preventing tumults and riotous assemblies. God save the King.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn188" name="_ftnref188" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[188]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There is no doubt that the Magistrates could have executed the warrant long before the meeting commenced but they deliberately waited until the meeting started to execute their plan. Then at 1.40 p.m. Orator Henry Hunt began to address the crowd. At this point a warrant was handed to Captain Joseph Nadin, the then Deputy Chief Constable of Manchester to arrest the speakers. Nadin argued that the special constables were not a strong enough force to execute the warrant and without the assistance of the military.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn189" name="_ftnref189" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[189]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">At this point the magistrates dispatched their orders to Major Thomas Trafford commanding the Manchester Yeomanry and to Colonel L’Estrange commanding the 15th Hussars and regular troops. However, the Select Committee of magistrates decided not to wait for the Hussars but to send in the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry to accompany Nadin as he executed his warrant. The fatal mistake was made of sending for the Manchester Yeomanry, who had only volunteered because of their hatred of Radicalism.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn190" name="_ftnref190" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[190]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Major Thomas Trafford the Senior Officer commanding the Manchester and Salford Yeomanry Cavalry had taken up a position in Pickfords Yard nearby. Trafford was the first man to receive the order from the Select Committee to arrest the speakers on the hustings. He then instructed his second-officer-in command, Captain Hugh Birley to carry out the order of the magistrates. Later a considerable number of eyewitnesses in the crowd gave evidence that the 40 to 50 yeomanry who Captain Birley led into the crowd in St. Peters Field were drunk. Birley in his defence claimed that the erratic behaviour of his cavalry was caused by the horses being startled by the crowd.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn191" name="_ftnref191" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[191]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sir William Jolliffe who rode in charge as Lieutenant of Hussars later described the Manchester Yeomanry as:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Consisting of about forty members, who, from the manner they were made use of greatly aggravated the disasters of the day. Their ranks were filled chiefly by wealthy manufacturers; and without the knowledge possessed by a military body, they were placed unwisely as it appeared, under the immediate command and order of the civil authorities.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn192" name="_ftnref192" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[192]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On the other hand Reginald White in Waterloo to Peterloo (1957), argued that in fact the ‘Manchester and Salford Yeomanry consisted almost exclusively of cheesemongers, ironmongers, and newly enriched manufacturers, and the people of Manchester thought them a joke.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn193" name="_ftnref193" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[193]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> There is no doubt however, that prior to the meeting, animosity between the Radicals and the loyalist Yeomanry was already very intense.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn194" name="_ftnref194" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[194]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Reports generally agree that the Yeomanry first made their way towards the meeting along Cooper Street. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn195" name="_ftnref195" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[195]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> It was here that the first fatality occurred when Mrs Ann Fildes, [not to be confused with Mary Fildes on the hustings] and her two year old son were both knocked down to the ground by the Yeomanry and the little boy was killed, becoming the first casualty of Peterloo.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn196" name="_ftnref196" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[196]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Manchester and Salford Yeomanry entered St. Peters Field along the pathway that had been secured by the special constables with sabres drawn. Several loyalist reports say that as the yeomanry drew closer to the hustings, a number of the crowd linked arms in an attempt to prevent them arresting Henry Hunt and the other speakers and that at the same time other members of the crowd attempted to close the clear pathway formed by the special constables. However most reports agree that the Yeomanry continued to advance into the crowd with sabres drawn, and began to cut a pathway to the hustings.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn197" name="_ftnref197" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[197]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> According to the eyewitness account of the Reverend Edward Stanley:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">As the cavalry approached the dense mass of people they used their utmost efforts to escape; but so closely were they pressed in opposite directions by the soldiers, the special constables, the position of the hustings, and their own immense numbers, that immediate escape was impossible. When the Yeomanry arrived at the hustings a scene of confusion soon followed. Hunt fell-or threw himself- among the constables, and was driven or dragged, as fast as possible down the avenue to the magistrates house; his associates were hurried after him in a similar manner.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn198" name="_ftnref198" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[198]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">At the trial of Henry Hunt William Hulton explained his account of his actions on 16th August 1819 as follows:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">When the Yeomanry advanced to the hustings I saw bricks and stones flying. I wish to convey to the jury those stones and bricks were thrown in defiance of the military. I saw them attacked, and under that impression I desired Colonel L’Estrange to advance. On my saying to Colonel L’Estrange ‘Good God, Sir, they are attacking the Yeomanry-disperse the crowd,’ he advanced, and the dispersion of the crowd took place. Many of the people did not fly when the first body of the cavalry road amongst them. The moment Colonel L’Estrange advanced with his squadron, the general flight took place.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn199" name="_ftnref199" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[199]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In contrast, John Tyas of The Times in his eyewitness account reported:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">As soon as Hunt and Johnson had jumped from the wagon [hustings] a cry was made by the Cavalry, ‘Have at their flags.’ In consequence, they immediately not only dashed at the flags which were in the wagon, but those which were posted among the crowd, cutting most indiscriminately to the right and to the left in order to get at them. This set the people running in all directions, and it was not until this act had been committed that any brickbats were hurled at the military. From that moment the Manchester Yeomanry lost all command of temper.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn200" name="_ftnref200" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[200]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Captain Hugh Hornby Birley, the commander of the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry did not dispute the attack on the flags. His account although through the medium of Lord Stanley, declared that, after the magistrates’ warrant had been executed:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Considerable tumult prevailed, and a struggle ensued between the constables and those persons in the cart, who wished to save the caps of liberty, banners. Some of those who resisted were taken into custody, and the soldiers cut with their sabres. In doing this, it was possible that some persons had been hurt, but not intentionally.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn201" name="_ftnref201" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[201]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On the question of the controversial stones and brickbats John Smith of the Liverpool Mercury gave evidence at Hunts trial that:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">I saw no stone or brick-bat thrown at them [Yeomanry] in my judgement, if any stones or brick-bats had been thrown I was in a situation likely to have seen it, my eyes and countenance were in a direction towards the military up to the moment of their reaching the hustings.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn202" name="_ftnref202" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[202]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Reverend Edward Stanley in his eyewitness account also confirmed that:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">I indeed saw no missile weapons used throughout the whole transaction…but, the dust at the hustings soon partially obscured everything that took place near that particular spot.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn203" name="_ftnref203" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[203]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It must perhaps be noted that when giving evidence at Hunt’s trial William Hulton said that: ‘When the Yeomanry advanced to the hustings I saw bricks and stones flying.’ Since Hulton’s was in the same house as Stanley his view of the proceedings would have been almost identical to that of Stanley’s and he would have been peering through the same dust all though Hulton does not mention this. It seems that Hulton’s evidence was questionable.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In contrast William Harrison, a cotton spinner in the crowd on St Peters Field on 16th August 1819, later gave his eyewitness evidence at the inquest of John Lees in Oldham :</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Harrison: We were all merry in the hopes of better times.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Coroner: Were you not desired to disperse?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Harrison: Only with the swords-nobody asked us to disperse-only trying to cut our heads off with their swords…The soldiers began cutting and slaying, and the constables began to seize the colours, and the tune was struck up; they all knew of the combination. Amidst such music, few paused to distinguish between flats and sharps.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Coroner: Did they cut at you near the hustings?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Harrison: No, as I was running away three soldiers came down upon me one after another…there was whiz this way, and a whiz that way, backwards and forwards…and I, as they were going to strike, threw myself on my face, so that, if they cut, it should be on my bottom.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Coroner: You act as well as speak?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Harrison: Yes, I’m real Lancashire blunt. Sir, I speak the truth…whenever any cried out ‘mercy,’ they said ‘Damn you, what brought you here.’ </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn204" name="_ftnref204" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[204]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">More recently Joyce Marlow, in the process of researching her book, The Peterloo Massacre, (1970), discovered letters of Major Dynely, the commander of the Royal Horse Artillery and the two six pounder field guns held in readiness on the day in Lower Mosley Street.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn205" name="_ftnref205" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[205]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Major Dynley writes:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The first action of the Battle of Manchester is over…and I am happy to say has ended in the complete discomfiture of the Enemy….I was very much assured to see the way in which the Volunteer Cavalry knocked the people about during the whole time we remained on the ground; the instant they saw ten or dozen Mobites together, they rode at them and leathered them properly.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn206" name="_ftnref206" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[206]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Samuel Bamford, who was part of the crowd, described the scene immediately after the attack in his eye witness account:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In ten minutes from the commencement of the havoc, the field was an open and almost deserted place. The sun looked down through a still and motionless air…The Hustings remained, with a few broken and hewed flag-staves erect, and a torn and gashed banner or two dropping; whilst over the whole field were strewed caps, bonnets, hats, shawls and shoes, and other parts of male and female dress; trampled, torn and bloody. The Yeomanry had dismounted –some were easing their horses’ girths, others adjusting their accoutrements; and some were wiping their sabres. Several mounds of human beings still remained where they had fallen, crushed down and smothered. Some were still growning others with staring eyes were gasping for breath, and others would never breathe more.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn207" name="_ftnref207" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[207]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sir William Joliffe, Lieutenant of Hussars, described the scene after entering the Field in his eye witness account as follows:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">An extraordinary sight: the ground was quite covered with hats, shoes, musical instruments and other things. Here and there lay the unfortunates who were too much injured to move away and the sight was more distressing, by observing some women among the sufferers.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn208" name="_ftnref208" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[208]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The majority of the terrified, panic stricken crowd running from the Field found difficulty in escaping along the side streets because the main escape route along Peter Street was cut off by the 88th Infantry Regiment standing there with fixed bayonets, so that the fleeing crowd were caught in a trap.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn209" name="_ftnref209" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[209]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The role of the infantry was to intensify the terror of the crowd by preventing people from making their escape from the field along the most direct routes home. These troops had fixed bayonets, forming a line across the street exit routes on the north side. Reports show that they inflicted serious wounds on the fleeing crowd either by stabbing with the ends of their bayonets or clubbing with their musket-butts. On reaching the line of bayonets, the crowd turned back only to find themselves under attack from the sabres of the cavalry.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn210" name="_ftnref210" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[210]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> This incident was described by an anonymous eyewitness:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The 88th troop were marched to a station at the south end of the Quaker Meeting House to interrupt the people[as] crowds passed who might fly in that direction and there indeed most dreadful slaughter to this quarter and were forced back by bayonets of the infantry, the cavalry cutting them in the rear.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn211" name="_ftnref211" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[211]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Another eye-witness account of John Railton appeared in the Manchester Guardian on 18th August 1819, reporting a similar thing:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The cavalry were pursuing the mob and they were met and goaded by the infantry who were advancing upon and pricking them with fixed bayonets.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn212" name="_ftnref212" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[212]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bush emphasises the fact that:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Fifteen entries in the casualty lists reveal the work of the 88th Foot: William Batsan, John Boulter, John Brookes, Joseph Brookes, Thomas Buckley, Mary Evans, John Goodwin, John Hardman, Mark Howard, William Hurdies, William Moores, Joseph Ogden, John Pimblet, John Smithies, Peter Warburton. They show how the 88th stabbed people in the head, belly, back and arms with their bayonets or clubbed them to the ground with the butts of their muskets.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn213" name="_ftnref213" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[213]</a> <br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Huge crowds of men, women and children, many of them wounded, were fleeing along the same roads which they had traversed a few hours earlier in good spirits. The eyewitness account of Archibald Prentice continues:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">I had not been home more than a quarter of an hour when a wailing sound was heard from the main street, and, rushing out, I saw people running in the direction of Pendleton, their faces pale as death, and some with blood trickling down their cheeks. It was with difficulty I could get anyone to stop and tell me what happened.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn214" name="_ftnref214" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[214]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The next day Tuesday 17th August 1819, a reporter from The Observer said that he ‘saw six coaches, three carts and three litters loaded with the wounded’ travelling to the Manchester Infirmary.’ Whilst The Star newspaper on the 17th reported:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">All roads leading from Manchester to Ashton, Stockport, Cheadle, Bury and Bolton are covered with wounded stragglers, who have not been able to reach their houses after the events of Monday…There are 17 wounded persons along Stockport Road; 13 or 14 on the Ashton Road; at least 20 on the Oldham Road; 7 or 8 on the Rochdale Road, besides several others on the roads to Liverpool.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn215" name="_ftnref215" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[215]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On the evening of the 16th a riot broke out in the New Cross area of Manchester. A shopkeeper there, who, it was alleged by the rioters, had been a special constable at Peterloo had exhibited a captured Radical flag. As a result they had attacked his shop. It was reported that the Riot Act had to be read, and one of the rioters was shot by the military.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn216" name="_ftnref216" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[216]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The revision version was first aired at a quarter to nine on the night of Peterloo, when the senior magistrate William Hay reported to the Home Office:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Riot Act was read, and the mob was completely dispersed, but not without very serious and lamentable effects…one of the Manchester Yeomanry, Mr. Hulme, was, after the parties was taken, struck by a brick-bat; he lost his power over his horse, and is supposed to have fractured his skull by a fall from his horse. I am afraid he is since dead; if not, there are no hopes of his recovery. A special constable of the name of Ashworth has been killed – cause unknown; and four women appear to have lost their lives by being pressed by the crowd; these, I believe, are the fatal effects of the meeting. A variety of instances of sabre wounds occurred, but I hope none mortal; several pistols were fired by the mob, but as to their effect, save in one instance deposed to before Colonel Fletcher, we have no account. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn217" name="_ftnref217" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[217]</a><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In more recent years Robert Warmsley in Peterloo: The Case Re-opened, Manchester, (1969), would have us believe that the Yeomanry were ordered to support the special constables in the execution of the warrant to arrest the speakers and then advanced in reasonable order and without aggressive intention or action into the crowd; and then that the crowd closed in upon them in a menacing manner and the Yeomanry were assailed, at some point close to the hustings, by brickbats and sticks hurled by a portion of the crowd, but that most of the Yeomanry kept their heads until Hunt and his fellow speakers had been arrested, and then, increasingly assailed by brickbats and hemmed in on all sides by a threatening crowd they were forced to beat off their attackers only using the flats of their sabres, in self defence.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn218" name="_ftnref218" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[218]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Warmsley also believes the Select Committee of Magistrates in their house overlooking the hustings were justly alarmed by the proceedings, both by tumults which had preceded the 16th August and by the radical rhetoric and military array of the crowd on the day. Furthermore, the magistrates, observing the predicament of the Yeomanry in the midst of a threatening multitude, were forced to order the 15th Hussars to come to their rescue and clear the field. Finally the radicals have made party-political propaganda out of their own aggression ever since.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn219" name="_ftnref219" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[219]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Another controversy which was developed in the historiography of Peterloo is that there was premeditation on the part of Lord Liverpool and the Home Secretary Lord Sidmouth to disperse the meeting by force. For example E.P. Thompson in The Making of The English Working Class, (1963) argued that ‘We shall probably never be able to determine with certainty whether or not Liverpool and Simouth were parties to the decision to disperse the meeting by force.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn220" name="_ftnref220" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[220]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> On the other hand Donald Read in his study of Peterloo argued that:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">As the evidence of the Home Office shows, it was never desired or precipitated by the Liverpool Ministry as a bloody repressive gesture for keeping down the lower orders. If the Manchester magistrates had followed the spirit of Home Office Policy there would never have been a massacre.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn221" name="_ftnref221" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[221]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">I have to agree with Read that no direct documentary evidence been produced to date linking the Home Office to the instruction to the Manchester magistrates to disperse the meeting by force. However, Read’s statement begs two questions. Firstly, just exactly what was ‘the spirit of Home Office Policy’ at this time? As we have seen the spirit of the Home Office throughout the years leading up to Peterloo was largely demonstrated by the following methods: suspending Habeas Corpus, using paid spies, sometimes acting as agents provocateurs, propaganda trials clamping down on meeting the radical press’ imprisonment of radical leaders, the gallows, or transportations to Australia. In addition the Government, always nervously aware of their dependence on the magistrates in times of unrest, did not hesitate to authorise the use of the regular army in the absence of a regular police force when requested. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn222" name="_ftnref222" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[222]</a> <br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Secondly, the question still remains: who should be held responsible for Peterloo? The simple answer is that the Home Secretary Lord Sidmouth was responsible for maintaining the internal security of the nation. As Home Secretary, he was in command of all military forces and all the law officers who reported to him.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn223" name="_ftnref223" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[223]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> It must also be noted that:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There is no doubt that he would have had to have sanctioned the use of regular soldiers, the 15th Hussars and other regular troops who were stationed in Manchester on the day of the meeting.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn224" name="_ftnref224" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[224]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Throughout his lifetime Sidmouth was accused of being responsible for the massacre and the suffering that followed because, it was claimed, the magistrates, soldiers and special constables involved were responding to a situation controlled by his office and his decisions. Therefore the ultimate guilt was his.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn225" name="_ftnref225" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[225]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On the question of numbers either killed or injured in the crowd, the popular belief developed in historical accounts that only 11 people were killed and only 400 were injured is not supported by the evidence. This myth was developed by Donald Read in his book Peterloo: The Massacre and its Background, (1957), who asserted ‘Only 11 were killed and 400 injured.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn226" name="_ftnref226" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[226]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Donald Reads incorrect figures have simply been copied into many histories. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn227" name="_ftnref227" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[227]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> For example, Robert Warmsley in Peterloo: The Case-reopened, (1969), Says ‘11 people were killed and 400 were injured.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn228" name="_ftnref228" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[228]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> John Stevenson in Popular Disturbances in England 1700-1832, (1979), citing Read says ‘Within ten or fifteen minutes 11 people had been killed and 400 injured.’ Asa Briggs in The Age of Improvement 1783-1867, (1979), says ‘eleven people were killed and over 400 wounded.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn229" name="_ftnref229" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[229]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Howard Martin in Britain in the Nineteenth Century, (1996), says ‘11 people were killed and 400 were injured.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn230" name="_ftnref230" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[230]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Michael Turner, in British politics in an age of reform, (1999), says ‘Eleven people died and more than 400 were wounded.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn231" name="_ftnref231" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[231]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> More recently an article I the Manchester Evening News says ‘11 people died and 500 were injured.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn232" name="_ftnref232" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[232]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> However, there are many other examples.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">As early as 1922, G. M., Trevelyan in his article, The Number of Casualties at Peterloo, recommended that there should be full disclosure of the casualty lists and that they should also be published.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn233" name="_ftnref233" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[233]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> [see appendix]. His recommendations were ignored until 1989, when Malcolm and Walter Bee in their article The Casualties of Peterloo, compiled and re examined the lists as far as they were able.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn234" name="_ftnref234" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[234]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Producing a casualty figure of 630, the Bees showed that the injured far exceeded previous estimates set at about 400. They also showed that police and soldiers caused a majority of the injuries, whereas it was previously thought that most came of being crushed in the crowd. The aim of their analysis was not really to prove whether or not a massacre had occurred, but rather to extrapolate from the casualty lists information on the size and composition of the assembled crowd.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn235" name="_ftnref235" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[235]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Finally, Michael Bush in The Casualties of Peterloo, (2005), 186 years after Peterloo, put Trevelyan’s recommendations into practice and, by careful examination and analysis of all the lists, built on the work of Malcolm and Walter Bee.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn236" name="_ftnref236" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[236]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush emphasises the fact that ‘the principal evidence for the injured at Peterloo lies in the casualty lists compiled at the time or not long afterwards. Of the eight surviving lists, six were completed by January 1820, a seventh by 1831 and the final one by 1844. Between them they furnish detailed information on the number of casualties, along with the names, addresses, occupations and ages of the injured, the nature of the injury and of its infliction.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn237" name="_ftnref237" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[237]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The list of those killed at Peterloo is as follows:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Name Residence Cause Location Date</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">John Ashton Nr Oldham Sabred On field 16 Aug.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">John Ashworth Manchester Sabred On field ?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wm. Bradshaw Whitefield Shot ? ?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thos. Buckley Chadderton Sabred/bayoneted On field? 16 Aug.?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Robert Campbell Manchester mob violence Newton Lane 18 Aug. </span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">James Crompton Barton Trampled by cav. On field 1 Sept.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Edm. Dawson Saddleworth Sabred On field 31 Aug.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wm. Dawson Saddleworth Sabred On field 1 Sept.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Margaret Downes Manchester Sabred On field ?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wm. Evans Hulme Trampled by cav. On field ?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wm. Fildes Manchester Trampled by cav. Cooper Street 16 Aug.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Mary Heys Chorlton Row Trampled by cav. On field 17 Dec.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sarah Jones Manchester Truncheoned On field ?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">John Lees Oldham Sabred/Trunch. On field 30 Aug.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Arthur Neil Manchester Sabred/crushed On field ?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Martha Partington Barton Crushed in cellar Bridge Street 16 Aug. </span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">John Rohdes Nr. Oldham Sabred On field 19 Nov.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Joshua Whitworth Hyde Shot New Cross 20 Aug.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In describing the injuries sustained, the casualty lists frequently identify those responsible for inflicting them. It is generally accepted that to the fore in the attack on the crowd were 60 volunteers from the Manchester and Salford Yeomanry Cavalry, backed up by 400 or so Special Constables, another voluntary group.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn238" name="_ftnref238" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[238]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Since 300 or so Hussars had charged the crowd shortly after the 60 Yeomanry had done so, they must bear some responsibility-along with the 420 Cheshire Yeomanry Cavalry and a further 60 Manchester and Salford Yeomanry Cavalry, both of whom had accompanied the Hussars to the ground.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn239" name="_ftnref239" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[239]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;">His research revealed that without a shadow of doubt there were ‘654 casualties, eighteen who died from their injuries.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn240" name="_ftnref240" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[240]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bush points out that the casualty lists also reveal the amounts of payments of compensation to the injured. The remarkable feature of this evidence is that it shows the miserable amounts of money that was dispensed to the injured. Moreover as the Bees revealed in their research over ‘80 per cent of the payments were £2 or less, with 50 per cent £1 or less. Payments above £5 were made to no more than 3 per cent of the injured.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn241" name="_ftnref241" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[241]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The popular belief that most of the injuries were caused by the fleeing crowd is not supported by the evidence. This myth began with Sir William Jolliffe, a lieutenant in the 15th Hussars who had taken part in the attack on the crowd, who later said that ‘Beyond all doubt…the far greater amount of injuries were from the pressure of the routed multitude.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn242" name="_ftnref242" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[242]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">This myth was further developed by Donald Read in his Peterloo, (1957), in which he makes the point that 60,000 were dispersed in ten minutes, and saying it is:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">little wonder that hundreds were hurt, and many more by crushing than by sabring..with the exception of 140 cut by sabring many more were crushed or thrown down as a result of the pressure of the crowd.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn243" name="_ftnref243" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[243]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Read’s assertion has been repeated in many histories, including Robert Walmsley’s Peterloo: The Case Re-opened, (1969),</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn244" name="_ftnref244" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[244]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Norman Gash in Aristocracy and People, (1979), also asserts that ‘Possibly half the deaths, probably even more of the non-fatal injuries, were among those who were trampled underfoot by horses and the crowd in the panic that ensued.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn245" name="_ftnref245" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[245]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> More recently by Alan Kidd, in his History of Manchester, (2002), asserts, ‘most of the injuries’ resulted from ‘being trampled on or crushed in the panic of dispersal.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn246" name="_ftnref246" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[246]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> But there are many other examples.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The recent research of Michael Bush has also revealed, ‘many more injuries were caused by weapons’ than were crushed by the fleeing crowd and there is no doubt:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">that the military and police deliberately inflicted severe injuries, both on the field and in the surrounding streets, attacking women, men, children and the elderly without respect for sex or age. Though the crowd was unarmed and unresisting. They proceeded ruthlessly and with brutality in a sustained onslaught that lasted much longer than was necessary to fulfil their appointed task of clearing the field. Its real purpose was to teach a salutary lesson by terror and humiliation. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn247" name="_ftnref247" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[247]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The popular belief that the Hussars only used the flats of their swords is not supported by the evidence. Again, this myth was begun with Donald Read who says ‘The Hussars used only the flats of their swords.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn248" name="_ftnref248" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[248]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> This myth was simply repeated by Robert Warmsley in Peterloo: The Case-reopened, (1969), and was more recently repeated by Alan Kidd in his book Manchester, (2002), who says ‘the Hussars reportedly used only the flats of their swords’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn249" name="_ftnref249" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[249]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Hussars drove the people forward with the flats of their swords, but sometimes , as is almost inevitably the case when men are placed in such situations, the edge was used, both by the Hussars, and as I have heard by the yeomen also.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn250" name="_ftnref250" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[250]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Most recently Michael Bush highlights the fact that other entries in the casualty lists, show the Hussars acting with the same brutality and in keeping with the eyewitness account of John Fell, a Manchester shopkeeper that:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Hussars dispersed themselves in all directions, not in line and cutting the same as the others [Yeomanry] had done.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn251" name="_ftnref251" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[251]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It must be pointed out at that the time the Hussars were seen as more restrained than the Yeomanry, largely because of their military training, self discipline and expertise as professional soldiers. They were presented as using the flat of the sword to drive people off the field, not a cutting edge to inflict a wound. Some Hussars were also seen as acting with a restraint that limited the number of wounds, and even of intervening to protect people against the savagery of the Yeomanry and the Special Constables.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn252" name="_ftnref252" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[252]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A good demonstration of the restraint shown by the Hussars was the case of Elijah Ridings, among the crowd at Peterloo, who escaped injury through the help of an officer of the Hussars who called out to him, ‘Be quick young man; this way,’ pointing out to him a way of escape with his sabre.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn253" name="_ftnref253" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[253]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In fact Hunt himself stated in a letter to The Observer on 6th September 1819, that the massacre ‘would have been worse,’ but for the regulars ‘who were heard to threaten these cowardly fellows with summary justice if they did not desist from cutting down the fleeing people.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn254" name="_ftnref254" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[254]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Michael Bush draws attention to the fact that ‘the perception of the event as a massacre, however, has been questioned in view of the small number of injuries resulting in death.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn255" name="_ftnref255" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[255]</a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn256" name="_ftnref256" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[256]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> A similar view is expressed by N. Nash in Aristocracy and the People, (1979), who says ‘Peterloo was a blunder, it was hardly a massacre.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn257" name="_ftnref257" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[257]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Donald Read, in his, Peterloo,The Massacre and its Background, (1957), identifies Peterloo as a massacre, albeit of a peculiarly English kind . Read writes in the Preface to his book:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The successful designation of Peterloo as a ‘massacre’ represents another piece of successful [working-class or radical] propaganda. Perhaps only in peace- loving England could a death-roll of only eleven persons have been so described.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn258" name="_ftnref258" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[258]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Read also believes that the whole affair was the result in panic and a serious lack of foresight on part of the Manchester magistrates rather from central government direction or premeditation.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn259" name="_ftnref259" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[259]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On the other hand, E. P. Thompson in The Making of the English Working Class, (1963), also sees Peterloo as a massacre but concludes ‘Peterloo was a bloody, class-based massacre,’ in which premeditation was certainly evident in the case of the Manchester Magistrates, and quite possibly so in relation to Lord Liverpool’s government.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn260" name="_ftnref260" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[260]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A more accurate summary is that of Michael Bush in The Casualties of Peterloo, (2005), that:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In showing that most injuries were inflicted by the military and police and how deaths and severe injuries resulted from sabring, bayoneting and truncheoning of unarmed people, they render the term ‘massacre’- though technically an overstatement in that Peterloo did not witness a large number of killings-an appropriate expression which encapsulates the enormity of what actually happened.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn261" name="_ftnref261" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[261]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The myth that the Irish population of the Manchester region did not become integrated with the Reform Movement is not unsupported by the evidence. This notion was largely developed by E.P. Thompson who believed that:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">while sympathising with the agitation of 1816-20, Manchester’s Irish population did not become integrated with the movement for parliamentary reform.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn262" name="_ftnref262" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[262]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It must be remembered that throughout the Napoleonic Wars thousands of immigrants came from Ireland to settle in Manchester, not only to fill the growing demand for labour but to benefit from the work the new cotton mills provided.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn263" name="_ftnref263" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[263]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Asa Briggs, in Victorian Cities, (1971) highlights the fact thatOne of the most notorious districts of Manchester was ‘little Ireland’ where the Irish community lived on the banks of the River Medlock.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn264" name="_ftnref264" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[264]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">E.P. Thompson’s judgement has been proved to be wrong by Michael Bush’s demonstration that large numbers of Irish did attend the meeting and, in so doing, demonstrated a deep commitment to the cause of the reform movement:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">At least 97 of the recorded casualties were of Irish extraction, either immigrants from Ireland, or born in England of Irish parents-against 19 Welsh and one or two Scots.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn265" name="_ftnref265" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[265]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A massive crowd attended the reform meeting at St. Peters Field which included a high proportion of women and children. None of them were armed and their conduct was peaceable. The Select Committee of Magistrates were obviously nervous before the event and alarmed at the size and mood of the crowd. They ordered the Manchester Yeomanry to arrest the speakers on the hustings immediately after the meeting began. The unrestrained Manchester Yeomanry did not confine themselves to seizing the speakers but instead, wielding their sabres, made a deliberate and general attack on the crowd. William Hulton, the Chairman of the Select Committee of Magistrates, then ordered the 15th Hussars and the Cheshire Yeomanry to join in the attack. Reports indicate that within the space of 10 minutes St Peters Field was cleared except for the bodies of the dead and injured.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The popular belief developed that most of the injuries were caused by the fleeing crowd is simply a myth. Evidence in this chapter has shown that most of the injuries were caused by the use of sabres and truncheons and the use of cavalry rather than by the crowd itself. The belief that the 15th Hussars only used the flats of their swords is equally fanciful. Evidence has demonstrated that, although the Hussars showed more restraint than the Yeomanry, with the majority using the flats of their swords to disperse the crowd, a small number used the cutting edges which inflicted serious wounds. In the same way the belief that only 11 people were killed and 400 injured has been disproved by recent research that has established that there were ‘at least 654 casualties, 18 of whom died of their injuries.’ </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn266" name="_ftnref266" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[266]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Finally, the belief that Manchester’s Irish Population did not become integrated in the movement for parliamentary reform, is also unfounded. This chapter has shown that at least 97 of the recorded injuries recorded in the casualty lists of Peterloo were to persons of Irish extraction, either immigrants from Ireland or those born in England of Irish parents.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn267" name="_ftnref267" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[267]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">I agree with Robert Poole who believes ‘The contrived debate over the ‘blame’ for the massacre has been unproductive, and attempts to exonerate the Manchester authorities have been wholly unconvincing.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn268" name="_ftnref268" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[268]</a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Chapter Three</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The Aftermath of Peterloo</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Clear-headed assessments in the aftermath of Peterloo were a long time coming. Although it became known as the Peterloo Massacre, the events in and around St. Peters Field on 16th August 1819 were regarded by both sides with a great deal of passion. The reformers were regarded with fear and suspicion by the establishment, and treated accordingly. This treatment resulted in further agitation which in turn led to increased repressive government reaction.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Initial reports of the violent dispersal of the crowd at the Peterloo meeting spread like wildfire and, though initial reports were vague, detailed accounts soon appeared in the newspapers.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn269" name="_ftnref269" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[269]</a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn270" name="_ftnref270" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[270]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> A letter from Sidmouth to the commander of the yeomanry and the Manchester magistrates, written only five days after the event, assured them of:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The great satisfaction derived by his Royal Highness from their prompt, decisive and efficient measures for the preservation of the public tranquillity.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn271" name="_ftnref271" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[271]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The fact that the Prince Regent approved this form of congratulation was completely in character; fears engendered by the French Revolution had made him terrified of any form of public disorder.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn272" name="_ftnref272" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[272]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Although the promptness with which Sidmouth conveyed the Prince Regent’s congratulations to the yeomanry and the magistrates fuelled national public outrage.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn273" name="_ftnref273" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[273]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Throughout Manchester and Lancashire, soon after Peterloo, there was talk of retaliation. Every detail was discussed in the public houses, chapels, churches, workshops and at home. Meanwhile Manchester was under martial law, due to rioting and rumours about people marching in military style from surrounding districts. Samuel Bamford later wrote of the ‘grinding of scythes and old hatchets…screw-drivers, rusty swords, pikels and mop-nails.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn274" name="_ftnref274" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[274]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> However, by the end of the month rumours of insurrection disappeared largely because of the overwhelming moral support the reformers received throughout the country.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn275" name="_ftnref275" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[275]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Demands for a public enquiry came from the four corners of the British Isles.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn276" name="_ftnref276" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[276]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Nevertheless, despite pressure from many sources, Lord Liverpool refused to hold an enquiry into the conduct of the magistrates, or into the behaviour of the yeomanry.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn277" name="_ftnref277" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[277]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Not only did the government reject the idea, they adopted a policy of whole hearted support for the Manchester authorities. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn278" name="_ftnref278" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[278]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Lord Liverpool summed up the government’s attitude of qualified approval when he wrote to Lord Canning:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">When I saw the proceedings of the magistrates of Manchester on the 16th ult were justifiable, you will understand me as not by any means deciding that course which they pursed on that occasion was in all its parts prudent. A great deal might be said in their favour even on this head; but, whatever judgement might be formed in this respect, being satisfied that they were substantially right, there remained no alternative but to support them.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn279" name="_ftnref279" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[279]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Not only were demands for a parliamentary enquiry resolutely rejected. The Attorney and Solicitor Generals were ‘fully satisfied’ as to the ‘legality’ of the magistrates’ actions. In fact the Lord Chancellor Eldon was of ‘the clear opinion’ that the meeting ‘was an overt act of treason.’ Furthermore he believed that ‘a shocking choice between military government and anarchy lay ahead.’ Consequently, State prosecutions against the victims of the day commenced at once.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn280" name="_ftnref280" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[280]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In November 1819, The Official Papers Relative to the State of the Country, were published by the government and included a selection the various letters of the magistrates to the Home Office and some depositions. Obviously the Papers were carefully selected and published in order to prevent a parliamentary enquiry. The information Lord Liverpool later admitted in private: ‘may be laid safely, and much more advantageously, by the Government directly rather than through the medium of any committee.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn281" name="_ftnref281" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[281]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Soon afterwards, Francis Philips, a cotton manufacturer and a prominent member of the Pitt Club and Tory party, published his two-penny pamphlet An Exposure of the Calumnies circulated by the Enemies of Social Order (1819), defending the behaviour of the Manchester magistrates at Peterloo.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn282" name="_ftnref282" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[282]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Nevertheless the newspapers kept the story going. The Manchester Gazette continued to discuss the meetings being held across the kingdom, encouraging attempts to have the aggressors ‘identified and punished.’ However even when direct evidence could be produced against offenders responsible for sabring unarmed men, women and children, the magistrates argued that there was insufficient evidence to justify the issuing of arrest warrants.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn283" name="_ftnref283" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[283]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">John Lees, a Waterloo veteran, who lay in hospital for three weeks before dying from the injuries inflicted by the Manchester Yeomanry and by the 15th Hussars, was reported to have said before he died: ‘He was never in such danger at Waterloo, it was man to man but at Manchester it was downright murder’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn284" name="_ftnref284" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[284]</a><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Oldham inquest upon John Lees was a ‘turbulent and ill conducted affair’ at which the radical reformers sought to produce evidence leading to a verdict of ‘wilful murder’ against the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn285" name="_ftnref285" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[285]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Reformers were angered by the obstruction of this inquest which was repeatedly adjourned and then finally discontinued in 1819 because of a technical irregularity. Apparently the coroner and the jury had not inspected the body at the same time, and it was obvious that the coroner would have used any excuse to stop the inquest,</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn286" name="_ftnref286" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[286]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> in spite of the fact that in the inquest at least nine witnesses testified to seeing the Yeomanry cut at the people in the crowd with their sabres, on their way to the hustings. For example the witness Jonah Andrew was questioned by the Coroner as follows:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Coroner: At what pace did they come?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Jonah Andrew, (cotton spinner), I think it was a trot. It was as fast as they could get, and the constables were making way for them.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Q. Did you see them striking any one?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A. Yes; I saw them striking as they come along, and they struck one person when they were about twenty yards from me…they squandered to the right and left before they came to me…</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Q. Well: What then?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A. Why they began to cut and hack at the people like butchers.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Another witness, Elizabeth Farren testified:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Coroner: Do you know anything of the death of John Lees?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Elizabeth Farren: No, I do not.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Q. Then why do you come here?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A. Because I was cut?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Q. Where were you cut?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A. On the forehead. (Here the witness raised her bonnet and cap, as also the bandage over her forehead, and exhibited a large wound not quite healed)</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Coroner: I don’t mean that, woman. Where were you at the time you were cut?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A. About thirty yards from the house where the Justices were, amongst the special constables.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Q. Were you cut as the Cavalry went to the hustings, or on their return?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A. I was cut as they were going to the hustings. I had with me this child, (shewing the child she held in her arms). I was frightened for its safety, and tried to protect it, held it close to my side with the head downward, to avoid the blow. I desired them to spare my child, and I was directly cut on my forehead.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Q. What passed then?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A. I became insensible.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn287" name="_ftnref287" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[287]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The counsel for the family of the deceased John Lees offered to bring a stream of other witnesses to prove their case, but were not allowed by the Coroner. On the other hand the counsel for the defence produced several witnesses including the Deputy Chief Constable, Joseph Nadin, who contradicted the evidence.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn288" name="_ftnref288" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[288]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Naturally this evidence was believed because the sympathy of the establishment had been demonstrated only a month after Peterloo when a clerical magistrate had used his position on the Bench to address the accused as follows:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">I believe you are a downright blackguard reformer. Some of you reformers ought to be hanged, and some of you are sure to be hanged-the</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">rope is already round your necks.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn289" name="_ftnref289" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[289]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The focus then turned to Hunts trial and the other organizers of the Peterloo meeting, which began at York on 16th March 1820. They were all charged with ‘assembling with unlawful banners at an unlawful meeting for the purpose of citing discontent.’ </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn290" name="_ftnref290" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[290]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Manchester Gazette printed over 23 columns about the trial over a three week period. At the end of the trial, Hunt and most of the radical leaders were convicted even after a ‘brilliant defence.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn291" name="_ftnref291" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[291]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Henry Hunt was sentenced to two and a half years imprisonment to be served at Lancaster Prison. However, Samuel Bamford, Joseph Johnson, and Joseph Healy, were only sentenced to one year’s imprisonment. On the other hand John Saxton, George Swift, Robert Wild and John Moorhouse were all aquitted of the charges.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn292" name="_ftnref292" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[292]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Samuel Bamford stopped playing an active part in the reform movement after being released from prison. Instead he went back to handloom weaving, supplementing his income by writing and selling his poetry and even became the Manchester correspondent for one of the London newspapers. During the 1840s Bamford angered local radicals by serving at Middleton as a special constable. Futhermore not only did he refuse to join the Chartist movement, but became critical of his former associates in the reform movement. However, he continued to write and published his autobiographical books, Passages in the life of a Radical, (1843), followed by Early Days, (1849). He finally passed away on 13th April 1872, and was buried at Harperhey cemetery in North Manchester.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn293" name="_ftnref293" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[293]</a><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">By the end of 1820 the majority of the leaders of the reform movement were in prison, including Sir Francis Burdett, Orator Henry Hunt and Thomas Wooler editor of the Black Dwarf.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn294" name="_ftnref294" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[294]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In marked contrast the Reverend Mr. Hay, the clerical magistrate prominent on the Peterloo bench, was rewarded with £2,000.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn295" name="_ftnref295" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[295]</a><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On 15th May 1821 Sir Francis Burdet made a speech in the House of Commons as follows:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The pretence of the people having carried arms to the meeting was utterly groundless; and to talk of having commenced the attack upon the armed soldiers, was, on the face of it, absurd and ridiculous. The people knew they had no means of repelling the attack. They thought they had assembled under the protection of the law.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The wretches who had perpetrated the massacre at Manchester were at the time in a state of intoxication. When they attacked sword in hand, the people fled, or attempting to fly, from the dreadful charge made upon them; but, to their horror and surprise, they found flight impracticable; for the avenues of the place were closed by armed men. On one side they were driven back at the point of the bayonet by the infantry; while on the other they were cut down by the yeomanry.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">An idea might be formed of the violent and indiscriminate manner of the massacre, when it was known that these yeomanry, in their fury and blindness, actually cut down some of their own troops; for the constables on that occasion were armed, and some of them had fallen under the hoofs of the yeomanry.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn296" name="_ftnref296" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[296]</a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Although Archibald Prentice continued to write articles for the local press and for the Manchester Guardian in particular, the newspaper founded by John Taylor in 1821, he believed that this newspaper was not radical enough for him. As a result in 1824, Prentice decided to purchase his own newspaper the Manchester Gazette.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn297" name="_ftnref297" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[297]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">For the time being at least the Whig opposition made the radical cause its own. However, among the country meetings in Yorkshire demanding an enquiry into Peterloo was one called by Earl Fitzwilliam, Lord Lieutentant of the West Riding and one of the most respected of the Whig peers. Nevertheless, he was removed from his Lord-Lieutenancy for his part in protesting about the massacre.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn298" name="_ftnref298" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[298]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Duke of Wellington feared that a full scale insurrection was imminent and there was a general agreement in Tory circles that the ‘right of assembly,’ must be curtailed.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn299" name="_ftnref299" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[299]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> An extraordinary session of Parliament was called to approve an increase in the strength of the Army by 10,000 men and to introduce the Six (Gagging) Acts of repression.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn300" name="_ftnref300" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[300]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The Six Acts represented a political rather than an economic response to distress and disorder. The ruling classes were firmly opposed to any change in the form of government, and most were convinced that concessions to the people would open the way for revolution.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn301" name="_ftnref301" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[301]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Governments first proposal was the Training Prevention Act, intended to prevent drilling and training of persons in the use of arms; the second the Seizure of Arms Act, which gave justices in certain counties the power to search for arms and to arrest persons found carrying them for purposes dangerous to the peace; the third the Misdemeanours Act, intended to prevent delay in the administration of justice through the practice of traversing; the fourth the Seditious Meetings Prevention Act, designed to prevent the great Radical meetings. This Act prohibited all public meetings of more than 50 persons. The last two the Blasphemous and Seditious Libels Act and the Newspaper Stamp Duties Act, were both intended to restrict the influence of the Radical Press.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn302" name="_ftnref302" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[302]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The only aspect of the working-class Radical organisation which parliament did not control was the Union Society network.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn303" name="_ftnref303" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[303]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> There is also no doubt that even after the passage of the Six Acts the work of the spies and agents provocateurs continued, as there were still active reformers whom they could dupe and betray.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn304" name="_ftnref304" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[304]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Whigs offered no opposition to a bill preventing civilians taking part in parliamentary activities, but they opposed the other five bills. All six passed with a comfortable majority, but the issues they raised polarised parliament into two distinct parties, for and against, the Government’s suppression of radicals. Furthermore these divisions were not confined to parliament, for English society as a whole was divided with petitions and mass meeting and demonstrations being were organised by both sides for and against the action taken by the Manchester authorities.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn305" name="_ftnref305" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[305]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thereafter the Government launched upon the most sustained campaign of prosecutions in the courts in British history. By the summer of 1820 Hunt and four Manchester reformers who had been indicted for their part in Peterloo were all imprisoned. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn306" name="_ftnref306" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[306]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> A major assault against the ‘seditious’ and ‘blasphemous’ press, began right away. This was followed by scores of prosecutions against newsvendors and publishers, which were largely instituted by private prosecuting societies secretly funded by the government.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn307" name="_ftnref307" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[307]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In addition by December 1819 the government imposed a four pence tax on newspapers and also stipulated that newspapers could not be sold for less than seven pence. Most of the workers at this time were earning less than ten shillings a week. As a result very few could afford to buy a radical newspaper.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn308" name="_ftnref308" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[308]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Early in 1820 the Cato Street Conspiacy dealt another blow to the cause of radical opinion.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn309" name="_ftnref309" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[309]</a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn310" name="_ftnref310" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[310]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On the night of 23rd February 1820, acting on ‘information received,’ Bow Street officers and soldiers raided a stable, with rooms above, in Cato Street, a small back street running parallel to the Edgware Road in London. They surprised a group of men and found a quantity of arms. In the scuffle one police officer was run through with a sword and killed.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn311" name="_ftnref311" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[311]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> This gave the government the perfect opportunity for a show trial, Thistlewood’s execution and the institution of further repression.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn312" name="_ftnref312" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[312]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The government got the publicity it wanted and the trial was made public in order to demonstrate that there had been a ‘diabolical plot’ to start a ‘revolution’ by assassinating the entire Cabinet. In April 1820 Thistlewood and a four of his companions appeared at the Old Bailey. Thistlewood did not deny the charges but claimed the he was motivated by ‘concern for the welfare of his starving country and indignation at such atrocities as Peterloo.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn313" name="_ftnref313" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[313]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Richard Carlile continued to report the events of Peterloo in the Republican severely criticising both the Manchester magistrates and the government and as a result was charged with seditious libel, and for publishing Thomas Pain’s Age of Reason he was charged with blasphemy. At the end of 1819 he was sentenced to three years imprisonment to be served at Dorchester Prison. His sentence was extended to six years for refusing to pay the fine that had also been imposed. Nevertheless, his family shared his determination particularly his sister Jane Carlile who continued to publish the Republican, including articles written by Richard in his prison cell. In 1821 she was also sentenced to two years imprisonment for ‘seditious libel.’ However, she was quickly replaced by Mary Carlile his other sister but within six months she was also imprisoned for the same offence. In the following months, over 150 men and women were imprisoned by the authorities for merely selling the Republican.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn314" name="_ftnref314" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[314]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In April 1822 the campaign for justice after Peterloo continued with the trial of Redford v. Birley and others.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn315" name="_ftnref315" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[315]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thomas Redford, wounded at Peterloo by a yeomanry sabre, began a civil action for assault against the yeomanry commander Hugh Birley, and three other yeomen ‘Withington, Meagher and Oliver.’ </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn316" name="_ftnref316" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[316]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> However unlike the John Lees inquest in Oldham Redford v. Birley was a well organized affair.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thomas Redford’s twenty-nine witnesses included seven weavers, one fustian-cutter, one carver and gilder, two cotton manufacture’s, one pattern drawer, one Church of England clergyman, the Reverend Stanley, one Unitarian minister, one Quaker surgeon, three gentlemen, one salesman, four journalists, including John Tyas, of the Times, Edward Baines, from the Leeds Mercury, and John Smith, of the Liverpool Mercury, one chemist, two householders with house overlooking St Peters Field, and one member of the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry. On the other hand, Captain Birley’s seventeen witnesses included the Deputy Chief Constable Joseph Nadin, two of the Select Committee of Magistrates, William Hulton and the Reverend Mr Hay, one merchant’s agent, one calico printer, one policeman, two lawyers, one gentleman, one farm steward, and at least six special constables. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn317" name="_ftnref317" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[317]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">At the trial twenty nine of Redford’s witnesses swore that they did not see brickbats, stones or any other form of resistance by the crowd to the Yeomanry before they reached the hustings. In contrast, seventeen of Captain Birley’s witnesses swore that they did.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn318" name="_ftnref318" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[318]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Finally, however, the jury accepted the defendant’s plea that the assault had been lawfully carried out in the ‘the dispersal of an unlawful assembly’ and all the charges against the defendants were dismissed. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn319" name="_ftnref319" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[319]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;">To add insult to injury, the defendants, costs were paid by the central government. Both Henry Hunt and the Manchester Observer claimed the trial was little more than a sham. However, after Redford v. Birley the campaign for justice after Peterloo lost some of its momentum.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn320" name="_ftnref320" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[320]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">By this time the reformers could no longer organise their affairs and could be investigated and unsettled easily, there were fewer constraints on the laws that could be used to detain them. Newspapers supporting their cause could be priced out of reach and gagged when necessary. All in all Lord Liverpool’s government, driven by the Home Office’s determination to control the nation, created the most repressive regime in modern British history.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn321" name="_ftnref321" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[321]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">When Hunt and the others arrested were released on bail from Lancaster Castle, tens of thousands lined the route for their triumphal return to Manchester. Despite the urging of those who advocated an armed uprising, Hunt’s popularity ensured that the majority conformed to his peaceful and lawful methods.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn322" name="_ftnref322" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[322]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester’s involvement in the reform campaign reached its peak at Peterloo. Even within the cotton district attention shifted elsewhere to the smaller textile communities, like Bolton, Oldham, Stockport and Blackburn that had been radicalised by the events of 1819. Popular radicalism in Manchester had for the time being been extinguished.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn323" name="_ftnref323" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[323]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The Peterloo Massacre did was not set alight again as political issue again until the reform crisis of 1831-32 as the Reform Bill made its way through parliament, and reformers of all shades were looking for arguments to strengthen their own position and discredit their opponents. Only then were the causes and results of Peterloo useful for morale and propaganda purposes.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn324" name="_ftnref324" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[324]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In 1820 Hulton was offered a safe Tory seat in the House of Commons, but refused it suspecting he would be the target of abuse during an election campaign. He hoped that the part he played at Peterloo would be soon forgotten. However, wherever he went he was recognised by the working-class who would shower him with abuse. Nevertheless, in 1841, he stood as the Tory candidate for Bolton and during his election campaign he was physically attacked by the crowd but he was rescued by other members of his party. Whilst he continued to play a part in public affairs, he never lived the Peterloo Massacre down.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn325" name="_ftnref325" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[325]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> However, many years later whilst at a public house in Newton-le-Willows, William Hulton, was reported to have said: ‘It occurred to them [the Magistrates] that it was their duty to call up every friend of the Monarchy and the Church to counteract the machinations of the enemies of both.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn326" name="_ftnref326" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[326]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Henry Hunt had been the foremost public speaker for the reform movement. He spoke at Spa Fields in 1816, and continued his activity during the suspension of Habeas Corpus in 1817, when William Cobbett thought it more politic to retire to America. As the main speaker at Peterloo, Henry Hunt was imprisoned for his part in the meeting. He was elected to Parliament for the ‘scot and lot’ constituency of Preston in 1830 to 1832, and he remained loyal to the demand for universal suffrage, attacking the 1832 Bill as a betrayal of the ‘plebeian reformers.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn327" name="_ftnref327" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[327]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In the aftermath of Peterloo and the bitter propaganda war that followed, radical newspapers, periodicals and pamphlets far exceeded in the volume and importance rather than the visual images available at the time. However, Diana Donaldson in The Power of Print: Graphic Images of Peterloo, (1989), argues that the engravings that were made afterwards which she includes in her article portraying the event, have ultimately had a greater influence in creating a mental picture of the ‘Peterloo Massacre.’ This is because ‘even the most simple image could attain immediacy and symbolic force denied in print.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn328" name="_ftnref328" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[328]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Towards the end of the 1870’s Ford Madox wanted to include a painting depicting the Peterloo Massacre in a series of frescos commissioned to decorate the new Manchester Town Hall. Regrettably, the committee given the task of selecting the topics for the work considered the theme unacceptable, because Peterloo was still a political issue by the 1870’s in Manchester.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn329" name="_ftnref329" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[329]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Peterloo naturally inspired many contemporary prints and drawings, some descriptive, others satirical including one vigorous satire by George Cruickshank. It was not until the New Free Trade Hall in Manchester was opened in 1951 that any of its public buildings contained depictions of the most vivid and portrayable event, in the long history of Manchester.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn330" name="_ftnref330" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[330]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Even to this day portraits of Lord Liverpool and some members of the Select Committee of Magistrates are given pride of place in the Manchester Town Hall.</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Chapter Four</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Radical and Loyalist Poetry of Peterloo</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The Bloody Fields of Peterloo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Wives, mothers, children, on the plain,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In one promiscuous heap, I view;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The husband, son, and father slain,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Stetch’d on the field of Peterloo!</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> But Yeoman’s hearts are form’d of steel’</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ardent to fields of blood they go;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Their gallant souls disdain to feel,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Whilst dealing death at Peterloo!</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> My muse the truth shall ne’er deny;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The good, the wise, the just, we know,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Think you deserve promotion high,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The iron case on Peterloo!</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> R.S.</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Apart from the indignation that came from both sides after Peterloo, that is, the righteous anger of those who were attacked as well as those who were ordered to attack, there is evidence of what might be regarded as the more emotional responses from both sides in the poetry produced and circulated afterwards. The efforts of the Loyalists were jingoistic and triumphant, those of the Radicals closer to the tragedy.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Although the poetical responses to Peterloo have not escaped the attention of Peterloo’s historians and whilst references to Shelley’s The Mask of Anarchy frequently appear, very little effort has been made in examining both the signed and unsigned verses which appeared in the majority of the radical newspapers shortly after the event. This verse offers us a completely new perspective on Peterloo because it explains and brings into question the conventional accounts. At the very least such verses illustrate how the Radical Poets reacted to the killings and wounding which were inflicted, at the reform meeting held in St. Peters Fields.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn331" name="_ftnref331" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[331]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> They also demonstrate that the radicals were less concerned with constitutional issues and assumed the meeting was legal. They seemed more concerned with the behaviour of the new middle-classes who they saw as having formed an alliance with the aristocratic government.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn332" name="_ftnref332" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[332]</a> <br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Loyalist Verse.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Answer To Peterloo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On the sixteenth day of August, eighteen hundred and nineteen,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">All in the town Manchester the Rebelly Crew were seen,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They call themselves reformers, and by Hunt the traitor true,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">To attend a treason meeting on the plains of Peter-Loo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Those hearers of their patron’s call came flocking into town,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Both Male and Female radical, and many a gapeing clown,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Some came without their breakfast, which made their bellies rue;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">But got a warm baggin on the plains of Peter-Loo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">From Stayley-Bridge they did advance with a band of music fine,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And brought a cap of liberty from Ashton-under-lyne ;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There was Macclesfield and Stockport lads, and Oldham roughheads to,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Came to hear the treason sermon preached by Hunt at Peterloo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">About the hour of one o’clock this champion too the chair,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Surrounded by his aid-de-camps, his orders for to hear,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And disperse them through that Rebelly Mob, which around his</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Standard drew ;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">But they got their jackets dusted on the plains of Peterloo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They hoisted up treason caps and flags, as plainly you may see,-</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And with local acclamations shouted Hunt and liberty ;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They swore no man should spoil their plan, but well our Yeoman</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Knew;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They assembled in St James Square, and marched for Peter-Loo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Rochdale band of music, with harmony sublime,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Had placed themselves convenient to amuse Hunt’s concubine ;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">But soon their big drum was broke, all by our Yeomen true ;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They dropped their instruments, and run away from Peter-Loo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">When the Yeomen did advance the mob began to fly,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Some thousands of old hats and clogs behind there did lie ;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They soon pulled down their Treason Flags, and numbers of them</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> flew ;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And Hunt they took a prisoner on the plains of Peter-Loo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Now Hunt is taken prisoner and sent to Lancaster gaol,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">With seven of his foremost men, their sorrows to bewail ;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">His mistress sent to hospital her face for to renew,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">For she got it closely shaven on the plains of Peter-Loo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Success attend those warlike men, our Yeoman Volunteers,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And all their Gallant Officers who knows no dread or fears,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Likewise the Irish Trumpeter, that loud his trumpet blew,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And took a cap of liberty from them at Peter-Loo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Now to conclude and make an end, here’s health to George our</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> King,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And all those Gallant Yeomanry whose praises I loudly sing ;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">May Magistrates and Constables with zeal their duty do ;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And may they prove victorious upon every Peter-Loo.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn333" name="_ftnref333" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[333]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Renowned Atchievements of Peterloo</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On The Glorious Sixteenth Day of August 1819</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">How valiantly we met the crew</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Of infants, men and women too,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Upon the Plain of Peterloo,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And gloriously did hack and hew</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The d-----d reforming gang;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Our swords were sharp you may suppose</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Some lost their ears-some lost a nose,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Our horses trod upon their toes</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">E’re they could run t’ escape our blows,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">With shrieks the welkin rang.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">So keen we were to rout the swine.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Whole shoals of constables in a line,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">We gallop,d o’er in stile so fine,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">By orders of the SAPIENT NINE,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">First Friends-then Foes-laid flat;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">By Richardson’s best grinding skill,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Our blades were set with right good will,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">That we these Rogues might bleed or kill,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And ‘give them of Reform their fill,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And what d’ye think of that?</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They swear, for work they’re not half paid,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">By the tyrants of the weaving trade,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Who live like Kings (b) by th’ toil they’ve made-</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">These lies of us are daily said</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">By this ragg’d hungry swarm.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">No reason have they thus to prate.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">We,ll send them there for hours to wait</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The diff’rence to receive we ‘bate</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Of wage-and where’s the harm?</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">These tag-rag, bob-tail herds of brutes,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Are not content with wholesome roots,(c)</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">But think therewith that beef well suits,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Their chops,e’en water for rare fruits,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The lousy growling dogs;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They think forsooth, that they should dine</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Like Gentlefolks, and drink their wine</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Or guzzle ale, or eat pig’s chine,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">For game or fish they even whine</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Rank treason ‘mongst these hogs!!</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And then those Owls who think, because</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They’ve filch’d the Pow’r to make our laws,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They’ll raise their rents thro’th people,s maws,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">We’ll gull by thunders of applause</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">For doubling th’ price of corn.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">We,ll curse and fight through ‘thick and thin,’</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">All those who make a dev’lish din</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">About dear bread-for there’s no sin</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In taking thus the great folks in</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">For th’ Rates by’th Land are borne.</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">With ‘ell-wide jaws’ we’ll roar and sing,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">We’ll bravely fight for Church and King;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Those who no arms with them shall bring,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And may each vile Reformer swing</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">That we miss cutting down.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">To our good things we’ll stick like wax,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And throw the laws upon their backs,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">These bare-bone herds we’ll make our hacks,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Then nobly gobble Tythe and Tax,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And thus support the Crown. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn334" name="_ftnref334" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[334]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Most recently Robert Poole has drawn our attention to the fact that on the 17th September 1822 Aston’s Manchester Herald put the ultra-loyalist version into verse:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Though enrag’d by the strokes from the radical sticks,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And the thick-flying missiles, the stones and the bricks,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Soldiers and Yeoman set bounds to their wrath,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And only kept onwards in stern Duty’s path!</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And ‘tis wonder, no more, in the scene of confusion,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Then found their life’s day brought to sudden conclusion;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">For though Opposition cried ‘Murder!’ from hearsay,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The work of dispersion was done quite in mercy.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There were three lost lives-these were trampled to death,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And one, from a sabre wound, yielded his breath.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn335" name="_ftnref335" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[335]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Radical Verse.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Jim Clayson in his article The Poetry of Peterloo highlights the fact that the bulk of the Radical verse dealing with the massacre was published over a two- month period. Between 11th September and 30th October 1819 of the 30 pieces appeared in the main six radical papers-The Medusa, The Theological and Political Comet, The Briton, The Cap of Liberty and The White Hat. Six were reprinted from other newspapers, whilst one appeared in two different London publications. The first to reach the radical press was Stanzas Occasioned By Manchester Massacre, which appeared in the Black Dwarf of 25th August 1819. The writer adopted the pseudonym ‘Hibernicus’ which may indicate either a sympathy or affiliation with Ireland.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn336" name="_ftnref336" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[336]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stanzas Occasioned by The</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Massacre.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Oh, weep not for those who are freed</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">From bondage as so frightful as ours!</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Let tyranny mourn, for the deed,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And howl o’er the prey she devours!</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The mask for a century worn,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Has fallen from her visage at last;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Of all its sham attributes shorn,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Her reign of delusion is past.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In native deformity now</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Behold her, how shatt’d and weak!</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">With murder impress’d on her brow,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And cowardice blanching her cheek.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">With guilt’s gloomy terror bow’d down,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">She scowls on the smile of the slave!</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">She shrinks at the patriot’s frown;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">She dies in the grasp of the brave.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Then brief be our wail for the dead,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Whose blood has seal’d tyranny’s doom;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And the tears that affliction will shed,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Let vengeance, bright flashes illume.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And shame on the passionless thing</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Whose soul can now slumber within him!</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">To slavery still let him cling,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">For liberty scorns to win him.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Her manlier spirits arouse </span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">At the summons so frightfully given!</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And glory exults in their vows,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">While virtue records them in Heaven.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">August 21, Hibernicus.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On 22nd September 1819 H. Morton’s three verses The Sword King, also appeared in the Black Dwarf:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Sword King.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Who is it that flies from the tumult so fast</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Whom the yeomanry bugles are mingling their blast?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The mother who holds her dear child to her breasts,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And screams, as around her expire the oppress’d;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">‘Oh! Hush the my darling! Relinquish thy fears,’’</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">My mother! My mother! The sword king is near!</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The sword king with sabre so bloody and bright,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ah! Shade my young eyes from the horrible sight!’’</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">‘Base brat of reform, shall thy cries bar my way,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">To the laurels that bloom for the loyal to day?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Shalt thou live to rear banner, white, emerald, or blue?</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">No! this is are yeomanry’s own Waterloo.’’</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">My mother! My mother! And dust thou not hear</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">What curses the yeomanry shout in thine ear?’’</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">‘Oh! Hush thee my child, let the murders come!</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There is vengeance in heaven for the base who strike</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">home!’</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">‘A curse on your standards so flaunting and fine,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Surrender or perish!- die rebel-tis mine!’’</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">‘My mother! My mother! oh! hold me now fast,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The sword king and steed will o’ertake us at last!’’</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The mother she trembled,she doubled her speed,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">But dark on her path swept the yeoman’s black steed;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Life throbb’d in her poor baby’s bosom no more.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">H. Morton,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Son of Silas Morton. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn337" name="_ftnref337" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[337]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Bloody Field of Peterloo, appeared in The Theological And Political Comet of 2nd October 1819 and was signed R. S. and can be attributed to Robert Shorter, who was a printer, publisher and probably the editor at the time. The last three verses read as follows:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Bloody Fields of Peterloo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wives, mothers, children, on the plain,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In one promiscuous heap, I view;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The husband, son, and father slain,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stetch’d on the field of Peterloo!</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">But Yeoman’s hearts are form’d of steel’</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ardent to fields of blood they go;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Their gallant souls disdain to feel,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Whilst dealing death at Peterloo!</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">My muse the truth shall ne’er deny;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The good, the wise, the just, we know,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Think you deserve promotion high,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The iron case on Peterloo!</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">R.S.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The following verse appeared soon after on 20th October 1819, signed J.B., which is another clear demonstration of how some of the working-class were feeling at the time.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn338" name="_ftnref338" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[338]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Verses For The Boys Of Manchester.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Never remember the fifth of November,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Gunpowder treason and plot,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bloodshed and murder carried much further,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Will make Guy’s name forgot.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Blue bloodhounds worse than Guy,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In many a company,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">With big wigs?????</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">To cut up the people alive.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Unhappy the ???accursed the day,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">That saw these monsters go to their prey,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Arm’d cowards on the throng,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Charged with horse and sword along,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The laws we need not fear,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Doctor keeps all clear,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The swinish people’s blood,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Will form the choicest food;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Highest thanks will be our meed,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Then forward ‘urge the steed.’</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">As I was flying over the ground,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">I saw the devil with a blue bloodhound,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">He grinn’d and look’d like the other,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">You’d say he was his own twin brother.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">His brains were made of lead,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">No shame his heart had fear of,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">His valiant hand with a bloody sword,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cut an old woman’s ear off.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A twopenny loaf to feed such an oaf,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A nine tailed cat to hang him,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Exciseable Slop, ne shan’t have a drop.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">But a good strong drop to hang him.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hollo boys! Hollo boys! God save the king,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hollo boys, hollo boys! Let the bells ring.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">J. B.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Radical propaganda continued throughout 1819. On the 6th November, Allen Davenport a shoemaker poet published his Saint Ethelston’s Day. This verse mocked both the Reverend Ethelstone himself and his name for reading the Riot Act and the association of the church with the killings.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn339" name="_ftnref339" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[339]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Saint Ethelstone’s Day.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A Manchester Parson, to church and king staunch,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Much fam’d in the pulpit, but more on the bench,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Resolv’d to be sainted without more delay;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And, the SIXTEENTH OF AUGUST was fixed for</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The day.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">To contrive the best means, all his genius was bent,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">How to celebrate such an auspicious event,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">When he saw the Reformers, in marching array,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Move on to the field on SAINT ETHELSTONE’S</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">DAY.’’</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Then the oath of his office, inform’d him’ twas good,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">That the vest of a saint should be sprinkl’d with</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Blood;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">When his Counsellors whisper’d ‘Twill be the best</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Way,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Reformers to crush on SAINT</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">ETHELSTONE’S DAY.’’</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">He took the advice, and, to make all things sure,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Read the riot act o’er, on the step of his door;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">When the Yeomanry Butchers all gallop’d away,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">To do some great exploit on SAINT</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">ETHELSTONE’S DAY.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They hack’d off the breasts of the women, and then,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They cut off the ears and noses of men;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In every direction they slaughtered away,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">‘Till drunken with blood on SAINT</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">ETHELSTONE’S DAY.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">‘Cut away, my brave fellows, you see how they faint,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They are BLACKGUARD REFORMERS!’’</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Exclaimed the new saint:</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">‘Send them to the Devil, my lads, on your way,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And,no doubt, they’ll remember SAINT</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">ETHELSTONE’S DAY.’’ </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn340" name="_ftnref340" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[340]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">News of the Peterloo Massacre reached Shelly on 6th September 1819.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn341" name="_ftnref341" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[341]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Although Shelley was residing in Italy at the time this did not stop him from writing a ‘savage anti-government poem.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn342" name="_ftnref342" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[342]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The following extract appears in Howard Martin’s Britain in The Nineteen Century, (1996):</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Mask of Anarchy.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">As I lay asleep in Italy</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There came a voice from over the Sea,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And with great power it forth led me</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">To walk in visions of Poesy.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">I met murder on the way-</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">He had a mask like Castlereagh-</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Very smooth he looked, but grim;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Seven blood-hounds followed him:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">All were fat; and well they might</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Be in admirable plight,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">For one by one, and two by two,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">He tossed them human hearts to chew</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Which from his wide cloak he drew.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Next came Fraud, and he had on,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Like Eldon, an emined gown;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">His big tears, for he wept well,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Turned to mill-stones as the fell.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And the little children, who</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Round his feet played to and fro,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thinking every tear a gem,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Had her brains knocked out by them.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Clothes with the Bible, as with light,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And the shadows of the night,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Like Sidmouth, next Hypocris</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On a crocodile rode by.</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And many more Destructions played</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In this ghastly masquerade,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">All disguised, even to the eyes,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Like Bishops, lawyers, peers, or spies.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Last came Anarchy: he rode</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On a white horse, splashed with blood;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">He was pale even to the lips,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Like death in the Apocalypse.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And he wore a kingly crown;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And in his grasp a sceptre shone;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On his brow the mark I saw-</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">‘I am God, and King, and Law!’ </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn343" name="_ftnref343" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[343]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Samuel Bamford’s Lines to a Plotting Parson, which was originally written in 1820, and directed at the Reverend Hay, a member of the Select Committee of Magistrates at Peterloo is described by Walmsley in Peterloo: The Case-reopened, (1969), ‘one of the bitterest, most vituperative pieces of writing in all the Peterloo canon, because it was aimed at an individual.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn344" name="_ftnref344" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[344]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> It appeared in the collected edition of Bamford’s verse in 1864:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Lines To A Plotting Parson.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Come over the hills out of York Parson Hay</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thy living is goodly, thy mansion is gay,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thy flock will be scattered if longer thou stay,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Our Sheperd, our Vicar, the good Parson Hay.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And Meagher shall ever be close by thy side,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">With a brave troop of Yeomanry ready to ride;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">For the steed shall be saddled, the sword shall be bare,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And there shall be none the defenceless to spare.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Then the joys that thou felt upon St. Peter,s Field,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Each week or each month some new outrage shall yield,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And thy eye which is failing shall brighten again,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And pitiless gaze on the wounded and slain.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Then thy Prince too shall thank thee, and add to thy wealth,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thou shall preach down sedition and pray for his health;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And Sidmouth, and Canning, and sweet Castlereagh,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Shall write pleasant letters to dear Cousin Hay. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn345" name="_ftnref345" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[345]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">This last poem written 40 years after Peterloo, reflects the ideals of the Radical Elijah Ridings, softened by the passage of time. Written in 1860 he is more reflective and philosophical as well as indicating his hope for the future:</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Prefatory Lines. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In Eighteen Hundred and Nineteen I stood</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Upon the famous field of Peterloo,-</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Where, met to do their country good,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The million were, the harmless and the true,-</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Beside the banner, on which was inscribed</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Words breathing freedom for trade in corn;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Yeomanry, who had strong drink imbibed,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Dispersed the people with their banners torn :</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Many were killed, and others wounded sore;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> A Lancer officer became my friend,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Waving his sword o’er th’ path I might explore,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> And his assistance he did kindly lend.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Forty long years have travelled to the past,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The future brighter unto me beseems;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">True liberty shall be man’s lot at last,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Or I am troubled with deceiving dreams:</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Meanwhile, a simple poets humble pen</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">May speak to soldiers and to gentlemen;</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And, after many years of worldly strife,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">I now must thank a soldier for my life.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn346" name="_ftnref346" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[346]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">February 10, 1860. E. R.</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The writer Elijah Ridings was a radical poet in the post-Napoleonic era and a well known working-class poet of Manchester in early Victorian Britain. His volumes included The Village Muse and The Village Festival signed copies of his works are located at Chetham’s Library in Manchester. Ridings was in the crowd at Peterloo, and was saved by a regular officer in the army who called out to him, ‘Be quick young man ; this way,’ and pointing out to him with his sword, a way of escape.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn347" name="_ftnref347" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[347]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Angus-Butterworth in his Lancashire Literary Worthies, (1980), believes the list of writings by Ridings is impressive. His first publication was Poetical Works (1848), followed by The Village Festival, (1848), and two years later Pictures of Life, (1850). Although his own dialect writings were few, he later edited The Lancashire Muse, (1853). A more ambitious venture was made by Ridings with his The Village Muse, (1854), containing the ‘Complete Poetical Works of Elijah Ridings,’ which included a biographical sketch of him. This was followed by The Poets Dream, (1856); and The Volunteers, (1860), which he described as ‘A Ryme of Commerce and Liberty.’ After Ridings turned 60 he returned to his original work with Streams from an Old Fountain, (1863), which proved to be the last of his books. He died in Manchester on 18th October 1872 and was buried in Harpurhey Cemetery.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn348" name="_ftnref348" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[348]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Meeting at Peterloo</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Come lend an ear of pity while I my tale do tell,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It happened at Manchester a place that’s known right well,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">For to redress our wants and woes reformers took their way,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A lawful Meeting being called upon a certain day.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">So God bless Hunt, &C.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Sixteenth day of August Eighteen hundred and</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Nineteen.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There many thousand people on every road were seen,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">From Stockport, Oldham, Ashton & other places too,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It was the largest Meeting Reformers ever knew.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Brave Hunt was appointed that day to take the chair.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">At one o’clock he did arrive our shouts did rend the air,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Some females fair in white and Green near the hustings</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stood,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And little did we all expect to see such scenes of blood,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Scarcely had Hunt began to speak three cheers was all</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The cry,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">What to shout for we little knew but still we did comply,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">He saw the enemies surround be firm said he my friends</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">But little still we did expect what would be their ends</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Our enemies so cruel regardless of our woes,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">They did agree to force us from the Plain of Peterloo,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">But if that we had been prepared or any cause for fear</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The regulars might have cleared the ground, and they</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stood in the rear,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Then to the fatal ground they went, and thousands</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Tumbled down,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And many armless female lay bleeding on the ground</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">No time for flight was gave us still every road we fled.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">But heaps on heaps were trampled down some wounded</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">and some dead.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Brave Hunt was then arrested and several others too.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Then marched to the New Bailey, believe me it is true,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Numbers there was wounded and many there was slain,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Which makes the friends of those dear souls so loudly</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">To come plain. ?????</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">O God look down upon us for thou art just and true,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And those that can no mercy shew thy vengeance is</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">their due.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Now quit this hateful mournful scene look forward with</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">This hope,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">That every Murderer in this land may swing upon a rope,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">But soon reform shall spread around for sand the tide</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Won’t stay,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">May all the filth that in our land right soon be wash’d</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">away,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And may sweet harmony from hence in this our land</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Be found,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">May we be blest with plenty in all the country round. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn349" name="_ftnref349" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[349]</a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Meeting</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A New Song</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It was in the year one thousand,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Eight hundred and nineteen,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">All in the month of August,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Our Weaver lads was seen,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Each bush and tree was in full bloom,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And Ph??? Bright did shine,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">To be a glorious witness</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">For our weaver lads to joint.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Chorus.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Along with Hunt, &c.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">From Stockport town and Ashton,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The weaver lads came in,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Who all behav’d with honour bright,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Meeting to begin,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Upon the ground they all did meet</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Like heroes of renown,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Search all the mannor,d nation,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Our match cannot be found.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The weaver lads from Stockport,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Did all come flocking down,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">From Oldham and from Middleton,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And all the country round,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Come let us all rejoice and sing,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And hope for better days,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Through Lancashire and Cumberland,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">We’ll sing the weavers praise.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Then Sir C. Wolsely in Manchester,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Behav’d with honour bright.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Squire Hunt spoke with courage bold,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">When he appeared in sight,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">With respect unto our weaver lads,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">He never meant any ill.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And in bright shining pages,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">We’ll sing his praises still.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Now here’s health to Mr Hunt,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Long may he rule this soil,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And likewise all his gentlemen,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Long may the live and smile,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And let us not forget the day,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">That we held up our hands,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">We hope to flourish once again,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">All in our native land.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Now to conclude and end my song,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">I have little more to say,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">May our british Manufactures</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Flourish more every day,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And our trade shall flourish again,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Through all the British Isles,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Both Lancashire and Cumberland,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And Cheshire likewise.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A Peterloo ballad</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Innes, Printer, Manchester. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn350" name="_ftnref350" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[350]</a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Chapter Five</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The Historiography of Peterloo</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It is part of a Left-wing dogma that Peterloo was an act of class war perpetrated by Lord Liverpool’s government on the working class, that the 60,000 people peaceably assembled in St Peter’s Field on 16th August 1819 to listen to Hunt’s speech on reform were unprovokedly dispersed by drunken cavalry who savagely sabred several innocent people to death and wounded many others, all on the orders of the panic-stricken specially formed select committee of magistrates. It needed a Mancunian antiquarian bookseller of today, Mr. Robert Warmsley, to put the factual record straight 150 years after the event and after thirty years of patient and scrupulous research for his monumental book, Peterloo : The Case Re-opened. [Michael Kennedy] </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn351" name="_ftnref351" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[351]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Clear-headed assessments in the aftermath of Peterloo have been a long time coming. Although it became known as the Peterloo Massacre, the events in and around St. Peters Field on 16th August 1819 were regarded by both sides with a great deal of passion. At the time the Peterloo massacre divided English society as a whole, with petitions and mass meeting being organised for and against the position taken by the authorities.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn352" name="_ftnref352" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[352]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">This is why the historiography of Peterloo is of great importance as it reveals why common perceptions are prejudiced, based on the origin of the political opinion or sympathy of the writer. Shortly after Peterloo, Francis Philips, a cotton manufacturer and a prominent member of the Pitt Club and Tory party, published An Exposure of the Calumnies circulated by the Enemies of Social Order (1819), a two-penny pamphlet defending the local authorities for their actions at Peterloo.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn353" name="_ftnref353" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[353]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">When we examine the historiography we find that within two weeks ‘Peterloo’ had grown into a struggle between the loyalist authorities on the one hand and the reformers on the other. In the words of the radical Manchester Observer, Peterloo was ‘a day of paramount importance to the liberties of our country, as ‘Big with the fate of Freedom and of Albion.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn354" name="_ftnref354" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[354]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In contrast, the Reverend Hay thought that: ‘The meeting was looked upon, on both sides, as an experiment-a touchstone of the spirit of the Magistrates, and of courage of the mob.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn355" name="_ftnref355" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[355]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Opinions about the events of 16th August 1819 soon became polarized. Battle lines were drawn between sympathy for the defenceless reformers or empathy for the embattled loyalist Manchester magistrates charged with policing the day’s events. In the words of Philip Lawson: ‘on the one hand, there is the school of opinion that the reformers are little better than rabble, predictably receiving the fate meted out to them.’ and ‘on the other, the reformers have become elevated in the eyes of many observers to the rank of victims of a generic oppressive authority, valiantly pushing forward a cause that would lead to a brave new democratic world.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn356" name="_ftnref356" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[356]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> More recently Robert Poole writes ‘A conservative strain of history has downplayed Peterloo, which in some versions is relegated to the status of a ‘tragedy’ or even an ‘incident.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn357" name="_ftnref357" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[357]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Perhaps, at this point I must declare my own bias since my own interest in this historical topic was aroused during the course of my research into the family history of my maternal ancestors in particular, Elijah Ridings, who ‘As a youth took an active part in reform agitation and at the age of seventeen was present at what became to be known as Peterloo,’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn358" name="_ftnref358" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[358]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> and was later saved by an officer from the 15th Hussars at the meeting.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn359" name="_ftnref359" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[359]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Essential reading for the historian and perhaps the general reader must be Samuel Bamford’s Passages in the Life of a Radical. Naturally his evidence is not without bias considering the fact he was one of the crowd in St. Peters Fields and ridden down by the Yeomanry and Hussars-an action likely to induce bias in him as one of the victims of the day. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn360" name="_ftnref360" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[360]</a> <br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Generally described as a sober account is that of F.A. Bruton, who published his first study, The Story of Peterloo Manchester, (1919), followed by Three Accounts of Peterloo by Eyewitnesses, Bishop Stanley, Lord Hylton, Benjamin Smith, Manchester University Press, Manchester, (1921). Both works are considered as standard modern authorities. Bruton’s Short History of Manchester and Salford, (1924) contains a condensed account of his Story of Peterloo into a few pages.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">As early as 1922 G.M. Trevelyan published his article, ‘The Number of Casualties at Peterloo,’ in History, Volume, VII, (1922), in which he presented an incomplete list of the casualties of Peterloo, and urged that further research was required and that when this had been done, the total figures should be published. However, until recently Tevelyan’s recommendations fell on deaf ears.[see Appendix] </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn361" name="_ftnref361" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[361]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Archibald, Prentice, published his book, Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Manchester, (1851), recording what he had heard and seen on the day.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn362" name="_ftnref362" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[362]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Prentice watched the start of the meeting in St. Peters Fields, from the window of a friend’s house in Mosley Street. However, he left the area to travel home just before the attack by the yeomanry took place. On his way home he was passed by crowds of injured people who had fled from the meeting. After interviewing several of the crowd, he immediately wrote an account which he then dispatched to London. His article along with an account of John Taylor, a reporter for The Time,s ensured that events which had taken place at St. Peters Fields, appeared in a London newspaper within 48 hours.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The majority of the myths I have identified in the book, surrounding the events at Peterloo began with Donald Read, in his institutionalised, sober or otherwise Tory account, Peterloo,The Massacre and its Background, (1957), Read, identifies Peterloo as a massacre, albeit of a peculiarly English kind .</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn363" name="_ftnref363" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[363]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read writes in the Preface to his book:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The successful designation of Peterloo as a ‘massacre’ represents another piece of successful [working-class or radical] propaganda. Perhaps only in peace- loving England could a death-roll of only eleven persons have been so described</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn364" name="_ftnref364" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[364]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Read also believes that the whole affair was the result of panic and a serious lack of foresight on part of the Manchester magistrates rather from central government direction or premeditation.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn365" name="_ftnref365" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[365]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Donald Read manages to write a whole book about Peterloo without including any eyewitness accounts whatsoever.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Edward Palmer Thompson published his now famous book, The Making of The English Working Class, (1963), which devoted only part of a chapter to Peterloo was critical of Read’s book.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The 150th anniversary of the Peterloo Massacre at St. Peters Fields, 1819, witnessed the appearance of three new publications. The first publication by Harry Horton, Portfolio of Contemporary Documents, Manchester Libraries Committee, (1969), perhaps needs no further explanation.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The second was Joyce Marlow’s, The Peterloo Massacre, (1969). Joyce Marlow’s, book is not without bias considering she is of maternal descent from John Lees who died from wounds inflicted by the yeomanry at St. Peters Fields. As the blurb on her book says, this is ‘the first book for the general reader,’ </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn366" name="_ftnref366" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[366]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The third was Robert Warmsley’s book, Peterloo: The Case Re-opened, (1969). Robert Warmsley’s right wing interpretation began when he first had his interest aroused during the course of his research into the family history of the Hulton’s of Hulton, (1787-1864). the chairman of the Select Committee of Magistrates, who overlooked the field of Peterloo, and who not only gave the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry the fatal order to advance into the crowd brandishing their sabres, but also ordered the 15th Hussars to join in the attack and clear the field.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn367" name="_ftnref367" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[367]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The dust cover of Warmsley’s diplays a sketch of Hulton himself in all his splender and the blurb tells us this is ‘the fruit of half a lifetimes research.’ However, this book is not an interpretive account of Peterloo within the framework of its political, social, economic, or local background. Warmsley chooses not say anything about the government of Manchester in 1819, or to explain the character, role, or reputation of the main people involved like Henry Hunt or Joseph Nadin before they emerge on the stage in 1819. Although we are told some interesting things such as Hulton’s mother’s horse ‘Church and King’ won the Kersal Moor races in 1749; and we are given a most revealing view of Hulton himself, addressing the anniversary dinner of the Manchester Pitt Club two years before Peterloo, proposing a toast to ‘The Pride of Britain and the Admiration of the World-Our Glorious Constitution.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn368" name="_ftnref368" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[368]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">From the outset Warmsley asserts that both Samuel Bamford and Archibald Prentice, ‘continued to pass on their own version…as wilful deceivers of posterity,’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn369" name="_ftnref369" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[369]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> although Warmsley provides no new evidence whatsoever to support his contention.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Supprisingly, Warmsley’s book received some complimentary press, when a book reviewer from the Daily Telegraph in 1969, declared that Warmsley’s ‘massive research challenges the accepted version,’ his book ‘leaves no fact unchallenged and uncorroborated, no document unread in full, no source unchecked,’ and that it ‘utterly discredits the accounts in Prentice and Bamford.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn370" name="_ftnref370" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[370]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In marked contrast on 11th December 1969, an anonymous review of Robert Warmsley’s book appeared in The Times Literary Supplement, which was later discovered to be written by E.P. Thompson. This review was later re-published in a series of essays by Thompson in Making History: Writings on History and Culture, New York Press, New York, (1994). In this publication Thompson who argues that:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Warmsley is mainly interested, in the events of the day of Peterloo, and evenly more closely in the events of one half-hour of that day-between 1.15 and 1.45 p.m. and ‘Yet the fact is that Mr Warmsley has no new facts to adduce about this half-hour at all.’ Because the main thrust of Mr. Warmsley’s argument is that, ‘What happened on the day was unintentional, and the crowd (or part of it) was the first aggressor.’</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">And there is simply no evidence of that. Thompson also stresses the fact that:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Mr. Warmsley became convinced, not only that William Hulton had been unfairly treated by historians, but that he and his fellow magistrates were victims of nothing less than a Radical conspiracy to falsify the events of the day-a conspiracy fostered by Hunt, Bamford and Richard Carlile, and furthered by Archibald Prentice, (author of Historical Sketches of Manchester), and John Edward Taylor, of the Manchester Guardian, and in which John Tyas, the correspondent of the Times who witnessed the events from the hustings, the Rev. Edward Stanley, and dozens of others who were witting or unwitting accessories-a conspiracy so compelling that even Donald Read, in his sober and by no means radical study of Peterloo (1957), failed to detect it. </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn371" name="_ftnref371" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[371]</a><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It seems that Warmsley is prepared to go to any lengths to defend or rescue, William Hulton from the ‘calumnies of both contemporaries and historians.’ After repetitiously quoting reams of documents in full, and leading the reader up as many blind alleys as possible and certainly not proving his case, with new evidence, Warmsley concludes:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">All the actors in that tragedy were victims. The radicals on the platform, the militants in the crowd, the peaceable in the crowd, the Yeomanry, the constables, the magistrates in their room, the captives in the New Bailey, were each and severally as much the victims of the tragic chain of circumstances as the dead special constable lying in the Bull’s Head, the wounded in the infirmary, and Mrs Partington, crushed to death, lying at the bottom of the cellar steps.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn372" name="_ftnref372" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[372]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Soon afterwards, Donald Read wrote his contrasting review of ‘Peterloo: The Case Re-opened, by Robert Warmsley,’ in History, Volume, 55, (1970), in which he says:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It was probably inevitable that a right wing reassessment of the responsibility for the Peterloo Massacre, would follow the emotional left wing interpretation offered by E.P. Thompson in The Making of the English Working Class.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn373" name="_ftnref373" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[373]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Read further points out that both Warmsley and Thompson are dissatisfied with his distribution of responsibility for the massacre in his Peterloo: the Massacre and its Background, (1957), although they differ from him for contrasting reasons. Read then reminds the reader that in his book he argued:</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The evidence of the Home Office papers was used to show how Lord Sidmouth, the Home Secretary, had advised the Manchester magistrates to act with very great circumspection at the meeting, to collect evidence of any seditious intention, but not to intervene unless violence broke out.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn374" name="_ftnref374" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[374]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Read stresses that Thompson rejected Read’s interpretation arguing that ‘Sidmouth was anxious for a violent showdown with the Radicals, and that the absence of evidence for this in the Home Office papers was proof only of Establishment cunning in fixing the record.’ Read continues; Nevertheless extreme left-wing and extreme right-wing observers of early Radicalism seem to share a propensity to be deeply impressed by the lack of evidence.’</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Further Read argues, ‘However, Warmsley dismisses Thompson’s argument and agrees with Read that, ‘the Home Secretary and his assistants were not responsible for the massacre.’ And ‘Warmsley is agitated because this inevitably lays responsibility for the tragedy exclusively upon the magistrates, and especially upon the chairman at Peterloo, William Hulton.’ Moreover, Read says, ‘Warmsley’s explicit chief intention is to defend Hulton from what he regards as the calumnies of both contemporaries and historians.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn375" name="_ftnref375" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[375]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">This was followed by Michael Kennedy’s Portrait of Manchester, (The Portrait Series), London, (1970), is also impressed with Warmsley’s book :</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It is part of a Left-wing dogma that Peterloo was an act of class war perpetrated by Lord Liverpool’s government on the working class, that the 60,000 people peaceably assembled in St Peter’s Field on 16th August 1819 to listen to Hunt’s speech on reform were unprovokedly dispersed by drunken cavalry who savagely sabred several innocent people to death and wounded many others, all on the orders of the panic-stricken specially formed select committee of magistrates. It needed a Mancunian antiquarian bookseller of today, Mr. Robert Warmsley, to put the factual record straight 150 years after the event and after thirty years of patient and scrupulous research for his monumental book, Peterloo : The Case Re-opened. [Michael Kennedy] </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn376" name="_ftnref376" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[376]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">On the one hand there is no doubt that the name Peterloo, or the Peterloo Massacre, became a powerful and emotive symbol for generations in the shaping of political opinion, and in particular, the radical and working-class movement.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn377" name="_ftnref377" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[377]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> On the other hand the evidence clearly suggests that in fact Robert Warmsley does not put the factual record straight and Michael Kennedy’s summary describes exactly what happened at Peterloo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> All writers of course, have their bias. In the words of James Anthony Froude, ‘Not evidence but sympathy or inclination determines the historical beliefs of most of us.’ and ‘the most certain facts can remain doubtful if they are firmly and repeatedly denied.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn378" name="_ftnref378" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[378]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> There is no doubt that Froude’s phrase is a perfect description of the above assertion made by Michael Kennedy in Portrait of Manchester, (1970), and to Robert Warmsley’s Peterloo: The Case Re-opened, (1969) which is an apologist account on behalf of William Hulton the Chairman of the Select Committee of Magistrates at Peterloo. </span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Chapter Six </span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Concluding Peterloo</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Throughout this book I have used the relevant historiography, and selected contemporary sources, much of it contained in the conflicting explanations and assessments to illustrate the diversity of opinion about Peterloo or the Peterloo Massacre, and to suggest that many of the myths associated with this event are of questionable historical validity or, that at least there are other more plausible well documented interpretations and eyewitness accounts that warrant equal consideration.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The myths that have developed surrounding Peterloo cannot be fully understood in isolation but must be placed in a wider context of the period. A major contributory factor is the critical years between 1790 and 1819. In Chapter One I attempted to put the events leading up to Peterloo in historical context and explain the social, political, economic, climate of the time and identify the various people involved.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Briefly, in 1815, the ruling classes in Britain believed that only they were fit to rule and that their interests were those of society as a whole. Consequently, when Britain was trapped in the economic crisis after 1815, the aristocratic rulers of Britain were more concerned with protecting their own property and repressing all threats to their position. It is clear the Government and the ruling classes still believed in the possibility of a popular revolution in line with the savage French revolution that had taken place twenty years earlier. Their official reaction was to repress all agitation rather than to attempt to deal with the causes of it. The demands of the working-classes and their discontent, was only a ‘warning of horror to come.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn379" name="_ftnref379" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[379]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The background to Peterloo lay in the social and political discontent that fuelled the creation of the Radical Reform Movement in Britain during the late 18th and 19th centuries. With the ending of the Napoleonic War in 1815, when Napoleon was defeated at the Battle of Waterloo, 300,000 soldiers and sailors were disbanded and returned home. This along with unprecedented population growth, high food prices created by the Corn Laws, along with mass unemployment, social and political unrest became widespread. The existing out dated system of parliamentary representation meant that many of the urban centres that had grown rapidly in the Industrial Revolution, like Manchester and the surrounding towns, had no Member of Parliament to look after their interests.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In March 1819, the leaders of the Hampden Clubs including James Wroe, Joseph Johnson and John Knight founded the Patriotic Union Society. Their main purpose was to bring about parliamentary reform. Joseph Johnson was appointed secretary and James Wroe the treasurer.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn380" name="_ftnref380" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[380]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> In the summer of 1819 they invited Orator Henry Hunt, Major Cartwright and Richard Carlile to address a public meeting in Manchester. Unfortunately Cartwright was unable to attend but Hunt and Carlile accepted the invitation and it was decided to hold a mass meeting on 16th August 1819 at St Peters Field.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn381" name="_ftnref381" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[381]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It was against this background that the mood was set for the August meeting which was the culmination of a series of political meetings and rallies held in Manchester and its surrounding districts in 1819, a year of industrial depression and high food prices. It was fully intended that a mass meeting would be a great peaceful demonstration of discontent and its political purpose was to put pressure on the central government, to bring about parliamentary reform.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn382" name="_ftnref382" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[382]</a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn383" name="_ftnref383" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[383]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A massive crowd attended this reform meeting, including a high proportion of women and children. None of them was armed and their conduct was peaceable. The Select Committee of Magistrates were obviously nervous before the event and alarmed at the size and mood of the crowd so they ordered the Manchester Yeomanry to arrest the speakers on the Hustings immediately after the meeting began. The unrestrained Manchester Yeomanry did not then confine them selves to seizing the speakers, but instead, wielding their sabres, made a deliberate and general attack on the crowd. William Hulton, the Chairman of the Select Committee of Magistrates, then ordered the 15th Hussars and the Cheshire Yeomanry to assist them. Reports indicate that within the space of 10 minutes St Peters Field was cleared except for the bodies of the dead and injured.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">There can be no doubt that the condemnation of William Hulton and the Special Select Committee of Magistrates is justified. Nobody can deny what the mass meeting was all about. The radical protesters were carrying banners demanding- ‘Universal Suffrage,’ ‘No Boroughmongering,’and ‘No Corn Laws.’ In the words of Donald Read, ‘Hulton and the Regency Tories refused the masses their political rights, and also expected many of them to acquiesce in near starvation caused by the deep post-war economic depression.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn384" name="_ftnref384" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[384]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The popular belief that developed that most of the injuries were caused by the fleeing crowd is simply a myth. Evidence which was presented in Chapter Two has shown that most of the injuries were caused by the use of sabres and truncheons and the use of cavalry rather than by the crowd itself. The belief that the 15th Hussars only used the flats of their swords is equally fanciful. Evidence has demonstrated that although the Hussars showed more restraint than the Yeomanry, with the majority using the flats of their swords to disperse the crowd, a small number used the cutting edges which inflicted serious wounds. In the same way the belief that only 11 people were killed and 400 injured has been disproved by recent research that has established that there were ‘at least 654 casualties, 18 of whom died of their injuries.’ </span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn385" name="_ftnref385" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[385]</a><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn386" name="_ftnref386" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[386]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">It is demonstrated in Chapter Three that clear-headed assessments in the aftermath of Peterloo were a long time coming. Although it became known as the Peterloo Massacre, the events in and around St. Peters Field on 16th August 1819 were regarded by both sides with a great deal of passion. The reformers were regarded with fear and suspicion by the establishment, and treated accordingly. This treatment resulted in further agitation which in turn led to increased repressive government reaction.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The brutal dispersal by armed cavalry of the peaceful radical meeting held on St Peters Fields on 16th August 1819 which became known as the ‘Peterloo Massacre,’ attests to the profound fears of the privileged classes of the imminence of a violent revolution in England in the years following the Napoleonic Wars. To the radicals and reformers this event came to symbolize Regency Tory callousness and tyranny.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Apart from the indignation that came from both sides after Peterloo, that is, the righteous anger of those who were attacked as well as those who were ordered to attack, there is evidence of what might be regarded as the more emotional responses from both sides in the poetry produced and circulated afterwards. The efforts of the Loyalists were jingoistic and triumphant, those of the Radicals closer to the tragedy. In chapter Four a selection of both Radical and Loyalist verse was presented.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The historiography of Peterloo is of great importance as it reveals why common perceptions are prejudiced, based on the origin of the political opinion, sympathy, or inclination, of the writer. The historiography of Peterloo is examined in Chapter Five. It was discovered that within a few days, ‘Peterloo’ had developed into a struggle between the loyalist authorities on the one hand and the reformers on the other.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn387" name="_ftnref387" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[387]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> To a large extent this struggle has continued until the present day. The other problem is of course, that most historians have not based their research on original, primary sources. Instead, the history of Peterloo has been largely based on the assumptions of previous writers, and their analysis of the facts taken from secondary works. As far as possible I have used primary source material and eyewitness accounts to write this book, allowing them to speak for themselves, whilst at the same time challenging many of the myths developed in the historiography of Peterloo.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">To summarise: Hunt and the other radical reform leaders arrested at the meeting were later tried and convicted, and Hunt served two years in prison. The Peterloo Massacre was a result of overreaction by the Select Committee of Magistrates at what otherwise is more likely to have been a peaceful rally. The evidence suggests this did not represent a concerted use of military force by the central government to quell widespread discontent. The whole affair was an embarrassment to the Tory government under Lord Liverpool, which had no choice but to endorse the Manchester Magistrates’ actions, but which otherwise tried to distance itself from the terrible effects of imposing law and order in this way. Peterloo nevertheless quickly became a byword for the popular perception of a high-handed tyrannical Tory. The aftermath of the Peterloo Massacre also aided the cause of the reforms eventually realized in the Reform Act of 1832.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">In conclusion on 16th August 1819 after a massive crowd had gathered in St Peters Field peacefully and carrying no weapons to put pressure on the government to bring about parliamentary reform. Yet in spite of these factors and, on the orders of the Select Committee of Magistrates were ‘attacked by soldiers with sabres and bayonets, and by police with truncheons and staves. The outcome was at least 654 casualties, eighteen of whom died of their injuries.’</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn388" name="_ftnref388" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[388]</a><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">This latest historical research has revealed that there is no doubt that these injuries were inflicted by the authorities quite deliberately. The fact that the military and police attacked an unarmed crowd of civilians, including women and children, both in St Peters Field and in the streets surrounding it, goes to show that their real intention was to teach these people a terrifying and unforgettable lesson.</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Appendix</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Obituary Notice, Manchester Guardian 19th October, 1872</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Death of Elijah Ridings-This poet and politician in humble life breathed his last yesterday in one of our public institutions, where he was carried a little over a month ago suffering from an injury to his thigh caused by a fall in the street. The chief incidents of his not uneventful life are worth recording. Elijah Ridings was born on the 27th November 1802, at Failsworth, and was consequently in his 70th year at his death. His parents were silk weavers with a family of fifteen children, of whom Elijah was the tenth. He was unable to walk until he was three years old, in consequence of disability of the lower part of the vertebral column. He was removed from school at an early age in order that he might wind bobbins for his brothers and sisters who were employed upon silk looms. Subsequently his family moved to Newton Heath, and he became a teacher in the Sunday school attached to St George’s Church, Oldham Road. At a later period he joined the Unitarian Chapel, Dob Lane, Failsworth. He still worked at the loom, but in his leisure read such books as came within reach, more particularly history and travels. In the year 1819, being then 17 years of age, he was appointed leader of a section of parliamentary reformers at Newton Heath and Miles Platting on the memorable march to Peterloo; and he narrowly escaped being trampled by the yeomanry horses at the famous meeting on the 16th August in that year. In 1826 he wrote a poem entitled ‘The Swan,’ which was published in London, in ‘Arliss’s Pocket Magazine.’ In conjunction with a Mr. John Harper, Ridings originated the Miles Platting Zetitic Society, from which sprung the Miles Platting Mechanics Institution. In 1829 he became the agent of Messrs Pigot and Company, and assisted in the compilation of the National Commercial Directory. Afterwards he assisted in compiling the Liverpool and Birmingham Directories; but, his health failing him, he returned home, where he published a small collection of poems entitled ‘The Village Muse.’ Some of the poems were in the Lancashire dialect and of a humorous nature and they became popular. The great petition which was sent from Manchester praying that the Reform Bill might pass into law was drawn up under the management of Mr R. Potter, M.P.; Mr. G. Gill and Elijah Ridings, and the latter was employed to superintend the progress of the petition. To him, also and his relatives and friends is mainly attributed the inclusion of the township of Newton Heath within the borough of Manchester. Later he became a lecturer in English literature, and had also delivered addresses in favour of the repeal of the corn laws. He started a day school in Lamb Lane, Collyhurst, but in 1832 a visitation of cholera left him with only ten scholars and the school was closed. In May of that year he married, and took a public house in Butler Street, Manchester, the Falstaff and Bardolph. He kept this house for three years, but the failure of an adjacent chemical works on which he had mainly depended, obliged him to give it up; and he then entered into the book trade, in which he continued till within a short time of the date of the accident which resulted in his death. He had considerable taste and judgement as to rare and curious books, and frequently picked up good things at sales. His shop was in Lower King Street. His poetical works were first published in a small book of 80 pages in 1840. In the year of the first exhibition in Hyde Park he wrote an ode ‘The Isles of Britain.’ ‘The Village Muse’ mentioned above, contained all the authors writings up to the year in which the work was published, about 1653, and passed through several editions. Since then he has also written ‘The Volunteer,’ a rhyme prompted by the citizen soldier movement of twelve years ago; and ‘Streams from an Old Fountain,’ which saw the light in 1863.</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftn389" name="_ftnref389" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[389]</a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bibliography</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Unpublished Sources</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Chetham’s Library, Manchester</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Association for the Preservation of Constitutional Order against Levellers and Republicans, constitution and minutes of committee, (1792-99)</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hay, Revd W.R., Commonplace Book; and Hay Scrapbooks (uncatalogued)</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Pitt Club, Manchester, papers 1812-31</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Central Library</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Biographical References: obituaries, press cuttings, letters, pamphlets, card indexes, Local History Department.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Contempary Books and Pamphlets</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Memoirs of Henry Hunt, London, (1820)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hunt, Henry, Letters to Radical Reformers, London, (1822-1823)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Philips, Francis, Exposure of the Calumnies Circulated by the Enemies of Social Order and reiterated by their abettors Against the Magistrates and Yeomanry Cavalry of Manchester and Salford, London, (1819)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Taylor, John Edward, Notes and Observations. Critical and Explanatory, on the Papers Relative to the Internal State of the Country recently presented in Parliament; To which is intended a Reply to Mr Francis Philip’s Exposure, London, (1820)</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Secondary Sources</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Angus-Butterworth, L.M., Lancashire Literary Works, Henderson and Sons Ltd, St. Andrews, (1980)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Alderman, Geoffrey, Modern Britain 1700-1983, Groom Helm Ltd, Beckenham, (1986)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Arrowsmith, Peter, Stockport A History, Stockport Metropolitan Borough Council, (1997)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ayerest, David, Guardian, Bibliography of a Newspaper, Collins, London, (1971)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Axon, William, E.A., (eds), Annals Of Manchester, A Crhonological Record From The Earliest Times To The End Of 1885, John Heywood, (1886)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bamford, S., Passages in the Life of a Radical, Manchester, (1841)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bamford, S., Passages in the Life of a Radical, Manchester, (1844)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Belcham, John., Industrialization and the Working Class:The English Experience, 1750-1900, Scolar Press, Aldershot, (1991)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Briggs, Asa., Victorian Cities, Pelican Books, Harmondsworth, (1971)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Briggs, Asa., The Age of Improvement 1783-1867, Longman, London, (1979)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bee, Malcolm, Industrial Revolution and Social Reform in the Manchester Region, (Second edition), Neil Richardson, Manchester, (1997)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Brindley, W.H., (eds), The Soul of Manchester, Manchester University Press, Manchester, (1929)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Brooks, Ann and Brian Haworth, Boomtown Manchester 1800-1850, The Portico Library, Manchester, (1993)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bruton, F.A., The Story of Peterloo, Manchester University Press, Manchester, (1919)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bruton, F.A., Three Accounts of Peterloo by Eyewitnesses, Bishop Stanley, Lord</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hylton, Benjamin Smith, Manchester University Press, Manchester, (1921)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bruton, F.A., Short History of Manchester and Salford, Sherratt & Hughes, Manchester, (1924)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Clark, J.C.D., English Society 1688-1832, Cambridge University Press, (1985)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Crosby, Alan, A History of Lancashire, Phillimore & Co. Ltd, (1998)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Darvall, F.O., Popular Disturbance and Public Order in Regency England, Oxford University Press, (1926)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">David, Saul, Prince of Pleasure, The Prince of Wales and the Making of the Regency, Atlantic Monthly Press, New York, (1998)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Derry, T.K., and Jarman, T.L., Modern Britain, Life and Work through Two Centuries of Change, John Murry Publishers Ltd, London, (1979)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Davis, H.W.C., Lancashire Reformers 1816-1817, Manchester University Press, (1926)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Dinwiddy, J.R., From Luddism to the First Reform Bill:Reform in England 1810-1832, Basil Blackwell Ltd, Oxford, (1986)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Edwards, Michael M., The Growth of the British cotton trade 1780-1815, Manchester University Press, Manchester, (1967)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Evans Lloyd, and Pledger Philip, J., Triumph and Tribulation, A Political and Social History of Britain Since 1815, Cheshire Publishing Pty Ltd, Melbourne, (1972)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Fisher, H. A. L., A History of Europe Volume II: From the Early 18th Century to 1935, Volume II, Fontana/Collins, Glasgow, (1979)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Frangopulo, N.J., Tradition in Action The Historical Evolution of the Greater Manchester County, E.P. Publishing, Wakefield, (1977)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Gash, Norman, Aristocracy and People, Britain 1815-1865, Edward Arnold Publishers Ltd, London, (1979)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Gooderson, P. J., A History of Lancashire, B. T. Batsford, London, (1980)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Gregg, Pauline, A Social and Economic History of Britain 1760-1972, Harrap, London, (1973)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hewitt, Eric, J., A History of Policing in Manchester, E. J. Morten Publishers, Manchester, (1979)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hewitt Martin, and Poole, Robert, (eds.), The Diaries of Samuel Bamford, Sutton Publishing Ltd, Stroud, (2000)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hinde, Wendy, Castlereagh, Collins, London, (1981)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hindle, G.B., Provision for The Relief of The Poor in Manchester 1754-1826, Manchester University Press, (1975)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hone, W., The Political House that Jack Built. London, (1819)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Horrocks, Paul, (ed.), The Making of Manchester, Manchester Evening News Ltd, Manchester, (1999)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Horton, Harry, Peterloo, 1819: A Portfolio of Contemporary Documents, Manchester Libraries Committee, (1969)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Jackson, Thomas Alfred, Trials of British Freedom, Lawrence and Wishart, London, (1940)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Kennedy, Michael, Portrait of Manchester, (The Portrait Series), Robert Hale & Co., London, (1970)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Konstam, Angus, Historical Atlas of The Napoleonic Era, Mercury Books, London, (2003)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Kidd, Alan, Manchester, (Third edition), Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, (2002)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Leighton, Margaret, E., Peterloo Monday, 16th August 1819: A Bibliography, Manchester Libraries Committee, Manchester, (1969)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Marlow, Joyce, The Peterloo Massacre, Rapp and Whiting, London, (1970)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Marshall, Dorothy, Industrial England 1776-1851, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, (1982)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Martin, Howard, Britain in The Nineteenth Century, Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd. Cheltenham. (1996)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">McKeiver, Philip, G., A New History of Cromwell’s Irish Campaign, Advance Press, Manchester, (2007)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Messinger, Gary, S., Manchester in the Victorian Age, Manchester University Press, Manchester, (1985)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Pellew, George, The Life and Correspondence of H. Addington, Viscount Sidmouth, London, (1847)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Perkin, Harold, The Origins of Modern English Society 1780-1880, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, (1976)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Pimlott, Joe, The Life & Times of Sam Bamford, Neil Richarson, Manchester, (1991)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Plumb, J. H., England In The Eighteenth Century 1714-1815, Penguin Books Ltd, Harmondsworth, (1965)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Prentice, Archibald, Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Manchester, Charles Gilpin, Manchester, (1851)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Priestly, J. B., The Prince of Pleasure and his Regency 1811-20, Heineman, London, (1969)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Read, Donald, Peterloo: The ‘Massacre’ and its Background, Manchester University Press, Manchester, (1958)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Read, Donald, The English Provinces c.1760-1960a study in influence, Edward Arnold (Publishers) Ltd, London, (1964)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Redford, Arthur, The History of Local Government in Manchester, Longmans Green and Co. London, (1940)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Reid, Robert, The Peterloo Massacre, Heineman, London, (1989)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ridings, Elijah., Streams From An Old Fountain, John Heywood, Manchester, (1863)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ridings, Elijah, The Volunteers: or An Englishman’s Domestic View of His Political Position, (1860)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ridings, Elijah, The wanderers, or The Wailings of The Outcasts, John Heywood, Manchester, (1856)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ridings, Elijah, The Village Muse, Containing The Complete Works of Elijah</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ridings, (Third edition), Thomas Stubbs, Macclesfield, (1854)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ridings, Elijah, The Village Festival, (1848)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Smelser, Neil, J., Social Change In The Industrial Revolution, An Application of Theory to the Lancashire Cotton Industry 1770-1840, Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd, London., (1972)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Scharma, Simon, Britain The Fate of Empire 1776-2000, BBC Worldwide Ltd, London, (2000)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Speck, W.A., A Concise History of Britain 1707-1975, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, (1995)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stamp, A.H., A Social and Economic History of England From 1700 to 1970,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Research Publishing Co, London, (1979)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stamp, A.H., A Social and Economic History of England From 1700 to 1970,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Research Publishing Co, London, (1979)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stevenson, J., Popular Disturbances in England 1700-1870, Longman, London, (1992)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Strong, Roy, Sir, The Story of Britain, Fromm International Publishing Corporation, New York, (1997)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Swindles, T., Manchester Streets and Manchester Men, Fifth Series, J.E. Cornish Ltd, Manchester, (1908)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Taylor John Edward, Notes and Observations, Critical and Explanatory on the Papers Relative to the Internal State of the Country, (1820)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Trevelyan, George Macaulay, British History in the Nineteenth Century and After (1782-1919), Longmans Green and Co., London, (1922)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thompson, E.P., The Making of the English Working Class, Gollancz, London, (1963)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thompson, E.P., Making History: Writings on History and Culture, The New York Press, New York, (1994)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Turner, Michael, J., British politics in age of reform, Manchester University Press, Manchester, (1999)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Turner, Michael, J., Reform and Respectability: The Making of Middle-Class Liberalism in early nineteenth-century Manchester, Carnegie Publishing Ltd, Preston, (1995)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Walton, John, K., Lancashire a Social History, 1538-1939, Manchester University Press, (1987)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Waghorn, Tom, ‘Killing Field,’ in Horrocks, Paul, (ed.), The Making of Manchester, Manchester Evening News Ltd, Manchester, (1999)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Warmsley, Robert, Peterloo : The Case Re-Opened, Manchester University Press, Manchester, (1969)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wickwar, William Hardy, The struggle for freedom of the press, 1819-1832, George Allan and Unwin Ltd., (1928)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Williams, Glyn, and Ramsden, John, Ruling Britania A Political History of Britain 1688-1988, Longman, London, (1990)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">White, Reginald James., Waterloo to Peterloo, Penguin Books, London, (1957)</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Journal Articles</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Clayson, Jim, ‘The Poetry of Peterloo,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), pp. 31-38.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Communist Party of Great Britain, Peterloo-the story of the terrible massacre of the Lancashire workers at St. Peter’s Fields, Manchester, on August 16th, 1819, and the lessons of Peterloo. Communist Party of Great Britain, London, (1928)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bee, Malcolm and Walter Bee, ‘The Casualties of Peterloo,’ Manchester Regional History Review, iii, (1989), pp. 43-50.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Belcham, John, ‘Henry Hunt and the evolution of the mass platform,’ English Historical Review, xciii, (1978), pp. 766-7.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Belcham, John., ‘Manchester, Peterloo and The Radical Challenge,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), pp. 9-14.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bush, Michael, ‘Richard Carlile and the Female Reformers of Manchester,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. xvi, (1989), pp. 2-12.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bush, M.L., ‘The Women at Peterloo : the Impact of Female Reform on the Manchester Meeting of 16 August 1819,’ History, 89, (2004), pp. 209-32.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">De Motte, Margaret., ‘ Peterloo Revisited,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), pp. 76-81.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Donald, Diana., ‘The Power of Print : Graphic Images of Peterloo,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), pp. 21-30.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hall, Catherine, ‘The Great Reform Act,’ BBC History, Vol. 8, No. 8, August, (2007), pp. 50-53.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Kirk, Neville, ‘Commonsense, Commitment And Objectivity : Themes In The Recent Historiography of Peterloo,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), pp. 61-66.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Read, Donald, Review of ‘Peterloo: The Case Reopened, by Robert Walmsley,’ History, Vol. 55, (1970), pp. 138-40.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thompson, E.P., ‘ Thompson on Peterloo,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii,(1989), pp. 67-75.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Lawson, Philip, ‘Reassessing Peterloo,’ History Today, Vol. March, (1988), pp. 24-29.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Marlow, Joyce., ‘The Day of Peterloo,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), pp. 3-7.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Poole, Robert, ‘The March To Peterloo: Politics And Festivity In Late Georgian England,’ Past and Present, No. 192. August, (2006)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Poole, Robert, ‘By the Law or the Sword: Peterloo Revisited,’ History, xci. (2006)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sellers, Ian, ‘Prelude To Peterloo : Warrington Radicalism, 1775-1819,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), pp. 15-20.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sheffield, Gary, ‘Wellington’s Mastery,’ BBC History, Vol. 8, No. 7, July (2007), pp. 14-19.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Tomlinson, V.I., ‘Postscript To Peterloo,’ Manchester Regional History Review,’ Vol. iii, (1989), pp. 51-60.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Trevelyan, G.M., ‘The number of Casualties at Peterloo,’ History, V11, (1922)</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wilson, Derek, ‘The Worst Year in British History,’ BBC History, Vol. 9, No. 2 February (2008), pp. 23-28.</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Newspapers </span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Chronicle 19 June 1817</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Star 17th August 1819</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Observer 17th August 1819</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Guardian 18 August 1819</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Observer 21st August 1819</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Times 24 August 1819</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Manchester Guardian 21st August 1819</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Times 24th August 1819</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Times 3 September 1819</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Observer 22 January 1820</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Manchester Guardian 19th October 1872</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Times Literary Supplement 11th December 1969</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Guardian 27th November 2007</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Evening News 19th March 2008</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Select Bibliography</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Essential reading for the historian must be Samuel Bamford’s Passages in the</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Life of a Radical (1841), followed by F.A. Bruton’s The Story of Peterloo,Manchester, (1919), appearing in the year of the centenary of Peterloo, followed by his Three Accounts of Peterloo, by Eyewitnesses, Bishop Stanley, Lord Hylton, Benjamin Smith, Manchester, (1921) Both works are considered as</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">standard modern authorities. Bruton’s Short History of Manchester and Salford, (1924), contains an account of his Story of Peterloo condensed into a few pages. As early as 1922 G.M. Trevelyan published his article, ‘The Number of Casualties at Peterloo,’ in History, Volume, VII, (1922), in which he presents an incomplete list of the casualties of Peterloo, and urges further research on the subject. Essential reading also is Archibald Prentice’s Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Manchester,(1851), which records what he heard and saw on the day. Donald Read’s, study Peterloo: The Massacre and its Background, (1957), is a more detailed study of the background to Peterloo and is more exhaustive than any published previously, but does not contain eyewitness accounts. The 150th anniversary of the Peterloo Massacre at St. Peters Fields, 1819, witnessed the appearance of three new publications. The first by Harry Horton, Portfolio of Contemporary Documents, Manchester Libraries Committee, (1969), is a well presented folder of plans, prints, and broad-sheets. The second was Joyce Marlow’s, The Peterloo Massacre, (1969) called by the publisher ‘the first book for the general reader.’ The third, right wing, interpretation was Robert Warmsley’s book, Peterloo: The Case Re-opened, Manchester, (1969). Soon afterwards Donald Read’s Review of ‘Peterloo: The Case-Reopened, by Robert Walmsley,’ appeared in History, Vol. 55, (1970). The 170th anniversary of Peterloo witnessed the appearance of Robert Reid’s popular account, The Peterloo Massacre, London, (1989), followed by a collection of essays published in the Manchester Regional History Review, Volume, III, (1989), containing essays by Jim Clayson, on The Poetry of Peterloo, John Belcham, Manchester, Peterloo and The Radical Challenge; Margaret De Motte, Peterloo Revisited, Diana Donald, The Power of Print: Graphic Images of Peterloo; Neville Kirk, Commonsense, Commitment And Objectivity : Themes In The Recent Historiography of Peterloo; E.P. Thompson’s article from The Times Literary Supplement of 11th December (1969) appears in this collection under the heading Thompson on Peterloo. Joyce Marlow writes The Day of Peterloo, followed by Ian Sellers on Prelude To Peterloo: Warrington Radicalism, 1775-1819; V.I. Tomlinson, Postscript To Peterloo; Malcolm and Walter Bee, The Casualties of Peterloo. A few years later Philip Lawson wrote ‘Reassessing Peterloo,’ in History Today, Vol. March, (1989), followed by Michael Bush, ‘The Women at Peterloo : the Impact of Female Reform on the Manchester Meeting of 16 August 1819,’ History, 89, (2004). More recently Michael Bush has produced his splendid book The Casualties of Peterloo, Lancaster, (2005), in which he provides detailed listings of every known casualty and his analyses of these lists which establishes the true scale and nature of the massacre. Poole, Robert, ‘By the Law or the Sword: Peterloo Revisited,’ History, xci. (2006), Poole, Robert, ‘The March To Peterloo: Politics And Festivity In Late Georgian England,’ Past and Present, No. 192. August, (2006). Most histories of 19th Century Britain make some reference to Peterloo in their indexes.</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Index</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Acknowledgements,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Aftermath of Peterloo,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Agents Provocateurs,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Althorpe, Viscount,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">America,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">American Colonies loss of,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Andrew, Jonah, cotton spinner,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Anglican clergy,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Anglican-Loyalist oligarchy,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Annual Parliaments,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Annual Register,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Appendix,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">A.P.C.O.,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ardwick Bridge Sectret Committee,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Aristocracy,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Aristocratic Government,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Army,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ashbourne,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ashton,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Australia,</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">B</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bagguley John,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Baines, Edward,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bank of England,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bamford Samuel,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Battle of Waterloo,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Barracks, for the military,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bee, Malcolm,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bee, Walter,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Belchem, John,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Birley, Captain Hugh Hornby,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Buckley William Norris,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Birmingham,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Blackburn,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Blasphemous and Seditious Libels Act,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Black Dwarf,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Blanketeers,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Blanketeers meeting,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Brazenose Street,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Briggs, Asa,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Britain,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">British history,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bolton,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Boroughmongering,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bow Street Officers,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Buckley, William, Norris, merchant,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Burdet Sir Francis</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bury,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Byng, General, Sir John,</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">C</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cabinet,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cap of Liberty,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Canning, Lord,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Caricaturists,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Carlile Jane,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Carlile Mary,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Carlile, Richard,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cartwright, Major, John,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Castlereagh, Viscount, Robert Stewart,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Casualties at Peterloo,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cato Street Conspiracy,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Catholic Emancipation,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cavalry,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Central Government,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Chadderton,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Chartists,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cheadle,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cheshire Yeomanry Cavalry,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Child labour,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Chronology of events 1790-1819,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Church and King Club,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Church and State,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Church Wardens,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Churchill, Winston,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Claysin, Jim,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cobbertt William,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Combination Acts,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Constitutional Society,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Corn Laws,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cotton industry in depression,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cotton mills,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cooper Street,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Cruickshank, George,</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">D</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Daily Telegraph,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Democratic Recorder,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Derby,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Deputy Chief Constable,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Dickenson Street,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Dorchester Prison,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Drummond John,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Drunken cavalry,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Duke of Wellington,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Dyehouses,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Dynley Major,</span><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">E</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Edgware Road,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Elite,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Eldon, Lord Chancellor,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">England,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">English Working-Class,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Entwistle, John,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Establishment,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ethelstone, Rev. Charles Wickstead,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Evans, Lloyd,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Eyewitness accounts,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Executions,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">F</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Failsworth,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Farren Elizabeth,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Fell, John,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Fields Ann,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Fildes, Mary,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Fitzwilliam, Earl of,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ford, Madox,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">France,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Free suffrage of the people,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Free Trade Hall,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">French,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">French Revolution,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">G</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Gagging Acts expire,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Gallows,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Gash, Norman,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">George III,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">George IV,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Glorious Revolution,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Government spies,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">H</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Habeas Corpus,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hamlets,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hampden Clubs,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Handloom,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hangings,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Harrison, Rev. Joseph,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Harrison, William, cotton spinner,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hay, Rev. William Robert,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Healy, Dr.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Huddersfield,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">High food prices,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Historiography of Peterloo,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hone William,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Horne Rev. Melville,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">House of Commons,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Houses of Parliament,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hustings,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hulton, William,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Hunt, Henry, ‘Orator’</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">I</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Immigrants,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Income Tax,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Industrial depression,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Industrial Revolution,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Infantry Regiment, 31st,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Infantry Regiment, 88th,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Innkeepers,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Insurrection and Rebellion,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Irish,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Irish community,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Irish population of Manchester,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ireland,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">J</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Johnson, Joseph,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Jolliffe, Lieutenant, William,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Journalists,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">K</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Kay, J.P. Dr.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Kennedy, Michael,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Knight, John,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">L</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Lancashire,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Lancaster Assizes,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Lancaster Prison,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Lawson, Philip,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">L’Estrange. Lieutenant-Colonel George,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Leeds,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Lees, John,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Leeds Mercury,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Left-wing dogma,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Left-wing interpretation,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Legislative Assemblie,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Little Ireland, district of Manchester,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Liverpool,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Liverpool Mercury,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">London,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Lord Liverpool, Jenkinson, Robert Banks,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Lower Mosley Street,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Loyalty and Royalty,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Loyalists,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Loyalist mob violence,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Loyalist verse,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Loyalist schools,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Luddites,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">M</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Macclesfield,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Constitutional Society,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Gazette,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Guardian,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Herald,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester and Salford Yeomanry Cavalry,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Manchester Observer,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Mancunians,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Marlow, Joyce,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Mask of Anarchy,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Meagher,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Medusa,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Members of Parliament,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Middle Ages,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Middle Class Reformers,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Middleton,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Miles Platting,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Moscow,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Mosley, family,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Mosley Street,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Mount Street,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Mounted Special Constables,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Myths,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">N</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Nadin, Joseph, Deputy-Chief Constable,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Napoleonic Wars,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">New Bailey Prison,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">New Cross area of Manchester,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">New Free Trade Hall,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Newton Heath,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Newton-Le-Willows,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Newspaper Stamp Duties Act,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Nonconformists,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Northern England,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Norris, James, Barrister and Magistrate,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Nottingham,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">O</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Old Bailey,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Oldham,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Oldham Road,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Oliver the spy,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Orator Hunt, see Hunt, Henry,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Owen Richard,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">P</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Paine, Thomas</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Palatine of Lancaster and Chester,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Pawnbrokers,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Passages in the life of a Radical,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Patriotic Union Society,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Pendleton,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Pentidridge,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Peterloo,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Peterloo Massacre,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Philips Francis,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Piccadilly Manchester,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Pitt club,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Pledger, Philip,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Police,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Polarization of public opinion,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Political Comet,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Political Unions,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Poetry of Peterloo,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Population growth,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Popular radicalism,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Portland Street,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Poverty,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Preston,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Prime Minister, Mr. Pitt,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Prince Regent,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Privileged,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Propaganda,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Property,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Publicans,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Q</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Quaker Meeting House,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">R</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Radicals,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Radical Flag,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Radical Press,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Radicalism,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Radical contingents,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Redford v Birley,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Redford, Thomas, the Radical plaintiff in Redford v Birley</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Reform Act 1832,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Reformists Register,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Reform Movement,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Reform Unions,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Regency England,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Reid, Robert,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Republican,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Ridings, Elijah,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Rights of Man,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Right-wing interpretation,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Riot Act, reading of,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">River Medlock,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Rochdale,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Rochdale Road,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Rotherham,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Royal Horse Artillery,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Royton,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">S</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sabres,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Saddleworth,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Saint Ethelstone’s Day,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Salford,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sailors,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Saxton, John,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Scaffold,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Seditious Societies,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Seditious Meetings Prevention Act,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Seizure of Arms Act,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Select Committee of Magistrates,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Scotland,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Schama, Simon,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sharpville,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sherwin’s Weekly Political Register,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sidmouth, Addington Henry, Home Secretary,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Six Acts,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Six pounder field guns,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Slave Trade,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Smedley cottage,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Smith, John,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Soldiers,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Solicitor General,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Spa Fields,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Spa Fields Riots,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Special Constables,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Spies,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Spinners,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Star Inn,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">St Johns Street,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">St Peters Field,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stevenson, J.,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">St. Stevens Salford,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stanley, Rev. Edward,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Steam engines,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stockport,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stockport Political Union,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Stockport Union for the Promotion of Human Happiness,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Swift, George,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sunday school children,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Sylvester, J.,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">T</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Tatton, Thomas,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Temperance Societies,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Thompson, E.P.,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Briton,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Theological and Political Comet,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The Third Reich,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">The White Hat,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Tinermin Square,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Tory Partisans,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Tory party,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Tory Government,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Tower of London,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Trafford, Major, Thomas Joseph,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Trafford, Trafford,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Training Prevention Act,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Transportations to Australia,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Turner, Michael,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Tyas, John,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">U</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Unemployment,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Union Societies,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Unitarian Church,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Universal Suffrage,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">V</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Vagrancy Acts,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Veteran Soldiers,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Villages,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">W</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Waterloo,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wales,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Walker Thomas,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Weavers,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wellington, Duke of,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Whigs,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wild Robert,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Whitehall,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Withington,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Women and children,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wooler, Thomas Jonathan,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Working-class- movement,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Worsley, Sir Charles,</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Wroe, James,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">X</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Y</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Yorkshire Luddites,</span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">Z</span><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[1]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Harry Horton, Peterloo, 1819 A Portfolio of Contemporary Documents, Manchester Libraries Committee, (1969), p. 3.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[2]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Simon Schama, Britain The Fate of Empire 1776-2000, London, (2002), p. 134.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[3]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> These brief biographical sketches are based on the relevant sections of The Concise Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, (1992) ; Donald Read, Peterloo, The Massacre and its Background, Manchester, (1957), and on research material in subsequent chapters.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[4]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Joyce Marlow, ‘The Day of Peterloo,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), p. 3.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[5]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Alan, Kidd, Manchester, (Third edition), Edinburgh, (2002), p. 90.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[6]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Tom Waghorn, ‘Killing Field,’ in Horrock’s Paul, (ed.), The Making of Manchester, (1999), p. 12.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[7]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Winston Churchill, History of The English Speaking Peoples, London, (1974)</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[8]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Robert Warmsley, Peterloo: The Case Re-opened, Manchester, (1969), p. 21.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[9]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Robert Poole, ‘The March to Peterloo: Politics and Festivity in Late Georgian England, Past and Present, No. 192. August, (2006), p. 112.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[10]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Dorothy Marshall, Industrial England 1776-1851, London, (1982), p. 136.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[11]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Donald Read, Peterloo: The ‘Massacre’ and its Background, Manchester, (1957), p. 139.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[12]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p. 140.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref13" name="_ftn13" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[13]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid,</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref14" name="_ftn14" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[14]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid,</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref15" name="_ftn15" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[15]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, (1963), p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref16" name="_ftn16" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[16]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Dorothy Marshall, Industrial England 1776-1851, London, (1982), p. 136.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref17" name="_ftn17" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[17]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p. 5.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref18" name="_ftn18" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[18]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Asa Briggs, Victorian Cities, Harmondsworth, (1971), p. 88.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref19" name="_ftn19" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[19]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Neil J. Smelser, Social Change in the Industrial Revolution:An Application of Theory to the Lancashire Cotton Industry 1770-1840, London, (1972), p. 188.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref20" name="_ftn20" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[20]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Robert, Reid, The Peterloo Massacre, London, (1989), p. 5.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref21" name="_ftn21" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[21]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Asa Briggs, Victorian Cities, London, (1971), pp. 88-89.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref22" name="_ftn22" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[22]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Harry Horton, Peterloo, 1819 A Portfolio of Contemorary Documents, Manchester Libraries Committee, (1969), p. 3.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref23" name="_ftn23" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[23]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Briggs, op .cit., p. 89.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref24" name="_ftn24" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[24]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Angus Konstam, Historical Atlas of The Napoleonic Era, London, (2003), p. 8.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref25" name="_ftn25" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[25]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> H.A.L. Fisher, A History of Europe: From the Early 18th Century to 1935, Glasgow, (1979), p. 789.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref26" name="_ftn26" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[26]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> John K, Walton, Lancashire A Social History, 1558-1939, Manchester, (1987), p. 136.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref27" name="_ftn27" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[27]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Michael, J. Turner, Reform and Respectability, The Making of a Middle-Class Liberalism in 19th Century Manchester, Manchester, (1995), pp. 39-41.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref28" name="_ftn28" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[28]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> W.H., Thomson, History of Manchester to 1852, Manchester, (1969), p. 246.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref29" name="_ftn29" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[29]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Turner, op. cit., p. 42-43.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref30" name="_ftn30" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[30]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, pp. 42-43.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref31" name="_ftn31" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[31]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> John Belcham, ‘Manchester, Peterloo and The Radical Challenge,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), p. 9.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref32" name="_ftn32" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[32]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Fisher, op. cit., p. 788.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref33" name="_ftn33" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[33]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 663.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref34" name="_ftn34" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[34]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 663.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref35" name="_ftn35" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[35]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> J.R. Dinwiddy, From Luddism to the First Reform Bill:Reform in England 1810-1832, Oxford, (1986), p. 19.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref36" name="_ftn36" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[36]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Lloyd Evans and Philip Pledger, Triumph and Tribulation, A Political and Social History of Britain Since 1815, Melbourne, (1972), p. 9.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref37" name="_ftn37" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[37]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thomson, op. cit., p. 286.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref38" name="_ftn38" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[38]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Fisher, op. cit., p. 874.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref39" name="_ftn39" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[39]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref40" name="_ftn40" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[40]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Donald Read, The English Provinces c. 1760-1960 a study in influence, London, (1964), pp. 61-62.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref41" name="_ftn41" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[41]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, pp. 61-62.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref42" name="_ftn42" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[42]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref43" name="_ftn43" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[43]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Lloyd Evans and Philip Pledger,Triumph and Tribulation, A Political and Social History of Britain Since 1815, Melbourne, (1972), p. 9.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref44" name="_ftn44" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[44]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Turner, op. cit., p. 42-43.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref45" name="_ftn45" title=""></a> [45] Strong Sir, Roy, The Story of Britain, New York, (1997), p. 387.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref46" name="_ftn46" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[46]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p. 3. Also see A. Redford, The History of Local Government in Manchester, Manchester, (1939-40), p. 258.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref47" name="_ftn47" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[47]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref48" name="_ftn48" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[48]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Archibald Prentice, Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Manchester, London, (1851), p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref49" name="_ftn49" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[49]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., pp. 25-27.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref50" name="_ftn50" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[50]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 27.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref51" name="_ftn51" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[51]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> George Macaulay Trevelyan, British History In The Nineteenth Century And After (1782-1919), London, (1922), p. 143.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref52" name="_ftn52" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[52]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> R.J. White, Waterloo to Peterloo, Harmondsworth, (1957), p. 16.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref53" name="_ftn53" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[53]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Evans and Pledger, op. cit., p. 8.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref54" name="_ftn54" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[54]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Reid, op. cit., p. 20-21.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref55" name="_ftn55" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[55]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 660. Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref56" name="_ftn56" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[56]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Strong, op. cit., p. 386.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref57" name="_ftn57" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[57]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Reid, op. cit., p. 27.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref58" name="_ftn58" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[58]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> J. H. Plumb, England In The Eighteenth Century 1714-1815, Harmondsworth, (1965), p. 214.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref59" name="_ftn59" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[59]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 660. Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref60" name="_ftn60" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[60]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Strong, op. cit., p. 386.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref61" name="_ftn61" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[61]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 386.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref62" name="_ftn62" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[62]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 56. Peterloo Massacre.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref63" name="_ftn63" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[63]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Gary, Sheffield, ‘Wellington’s Mastery,’ BBC History, Vol. 8, No. 7 July (2007), p. 19.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref64" name="_ftn64" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[64]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 56.Peterloo Massacre.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref65" name="_ftn65" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[65]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thomson, op. cit., p. 285.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref66" name="_ftn66" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[66]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Evans and Pledger, op. cit., p.8.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref67" name="_ftn67" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[67]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p 8.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref68" name="_ftn68" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[68]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thomson, op. cit., p. 285.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref69" name="_ftn69" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[69]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Evans and . Pledger, op. cit., p. 8.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref70" name="_ftn70" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[70]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thomson, op. cit., p. 285.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref71" name="_ftn71" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[71]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Reid, op. cit., p.</span><br /><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref72" name="_ftn72" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[72]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref73" name="_ftn73" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[73]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref74" name="_ftn74" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[74]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Belcham, op. cit., p. 9.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref75" name="_ftn75" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[75]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref76" name="_ftn76" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[76]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref77" name="_ftn77" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[77]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Trevelyan, op. cit., p. 143.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref78" name="_ftn78" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[78]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Reid, op. cit., p. 24-25.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref79" name="_ftn79" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[79]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 25.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref80" name="_ftn80" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[80]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. </span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref81" name="_ftn81" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[81]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Dinwiddy, op. cit., p. 25.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref82" name="_ftn82" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[82]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Evans and Pledger, op. cit., p. 8.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref83" name="_ftn83" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[83]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Belchem, op. cit., p. 9.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref84" name="_ftn84" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[84]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> T.A. Jackson, Trials of British Freedom, London, (1940), p. 75.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref85" name="_ftn85" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[85]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thomson, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref86" name="_ftn86" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[86]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Swindles, op. cit., p. 164.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref87" name="_ftn87" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[87]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref88" name="_ftn88" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[88]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Eric J. Hewitt, A History of Policing in Manchester, Manchester, (1979), p. 32.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref89" name="_ftn89" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[89]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 164.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref90" name="_ftn90" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[90]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Pauline Gregg, A Social And Economic History Of Britain 1760-1972, London, (1973), p. 90.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref91" name="_ftn91" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[91]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Jackson, op. cit., p. 76.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref92" name="_ftn92" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[92]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Briggs, op. cit., p. 88.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref93" name="_ftn93" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[93]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> John Belchem, Industrialization and the Working Class :The English Experience, 1750-1900, Aldershot, (1991), p. 76.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref94" name="_ftn94" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[94]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thomson, op. cit., p. 287.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref95" name="_ftn95" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[95]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The Manchester Chronicle 21st June 1817.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref96" name="_ftn96" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[96]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p. 81.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref97" name="_ftn97" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[97]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Stamp, A.H., A Social and Economic History of England From 1700 to 1970, London, (1979), p. 133.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref98" name="_ftn98" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[98]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Evans and Pledger, op. cit., p. 8.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref99" name="_ftn99" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[99]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Howard Martin, Britain in The Nineteenth Century, Cheltenham, (1996), p. 44.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref100" name="_ftn100" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[100]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Alan Kidd, Manchester, Edinburgh, (2002), p. 87</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref101" name="_ftn101" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[101]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p. 47.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref102" name="_ftn102" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[102]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., pp. 739-42.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref103" name="_ftn103" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[103]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> T. Swindles, Manchester Streets and Manchester Men, Manchester, (1908), p. 187.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref104" name="_ftn104" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[104]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Dinwiddy, op. cit., p. 37.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref105" name="_ftn105" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[105]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Strong, op. cit., p. 386.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref106" name="_ftn106" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[106]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Simon Schama, Britain The Fate of Empire 1776-2000, London, (2000), p. 132.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref107" name="_ftn107" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[107]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Jackson, op. cit., pp. 76-77.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref108" name="_ftn108" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[108]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Dinwiddy, op. cit., p. 37.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref109" name="_ftn109" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[109]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Jim Clayson, ‘The Poetry of Peterloo,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, No. 1. (1989), p. 31.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref110" name="_ftn110" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[110]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 751. Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref111" name="_ftn111" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[111]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Schama, op. cit., p. 132.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref112" name="_ftn112" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[112]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Reid, op. cit., p. 26.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref113" name="_ftn113" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[113]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 689. Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref114" name="_ftn114" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[114]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid., p. 689., also see J. Harland, Ballads and Songs of Lancashire, p. 262.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref115" name="_ftn115" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[115]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p. 57. Prentice, p. 74.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref116" name="_ftn116" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[116]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Turner, op. cit., p. 116.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref117" name="_ftn117" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[117]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Malcolm Bee, Industrial Revolution and Social Reform in the Manchester Region, Manchester, (1997), p. 11.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref118" name="_ftn118" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[118]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Glyn Williams and John Ramsden, Ruling Britannia, A Political History of Britain, 1688-1988,London, (1990), p. 178.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref119" name="_ftn119" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[119]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref120" name="_ftn120" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[120]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thomson, op. cit., p. 285.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref121" name="_ftn121" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[121]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Michael J.Turner, British politics in an age of reform, Manchester, (1999), p. 117.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref122" name="_ftn122" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[122]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid. p. 26.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref123" name="_ftn123" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[123]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., p. 38.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref124" name="_ftn124" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[124]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 749.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref125" name="_ftn125" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[125]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref126" name="_ftn126" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[126]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Stevenson, op. cit., p. 282.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref127" name="_ftn127" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[127]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Kidd, op. cit., p.87.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref128" name="_ftn128" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[128]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marshall, op. cit., p. 136.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref129" name="_ftn129" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[129]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Manchester Observer 31st July 1819.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref130" name="_ftn130" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[130]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Peter Arrowsmith, Stockport A History, Stockport, (1997), p. 201.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref131" name="_ftn131" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[131]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p. 122.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref132" name="_ftn132" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[132]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref133" name="_ftn133" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[133]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid,</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref134" name="_ftn134" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[134]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid,</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref135" name="_ftn135" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[135]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref136" name="_ftn136" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[136]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Manchester Observer, 16th August 1819.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref137" name="_ftn137" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[137]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Joyce Marlow, ‘The Day of Peterloo,’ Manchester Historical Review, Vol. iii, (1989), p. 3.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref138" name="_ftn138" title=""></a> [138] Bush, op. cit., p. 1.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref139" name="_ftn139" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[139]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> L. M. Angus Butterworth, Lancashire Literary Worthies, St Andrews, (1980), p 123. ; Swindles, op. cit., p. 187. Manchester Guardian, 19th October 1872.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref140" name="_ftn140" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[140]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> R.J. White, Waterloo to Peterloo, London, (1957), p. 190.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref141" name="_ftn141" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[141]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Michael Bush, ‘The Women at Peterloo : The Impact of Female Reform on the Manchester Meeting of 16 August 1819,’ History, Vol. 89, No. 293. January (2004), pp. 209-210.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref142" name="_ftn142" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[142]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 748.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref143" name="_ftn143" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[143]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Schama, op. cit., p. 133.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref144" name="_ftn144" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[144]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Glyn Williams and John Ramsden, op. cit., p. 178.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref145" name="_ftn145" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[145]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Tom Waghorn, ‘Killing Field’ in Horrocks, Paul, (ed), The Making of Manchester, Manchester, (1999), p. 12.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref146" name="_ftn146" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[146]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Donald Read, Review of ‘Peteterloo: The Case Reopened by Robert Warmsley,’ History, Vol., 55, (1970), pp. 138-140.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref147" name="_ftn147" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[147]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., p. 1.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref148" name="_ftn148" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[148]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The Times 24th August 1819</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref149" name="_ftn149" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[149]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Warmsley, op. cit., p. 147.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref150" name="_ftn150" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[150]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Frank Musgrove, The North of England-A History of Roman Times to the Present, Oxford, (1990), p. 274.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref151" name="_ftn151" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[151]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Reid, op. cit., p. 45.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref152" name="_ftn152" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[152]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p. 128.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref153" name="_ftn153" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[153]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Schama, op. cit., p. 133.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref154" name="_ftn154" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[154]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> John Belchan, ‘Manchester, Peterloo and the Radical Challenge,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), p. 9.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref155" name="_ftn155" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[155]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 113.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref156" name="_ftn156" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[156]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 186. Making History.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref157" name="_ftn157" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[157]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Stevenson, op. cit., p. 284.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref158" name="_ftn158" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[158]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bamford Passages I, pp. 176-77.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref159" name="_ftn159" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[159]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., Preface.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref160" name="_ftn160" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[160]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 752. Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref161" name="_ftn161" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[161]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> A. H. Stamp, A Social and Economic History of England From 1700 to 1970, Guildford, (1979), p. 133.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref162" name="_ftn162" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[162]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Archibald Prentice, Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Manchester, London, (1851), p. 159.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref163" name="_ftn163" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[163]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 172. Making History.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref164" name="_ftn164" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[164]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> F.A. Bruton, Three Accounts of Peterloo by Eyewitnesses, Bishop Stanley, Lord Hylton, Benjamin Smith, Manchester, (1921), p. 21.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref165" name="_ftn165" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[165]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> White, op. cit., p. 190-91.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref166" name="_ftn166" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[166]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Asa Briggs, The Age of Improvement 1783-1876, London, (1979), p. 213.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref167" name="_ftn167" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[167]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Reid, op. cit., p. 141.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref168" name="_ftn168" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[168]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, 141. </span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref169" name="_ftn169" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[169]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 186. Making History.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref170" name="_ftn170" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[170]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> J. Stevenson, Popular Disturbances in England, 1700-1870, (1979) p. 284.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref171" name="_ftn171" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[171]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 187. Making History.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref172" name="_ftn172" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[172]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 187.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref173" name="_ftn173" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[173]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 189.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref174" name="_ftn174" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[174]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bruton, op. cit., pp. 49-50.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref175" name="_ftn175" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[175]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 126. Peterloo Massacre.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref176" name="_ftn176" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[176]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 4. Day of Peterloo.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref177" name="_ftn177" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[177]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thomson, op. cit., p 294..</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref178" name="_ftn178" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[178]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 127. Peterloo Massacre.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref179" name="_ftn179" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[179]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bruton, op. cit., pp. 11-12. Stanleys narrative.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref180" name="_ftn180" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[180]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 186. Making History.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref181" name="_ftn181" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[181]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> David Ayerst, Guardian, Biography of a Newspaper, (1971), p. 18.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref182" name="_ftn182" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[182]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 125. Peterloo Massacre.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref183" name="_ftn183" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[183]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Kidd, op. cit., p. 88.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref184" name="_ftn184" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[184]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Horton, op. cit., p. 5.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref185" name="_ftn185" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[185]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 4. Day of Peterloo.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref186" name="_ftn186" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[186]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 188.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref187" name="_ftn187" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[187]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> White, op. cit., p. 191.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref188" name="_ftn188" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[188]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ann Brooks and Bryan Haworth, Boomtown Manchester 1800-1850, Manchester, (1993), p. 80.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref189" name="_ftn189" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[189]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Kidd, op. cit., p. 88.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref190" name="_ftn190" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[190]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thomson, op. cit., p. 294.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref191" name="_ftn191" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[191]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref192" name="_ftn192" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[192]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bruton, op. cit., pp. 49-50.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref193" name="_ftn193" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[193]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> White, op. cit., p. 193.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref194" name="_ftn194" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[194]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 4. Day of Peterloo.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref195" name="_ftn195" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[195]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Kidd, op. cit., p. 88.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref196" name="_ftn196" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[196]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 4. Day of Peterloo.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref197" name="_ftn197" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[197]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Kidd, op. cit., p. 88.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref198" name="_ftn198" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[198]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bruton, op. cit., p. 16. Stanley’s narrative.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref199" name="_ftn199" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[199]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> William Hulton, Evidence given at the trial of Henry Hunt.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref200" name="_ftn200" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[200]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit.,p. 183. Making of History.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref201" name="_ftn201" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[201]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 183</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref202" name="_ftn202" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[202]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 172. Making History.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref203" name="_ftn203" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[203]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 172.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref204" name="_ftn204" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[204]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 183.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref205" name="_ftn205" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[205]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow op. cit., p. Peterloo Massacre.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref206" name="_ftn206" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[206]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 186. (see marlow for ref)</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref207" name="_ftn207" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[207]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bamford, Passages, p. 208.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref208" name="_ftn208" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[208]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Sidmouth papers, Jolliffe to Estcourt, 11th April 1845.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref209" name="_ftn209" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[209]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., p. 54.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref210" name="_ftn210" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[210]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 54.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref211" name="_ftn211" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[211]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, op. cit., p. 54.</span><br /><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref212" name="_ftn212" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[212]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 54.; Manchester Guardian, 18th August 1819.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref213" name="_ftn213" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[213]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 54.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref214" name="_ftn214" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[214]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Prentice, op. cit., p. 160.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref215" name="_ftn215" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[215]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., p. The Observer 17th August 1918.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref216" name="_ftn216" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[216]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> The Times, 24th August, 1819., Read, op. cit., p. 140.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref217" name="_ftn217" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[217]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Poole, op. cit., p. 255.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref218" name="_ftn218" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[218]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., pp. 170-171. Making History. ; Warmsley, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref219" name="_ftn219" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[219]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid., p. 171.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref220" name="_ftn220" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[220]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., pp. 749-50. Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref221" name="_ftn221" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[221]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p. 207.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref222" name="_ftn222" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[222]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Williams and Ramsden, op. cit., p. 176.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref223" name="_ftn223" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[223]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Reid, op. cit., p. 205.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref224" name="_ftn224" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[224]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> J. B. Priestly, The Prince of Pleasure and his Regency 1811-20, Heineman, London, (1969), p. 233.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref225" name="_ftn225" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[225]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Reid, op. cit., p. 205.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref226" name="_ftn226" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[226]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref227" name="_ftn227" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[227]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 139.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref228" name="_ftn228" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[228]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Warmsley, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref229" name="_ftn229" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[229]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Briggs, op. cit., p. 210.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref230" name="_ftn230" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[230]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Martin, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref231" name="_ftn231" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[231]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Turner, op. cit., p. 117</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref232" name="_ftn232" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[232]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Manchester Evening News, 19th March 2008.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref233" name="_ftn233" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[233]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> G.M. Trevelyan, ‘The Number of Casualties at Peterloo,’ History, VII, (1922), pp. ?</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref234" name="_ftn234" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[234]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Malcolm and Walter Bee, ‘The Casualties of Peterloo,’ Manchester Regional History Review, iii, (1989), pp. 31-38.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref235" name="_ftn235" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[235]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, pp. 5-6.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref236" name="_ftn236" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[236]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush,</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref237" name="_ftn237" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[237]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush p.4.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref238" name="_ftn238" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[238]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, p. 50.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref239" name="_ftn239" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[239]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, p. 53.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref240" name="_ftn240" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[240]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., Preface.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref241" name="_ftn241" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[241]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush p. 55</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref242" name="_ftn242" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[242]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush p. 43.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref243" name="_ftn243" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[243]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref244" name="_ftn244" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[244]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Walmsley, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref245" name="_ftn245" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[245]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Gash, p. 95.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref246" name="_ftn246" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[246]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Kidd, op. cit., p. 94.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref247" name="_ftn247" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[247]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., p. 52.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref248" name="_ftn248" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[248]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref249" name="_ftn249" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[249]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Kidd, op. cit., p. 89.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref250" name="_ftn250" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[250]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bruton, op. cit., p. 53.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref251" name="_ftn251" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[251]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;">Bush, op. cit., p. 53.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref252" name="_ftn252" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[252]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid. p. 52.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref253" name="_ftn253" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[253]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Swindles, op. cit., p. 187.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref254" name="_ftn254" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[254]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., p. 52.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref255" name="_ftn255" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[255]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., p. 42.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref256" name="_ftn256" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[256]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Neville Kirk, Commonsense, Commitment and Objectivity : Themes In The Recent Historiography of Peterloo,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), p. 61.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref257" name="_ftn257" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[257]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> N. Nash, Aristocracy and the People, London, (1979), p. Martin, op. cit., p.48</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref258" name="_ftn258" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[258]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p. vii.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref259" name="_ftn259" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[259]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref260" name="_ftn260" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[260]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. English Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref261" name="_ftn261" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[261]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., p. 44.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref262" name="_ftn262" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[262]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. The Making of The English Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref263" name="_ftn263" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[263]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Reid, op. cit., p. 5.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref264" name="_ftn264" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[264]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Briggs, op cit., p. 92. Victorian Cities.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref265" name="_ftn265" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[265]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., p. 28.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref266" name="_ftn266" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[266]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., p. 28.</span><br /><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref267" name="_ftn267" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[267]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 28.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref268" name="_ftn268" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[268]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Poole, op. cit., p. 112.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref269" name="_ftn269" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[269]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Malcolm and Walter Bee, ‘The Casualties of Peterloo,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, No. 1. (1989), p. 43.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref270" name="_ftn270" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[270]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Williams and Ramsden, op. cit., p. 176.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref271" name="_ftn271" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[271]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. English Working Class</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref272" name="_ftn272" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[272]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> David Saul, Prince of Pleasure, The Prince of Wales and the Making of the Regency, New York, (1998), p. 391.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref273" name="_ftn273" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[273]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Wendy Hinde, Castlereagh, London, (1981), p. 253.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref274" name="_ftn274" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[274]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bamford passages I, p. 216.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref275" name="_ftn275" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[275]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 755. English Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref276" name="_ftn276" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[276]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow op. cit., p. 43. The Day of Peterloo.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;">[276] Wendy Hinde, op. cit., p. 254.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref277" name="_ftn277" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[277]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p 7. The Day of Peterloo.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref278" name="_ftn278" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[278]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 43.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref279" name="_ftn279" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[279]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p. 183. Also see W.R. Brock, Lord Liverpool and Liberal Toryism, (1941), p. 112.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref280" name="_ftn280" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[280]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 750. English Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref281" name="_ftn281" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[281]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 186. Making History.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref282" name="_ftn282" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[282]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Turner, op. cit., p. 268.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref283" name="_ftn283" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[283]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 267.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref284" name="_ftn284" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[284]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 13.The Day of Peterloo.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref285" name="_ftn285" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[285]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 176. Making History.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref286" name="_ftn286" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[286]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Turner op. cit., p. 267.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref287" name="_ftn287" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[287]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson p op. cit., p. 176. Making History.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref288" name="_ftn288" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[288]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 175-176.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref289" name="_ftn289" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[289]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 752. English Working Class; The Times, 27th September 1819.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref290" name="_ftn290" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[290]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref291" name="_ftn291" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[291]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Turner, op. cit., p. 268.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref292" name="_ftn292" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[292]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref293" name="_ftn293" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[293]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Swindles, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref294" name="_ftn294" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[294]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Schama, op. cit., p. 134.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref295" name="_ftn295" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[295]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 751. English Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref296" name="_ftn296" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[296]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Burdet Sir Francis, Speech made to the House of Commons 15th May 1821.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref297" name="_ftn297" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[297]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref298" name="_ftn298" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[298]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Williams and Ramsden, op. cit., pp. 178-79.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref299" name="_ftn299" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[299]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Hinde, op. cit., p. 254.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref300" name="_ftn300" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[300]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Gregg, op. cit., p. 93.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref301" name="_ftn301" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[301]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Evans and Pledger, op. cit., p. 8-9.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref302" name="_ftn302" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[302]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref303" name="_ftn303" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[303]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p.187.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref304" name="_ftn304" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[304]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Gregg, op. cit., p. 94.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref305" name="_ftn305" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[305]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> W. A. Speck, A Concise History of Britain 1707-1975, Cambridge, (1995), p. 67.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref306" name="_ftn306" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[306]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref307" name="_ftn307" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[307]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 768. English Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref308" name="_ftn308" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[308]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref309" name="_ftn309" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[309]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Williams and Ramsden, op. cit., p. 179.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref310" name="_ftn310" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[310]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Schama, op. cit., p. 134.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref311" name="_ftn311" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[311]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Jackson, op. cit., p. 84.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref312" name="_ftn312" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[312]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Schama, op. cit., p. 134.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref313" name="_ftn313" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[313]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Jackson, op. cit., pp. 84-85.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref314" name="_ftn314" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[314]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref315" name="_ftn315" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[315]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 176. Making History.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref316" name="_ftn316" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[316]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Turner, op. cit., p. 271.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref317" name="_ftn317" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[317]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 177. Making History.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref318" name="_ftn318" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[318]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p.177.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref319" name="_ftn319" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[319]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 7. Day of Peterloo.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref320" name="_ftn320" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[320]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Turner, op. cit., p.271.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref321" name="_ftn321" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[321]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Reid, op. cit., p.199.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref322" name="_ftn322" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[322]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., p. 90-91.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref323" name="_ftn323" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[323]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Kidd, op. cit., p. 91-92.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref324" name="_ftn324" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[324]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Turner, op. cit., p. 271.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref325" name="_ftn325" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[325]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref326" name="_ftn326" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[326]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 190.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref327" name="_ftn327" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[327]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 682. English Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref328" name="_ftn328" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[328]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Donaldson, op. cit., p. 21.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref329" name="_ftn329" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[329]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p. 208.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref330" name="_ftn330" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[330]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 208.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref331" name="_ftn331" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[331]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Jim Clayson, ‘The Poetry of Peterloo,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), p. 31.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref332" name="_ftn332" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[332]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> John Belchem, ‘Manchester, Peterloo and The Radical Challenge,’ Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), p. 13.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref333" name="_ftn333" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[333]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Warlmsley, op. cit., p. 131.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref334" name="_ftn334" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[334]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Belcham, op. cit., p. 13.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref335" name="_ftn335" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[335]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Poole, op. cit., p. 256.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref336" name="_ftn336" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[336]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Clayson, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref337" name="_ftn337" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[337]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 35..</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref338" name="_ftn338" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[338]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid p. 35.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref339" name="_ftn339" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[339]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid, p. 36.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref340" name="_ftn340" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[340]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref341" name="_ftn341" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[341]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 174.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref342" name="_ftn342" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[342]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Schama, op. cit. p. 134.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref343" name="_ftn343" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[343]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Martin, op. cit., p. 24.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref344" name="_ftn344" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[344]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Walmsley, op. cit., p. 132.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref345" name="_ftn345" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[345]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Clayson, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref346" name="_ftn346" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[346]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Elijah, Ridings, The Village Muse, Containing The Complete Poetical Works Of Elijah Ridings, Macclesfield, (1865), p. 8.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref347" name="_ftn347" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[347]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> T. Swindles, Manchester Streets and Manchester Men, (Fifth series), Manchester, (1908), p. 187.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref348" name="_ftn348" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[348]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> L.M. Angus-Butterworth, Lancashire Literary Worthies, St. Andrews, (1980), pp. 123-4.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref349" name="_ftn349" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[349]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, p. 6.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref350" name="_ftn350" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[350]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow, op. cit., p. 7. Day of Peterloo.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref351" name="_ftn351" title=""></a> [351] Michael Kennedy, Portrait of Manchester, (The Portrait Series), London, (1970), p. 66.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref352" name="_ftn352" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[352]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> W. A. Speck, A Concise History of Britain 1707-1975, Cambridge, (1995), p. 67.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref353" name="_ftn353" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[353]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Turner, op. cit., p. 268.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref354" name="_ftn354" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[354]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Diana Donaldson, ‘The Power of Print: Graphic Images of Peterloo, Manchester Regional History Review, Vol., iii, (1989), p. 21.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref355" name="_ftn355" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[355]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid., p. 21.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref356" name="_ftn356" title=""></a> [356] Philip Lawson, ‘Reassessing Peterloo,’ History Today, March (1998), pp. 24-29.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref357" name="_ftn357" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[357]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Poole, op. cit., p. 115.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref358" name="_ftn358" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[358]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> L.M. Angus-Butterworth, Lancashire Literary Works, St. Andrews, (1980), p. 123.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref359" name="_ftn359" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[359]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Swindles, op. cit., p. 187.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref360" name="_ftn360" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[360]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p.168.The Making of History.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref361" name="_ftn361" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[361]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Trevelyan, op. cit., pp.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref362" name="_ftn362" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[362]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Prentice, op. cit., pp.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref363" name="_ftn363" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[363]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref364" name="_ftn364" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[364]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p. vii.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref365" name="_ftn365" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[365]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., pp. The Making of The English Working Class.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref366" name="_ftn366" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[366]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marlow op. cit.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref367" name="_ftn367" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[367]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref368" name="_ftn368" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[368]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref369" name="_ftn369" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[369]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Warmsley, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref370" name="_ftn370" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[370]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref371" name="_ftn371" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[371]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Thompson, op. cit., p. 168. From The Times Literary Supplement 11th December, (1969)</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref372" name="_ftn372" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[372]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Warmsley, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref373" name="_ftn373" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[373]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Donald Read, ‘Peterloo: The Case Re-opened, By Robert Warmsley,’ History, Vol. 55, (1970), pp. 138-140.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref374" name="_ftn374" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[374]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Read, op. cit., p.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref375" name="_ftn375" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[375]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Ibid.</span><br /><span style="font-size: 78%;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref376" name="_ftn376" title=""></a> [376] Michael Kennedy, Portrait of Manchester, (The Portrait Series), London, (1970), p. 66.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref377" name="_ftn377" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[377]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Horton, op. cit., p. 3.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref378" name="_ftn378" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[378]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> James Anthony Froude, The English in Ireland in the Eighteenth Century, London, (1887), p. 91.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref379" name="_ftn379" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[379]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Evans and Pledger, op. cit., p. 8.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref380" name="_ftn380" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[380]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref381" name="_ftn381" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[381]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref382" name="_ftn382" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[382]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Kidd, op. cit., p. 87.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref383" name="_ftn383" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[383]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Marshall, op. cit., p. 136.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref384" name="_ftn384" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[384]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Donald Read, Review of ‘Peterloo:The Case Reopened by Robert Warmsley,’ History, Vol., 55, (1970), pp. 138-140. </span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref385" name="_ftn385" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[385]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref386" name="_ftn386" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[386]</a><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref387" name="_ftn387" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[387]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Diana, Donaldson, ‘Graphic Images of Peterloo, Manchester Regional History Review, Vol. iii, (1989), p. 21.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref388" name="_ftn388" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[388]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Bush, op. cit., Preface.</span><br /><a href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=6187580317170021458#_ftnref389" name="_ftn389" style="font-size: 78%;" title="">[389]</a><span style="font-size: 78%;"> Manchester Guardian </span> <span style="font-size: 78%;"><br /><br />In addition, the radicals carried on their propaganda by holding meetings, distributing pamphlets and the formation of clubs This political doctrine became prominent during the year after Waterloo. Although most of the reformers went home peacefully, others were arrested nevertheless a number set off on the march. The prisoners were thrown into the New Bailey Prison, (now known as Strangeways). Nevertheless, 200 arrived at Macclesfield, 50 got as far as Leek, 20 reached Ashbourne, and a few reached Derby. However, after the suspension of Habeas Corpus and restrictions on public meetings ended, the radicals slowly emerged again. However, working-class demands for political and economic reform were more often than not met with brutal government action. However, if the aim of the organizers was to ‘frighten the authorities rather than persuade,' perhaps they succeeded only too well. As planned Lieutenant Colonel George Le’Estrange was the overall military commander on 16th August 1819. Directly under his command were 600 members of the 15th Hussars, several hundred members of the 31st and 88th infantry regiments and a detachment of the Royal Horse Artillery. His initial plan was to surround St. Peters Field with his troops. The cavalry in the front line was to be used to disperse the crowd if the magistrates decided this was required, whilst the Royal Horse Artillery were to be used as a last resort. However, the Yeomanry were under the immediate command of the Select Committee of Magistrates. They assembled a prearranged group of thirty loyal respectable citizens to swear and sign an affidavit for Henry Hunt’s arrest and that of other leading Radicals, on the grounds that ‘an immense mob had collected and they considered the town in danger.’ In marked contrast the eyewitness account of Sir William Jolliffe who rode in charge as Lieutenant of Hussars on the day later recorded: For example Robert Walmsley in Peterloo: The Case-reopened, (1969), has offered the revisionist argument that ‘Peterloo constituted an unfortunate tragedy rather than a massacre.’ The Home Secretary Lord Sidmouth, nervously aware of the Government’s dependence on the magistrates in times of unrest wasted no time congratulating the magistrates and the yeomanry in Manchester on their prompt action. In the shocked aftermath of Peterloo the radicals themselves divided into those like Hunt, who felt it was important to continue by lawful, constitutional change and the more aggressive kind who had been pushed over the edge men like Arthur Thistlewood. He was a gentleman radical who had planned what came to be known as the Cato Street Conspiracy, a madcap scheme involving a plan not merely to assassinate the entire Cabinet but to attack the Tower of London, the Bank of England and parliament as well. However, working-class demands for political and economic reform were more often than not met with brutal government action. Finally, the belief that Manchester’s Irish Population did not become integrated in the movement for parliamentary reform, is also unfounded. Research has shown that at least 97 of the recorded injuries recorded in the casualty lists of Peterloo were to persons of Irish extraction, either immigrants from Ireland or those born in England of Irish parents. an 19th October, 1872.</span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0